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Ideological state apparatuses, from school to the media and from family to sports, educate the masses in particular indirect a, that a joint-and-largely mysterious substance unites us into one homogenous group with blood ties, culture, common origin and linguistic purity, defining the nation. thus resulting nationalism, not only with historical extreme violence and rabid intolerance but also the daily life of the nation, with the quiet days of simple patriot and homemaker. A Patriotism is the daily nationalism who admire oneself, cultivating the fantasy that is sufficiently inoffensive, h CoE differ substantially from the right-wing version. Despite this, it is impossible to draw the line between nationalism and patriotism (even if "left" anti-imperialist sign), because the difference is quantitative. In other words, the transition from patriotism to nationalism is "smoothly" without rupture, just there so the appropriate circumstances. The sequel, which connects nationalism with patriotism is the general condition for the flourishing of nationalism, not only dominant, but in subordinate social classes, ie the general requirement to obtain nationalism mass basis. authors of the present book does not share the patriotic sentiments of any nation and argue that patriotism is a euphemistic term for nationalism, which manufactures Member installing a generalized form of delusion about the nature of the nation. This refusal chose to express the desecration the national flag as a symbol, rather than burning it, but in a way that seems more radical: if the direct solution of the fetishistic character and the delegitimization as a symbol, to which the crowd. Under no direct democratic country is not clearly illegal to despise a national symbol in accordance with the Charter of Civil Rights guaranteed freedom of religion and freedom of speech and opinion at all. The critical attitude towards the country and its symbols are part of that freedom. These are 'in theory'. The book shows, among other things, whether and how they apply in practice. has expressed the view that nations can exist without nationalist sentiments of the citizens. However, such reasoning implies that nations produce, under certain circumstances, and only under such nationalism. In reality though, the arrow of causality is the reverse: first, nationalism produces nations, not nations and nationalism. Then, one supports the other. therefore challenging the violence of nationalism should challenge and the nation as a reality, and the nation as a concept, which means that you need to question the holy and sacred roots of "our" , the supposedly noble origin of the Greeks, the supposed historical continuity of Hellenism and the golden pages of heroism, cultural or biological homogeneity of the Greek nation, and all components of the national ideology. The work is debunking the stories as "destroyer of myths" (in the words of Eric Hobsbawm ). 's non-nationalist historians have already shown sufficiently how loose are the positions of the historical myth of the "Greek nation", as, moreover, all nations. Both sufficiently so impressed with the distance, kept between the fanaticism of "race" on the origins, the historical continuity and cultural or racial purity on the one hand and the work of historical non-nationalists on the other. The book, except the Greek, and refers to the American nation and its flag, not because the writers are inspired by anti-American sentiments, but because it is a fact well known to readers. Also, the American flag (as indeed Greek), is highly charged with significance ascribed to the Patriots: ie involves a heavy emotional content. (Excerpts from the Introduction).
Families, schools, churches
are the slaughterhouses of our children.
Universities are the kitchens.
Adults, weddings and businesses,
devour the product.
Ronald D. Laing , The Politics of the Family
This short book consists of an essay by Elijah Ioakimoglou (NTU alumni and the Institute of Business Administration of the University of Grenoble) around the concept of the nation and nationalism, and a THE Soti Triantafillou (Ph.D. American history and the history of cities) around the flag as a patriotic, "hallowed" symbol. This is an intervention against the nationalist delirium, which has occupied the majority not only in Greece but in the whole world, so the "Temptation of obscurantism."
In " For flag and the nation "analyzes briefly the history and evolution of collective emotions and fantasies, such as nationalism, as well as sacred and holy, which they use for their stabilization. That is why the existence of the national flag as remnants of militarism-aggressive or defensive-aggressive nature-and as a result of traditional schooling and family education, and for "national pride", a provincial conception of history, the national "disease" and racial superiority. Why patriotism, respect for the "national" past and remain emblems of turbulence properties in the lives and events? Because even the overwhelming wave of globalization, rather than cause wilting nationalist sentiments, he managed to sharpen? How is it that words and concepts relating to the homeland, origin, race and religion to freeze in time? Although simaiolatria the patridolatria the antiquity, there constitute new phenomena acquire richer meaning in this period, we are experiencing. In the book exposed some ideas about this phenomenon: collective fraud nationalism, bigotry and flags. P. 58-59: The World's nation denies the passage of time. It is an imaginary landscape in which this coincides with the past and the future. Leonidas still keeps guard at Thermopylae and reinforce the garrison of the modern Greeks, but mentally and emotionally symparistantai who were not born yet, but will do so as self-evident if needed. The imagined community of the nation operates beyond time, whatever its own priorities. So kollosiaio produced kitsch, which wants the Parthenon located next to Hagia Sophia ...
This lecture can be used as a great example of how a/any "national identity" is constructed.
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