It is indeed used by those who support Pan-Slavic and/or Pan-Germanic theories and often results in the promotion of the fallacy you mention above. However, despite this unfortunate by-product, it doesn't discount the probability that the Greek, Latin and Germanic endonyms ultimately stem from an indigenous term.
I wouldn't argue otherwise, but, I believe, it's imperative that we also take into account the circumstances and the changes in the associated connotations and denotations of the two different terms throughout each different period in history and the reality that the Sklavene word forms were not previously used for the same people who still largely existed where they did for numerous centuries of prior written history, people who were never referred to using any of these secondary appellations that we know of, but by their proper/traditional ethno-linguistic classifications. We have in one situation the downfall of the Eastern Roman Empire and another, the Frankish conquest of Vindelicia and the subjugation and enslavement of it's people. We have these two casual events and two resulting terms that only came to informally mean slave and those who spoke an indigenous language based on colloquial corruptions of an indigenous term. Sklabenoi was an informal secondary term for 'delos'. We're not looking at who we were or are; we are looking at how they viewed our ancestors during two isolated periods in two isolated regions which have come to supposedly and universally represent our peoples throughout time immemorial.
The Roman Period 'Jew' term is another generalization that still clouds perspective. Samoyed is another. Most Western scholars no longer realize that they've allowed what they believe to be an authenticate anthropological classification into their books that is really only a Russian Imperialistic slang term for Uralic populations, which essentially means 'cannibal', those who eat themselves. I don't think it's important as far as whether or not the use of the Sklavene term was originally benign or not, as the end result and the re-classification of our languages by Westerners using a term based on this term helped them create a seeming disassociation between the historically relevant ethnolinguistic classifications and this new blight, which continues to produce the kind of scholarship that reinforces these disassociations, such as the article Voltron was kind enough to post. By disassociation, I mean, Sarmatians came to be regarded as an entirely different people than the Mythic Slavs nationalistic scholars conjured up during the 19th Century. Now, we have all these German nationalists running around all over the place with the idea in their heads that Poland was once German held land that got over run by Slavs during the 6th Century. We also have over 6 million Polish people who have lost their lives since the German Empire's original occupation of Poland during the late 18th Century and the continuation of this ethnic cleansing through their use of this term during this cold period.
Ethnic cleansing is more than just shooting people dead and burning down their homes, it's also about changing international and intranational perceptions concerning a targeted people. What better "justification" could they have used, printing textbooks that magically produced the kind of information that would supposedly help justify the atrocities they committed? It makes great sense! Teach your school children to hate the other kids across the way and by the time they hit 18 they'll be more than happy to enlist. There is a purpose to this re-classification that many may find difficult to latch on to or accept due to socialization through their educational system and Western culture, in general, but, I believe, it's exactly what should be in the forefront of Macedonian minds at the moment, because, the way I see it, the Hellenic Republic is doing the same thing to Macedonia using the same tactics. They need more farm land. They need a ski resort or two to help with tourism during the winter months. They probably couldn't care less about the name, I think it’s the rest of Macedonia they have their sights on. After integration comes assimilation.
A possible scenario that mirrors Poland's period of foreign occupation and partition.
There are probably a few, but one of the reasons why this happened is because the generic 'Slavic' description became more prevalent above ethno-cultural names, in written record at least, both among the people who spoke Slavic languages and the foreigners who wrote about them.
If this is truly the correct line of reasoning, I believe Catholic institutions in Italy would have used the Slav term rather than Illyrian to classify what would later come to be regarded as Croatian well before the onset of the Renaissance Period. How did they miss the whole "Slavicization" of Central and Southeastern Europe across the way in Italy during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance Period? Why did the Austrians forbid the Croatians from publically identifying as Illyrians under penalty of death during the Austrian Occupation of Croatia?
If it was based on the self-designation of the same people it was applied to, then it would only be considered cultural negation after the endonym became a synonym for a 'slave'. Otherwise, why would the endonym represent a slur before that period? When was it first used in reference to 'slaves'?
That's a good question. I've never come across any research that's attempted to pinpoint a theorized transition point or documents that might provide an answer and I haven't really focused on it because it’s the end result that we are seeing at this point in our people's histories, not what we may rightly or wrongly perceive as an original meaning. Could this assumed lack of evidence be used as a proof that there was no transition, if it turns out that a transition point can't be identified, only assumed? I believe this would then support the invalidation of the treatment of the Sklavene term as a benign term during the decline of the Eastern Roman Empire, as well. What evidence have you used to form your belief that the Sklavene/Slaven terms were originally benign and not purposeful generifications from a colonial point of view or from the opposition?
The variances set the two examples apart. I haven't read the works of Adam of Bremen, but in that which you have provided, he is actually in support of the indigenous roots of the people and it can probably be argued that he used the term 'Slaven' as nothing more than an endonym. Is there another part of his works that give you the impression that he deliberately used the term in place of 'Vindelicians' for the purpose of negating the identity of the people?
I'm strictly using what Westerners refer to as the Wendish Crusade to provide context for Adam of Bremen's statement so far as the transition from Vindelician to Slaven is concerned and the fact that more than a few Englishmen are now the descendents of these "Slaven" by way of Vindelicianry. I'd have to dig down a little further to see if a transition point was recorded. Nonetheless, a transition did occur. Again, cause gave way to effect a long time ago and we are flush with inaccurate history books that now treat the Vindelicians/Vandals and the "Slaven" as two different peoples. Worse yet, and fairly comical at times, if getting shot and thrown into an oven wasn't such a downer, we have a nation of people who have removed this aspect of their history in exchange for horned helmets at the expense of our own histories by pushing what it meant to be "Slaven" further East and changing what it meant and what it now means altogether.
Is there a local or foreign source which employs the term 'Sarmatian' in reference to the language and/or peoples of Poland and surrounding areas?
The generic and tribal terms were used interchangeably for a period of time before the former became more dominant.
Again, Gessner's work provides us with evidence that the Western Slav Term wasn't regarded as a formal ethno-linguistic designation and was not dominant as Pan-Slavicists suggest, while using fragments of complete texts to support the illusion of a sound perspective. This reinforces the conclusion that the re-classification came about for reasons that weren't parallel with truly scientific thought or early English cartographers would have put Slav Land or Slavia on their maps instead of Sarmatia. Would this not be the case if the Sklavene term had, indeed, taken on a formal ethnolinguistic denotative value that replaced previous designations?
I would think so, otherwise, why would he refer to non-Slavic-speaking peoples as 'Sklavenes' as late as the 10th century?
Very simple, students and scholars have come to associate the later period artificial ethnolinguistic classification that was born out of the nationalist movements of the 19th Century with the socio-politically spawned designation from this earlier period, having been divorced from the original meaning of the term. I believe we are looking for meaning from the wrong end, which is why I believe context trumps anachronous extrapolation as far as what was going through Constantine's head when he used the term he did. Following context, we can generate meanings such as 'those we prey upon for slaves', slaves, those bastards, etc.. Whatever possible meanings context can generate, the basic understanding of peoples struggling in opposition to one another must be accounted for, as well as, the reasons.
If Sklavene had no real connection to Slovenski as far as how it was being used by Constantine, and therefore language, even though it was based on a word relating to a quality of a language, then wouldn't he have regarded these sklavenes' language as Sarmatian? If Illyria was Sarmatized (Slavicized) during this period, why don't Modern Croatians speak a Western Sarmatic (Slavic) language? I believe this is evidence to support the conclusion that he wasn't using the Sklavene term ethno-linguistically. It supports the idea that he was speaking of populations who were allied with people in this part of the Balkans. Sklavene, then, could have possibly meant one who stands against us or one who stands (sides) with the slaves.
I can understand if the 'Slovenski' term was not in existence during that time. But how does it obscure the event by translating a term used by the Sarmatians themselves?
I believe that it wasn't a term that would've been used by the Sarmatians in the way scholars have come to believe it was being used. It's a term used in place of a term that seems likely was used by the Sarmatians not for themselves as a form of ethnolinguistic identification, but for their language in relation to the languages of the Romans and the Franks. Sloveni is not the same thing as Slav and has never carried the same meaning as Slav except during the Pan-Slavic Period, where meanings came to be merged for the purposes of de-nationalizing nations in Central and Southeastern Europe. Sklabenoi and Sklavene (Sklavus) are two different words that likely share the same or similar values. When a flag waving German nationalist uses the term Slav he's not thinking slovenski, he's thinking SLAVEN. We may allow our own formulated understandings of the term to creep into our perceptions, but its not about our perceptions, its about theirs and what they mean and meant by it.
I don't necessarily disagree with that, but I don't think the original intent of using 'Sklavene' was meant as an insult. This developed later.
The past is perceived in the present moment and, therefore, I believe 'Sklavene', an authentic term that was born out of political upheaval should be used as it was originally used so that we can produce more authenticate and objective translations of historical documents. The Slav term carries additional meanings that were not in place during the 10th Century.
Genetics can demonstrate a movement of populations, but can it be used to determine the time frame of such a movement?
The more people that are tested, the better the chance of finding out one way or another. This would make for an excellent experiment. Archeological grave sites are being tested too. The people who used to live in and around the Elau archeological site in Germany are ancestral to a number of people who still continue to live in and around the same area. We have an approximate date for this site, therefore, we have captured a point in time of a place that was occupied by a specific group of people with unique genetic signatures and, as more regions are tested, researchers should be able to improve upon this relative dating. The Central Asian Scythian grave sites that produced European DNA have also provided researchers with refined dates. Carbon dating can be associated with genetic profiles from the same stratum so long as tested articles match the same time frame.
Worthy of further research, the problem is filling in the gap from the end of the Macedonian kingdom to the 6th century. The continued desire for freedom during 500 years of Ottoman rule can be used as an example of how such a spirit is able to last over a period of centuries.
Amen to that.
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