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  • George S.
    Senior Member
    • Aug 2009
    • 10116

    The Great Decline – Chapter 17 – Part 5



    By Petre Nakovski

    Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

    [email protected]

    April 29, 2015



    Under the cover of darkness people, together with their possessions, were arranged in columns. And when those in the woods and those in the hills were combined together, as one, a thunderous voice behind them ordered them to move in the dark. Above them in the vast sky, in this penetrating deep darkness, the stars seemed to be moving, taking steps with them, slowly, step by step, moving above the columns…



    Dawn was breaking. A frowning, reddish dim brightness was beginning to descend from the direction of Bela Voda. Beyond there, lazily lay the waters of Lake Prespa. Krstovitsa packed her woolen blanket, tossed it over her shoulder and began to walk on the dusty desolate road, bent forward as if walking into a strong wind. She was walking straight following in the footsteps of those who had passed here before her. She did not look back. The night she had spent in the meadow beside the dusty road, it seemed to her as if death had passed her by, looked at her tears and left, went behind the hills, towards the lake, towards the reeds that grew in the wide valley of Mala Prespa.



    Two columns of tanks, one from Lerin over Psoderi, the other from Kostur over Gabresh, met at the intersection in Oshchima, a small distance from Zhelevo and took the road towards Prevolot where the Government infantry was leading a battle. They hurriedly rushed uphill anxious to reach the Rabi plains and occupy Peroo, the straight between the two lakes, and thus close the road to Albania and cut off the escape route of the units leaving Bela Voda and Bigla. Before entering Orovnik, three powerful explosions were heard. Three bridges were blown up at the entrance to the village. After that the earth shook and the air was filled with smoke as detonation specialists destroyed the stores of weapons and food buried in the bases in the hills between Orovnik and Popli.



    Government troops moved their artillery batteries closer to Prespa, to new positions and opened fire. They were bombing the paths of the left over fighters fleeing into Albania. In the morning fighter planes, approaching from the south and following one another, bombed Vrba and then flew low and with rockets and machine gun fire, attacked the hills above Medovo and Rabi. Trucks were offloading infantry troops at Shtrkovo who immediately engaged in battle. Two DAG (Democratic Army of Greece) battalions were fiercely defending the region. The tanks turned left and plunged onto the plains around Peroo. Anti-tank mines kept erupting under them. The escape path was now closed. DAG units leaving Bela Voda now joined the defenders in Rabi but at noon they were fiercely attacked by Government forces, which appeared from the Kleshtina-Rakovo-German direction. Leaving their dead and wounded behind, the defenders withdrew towards Peroo along a clear corridor but the opponent used every arsenal in his possession to target them.



    Anyone who could still run, walk, or crawl left and hid in the high, thick reeds in order to save themselves. DAG fighters, including civilians, who did not get a chance to escape through Peroo, hid here in the sand and reeds. Most of those attempting to escape were shot at. The valley was filled with bodies of the dead and wounded. Most bodies were run over by tanks as they circled around the plain. Two tanks penetrated the straights. A powerful explosion took place at the embankment separating the two Prespa lakes. A rush of water flooded part of the Lake Prespa basin. This calmed down the fury of the tank attacks. The tanks stopped moving and shortly after withdrew to the road that passed below the villages. Low flying aircraft, originating from Rupishta and Kozheni, flew in a formation of three, pounding the plain and the lake reeds. They tilted their left wing, turned in a semicircle, pounded Suva Gora and disappeared behind Mount Vrba. They did this in five minute intervals and then the planes from Lerin came. They flew from the direction of Bela Voda, in a horizontal formation, covering and pounding the entire expanse near little Lake Prespa. The water flew high, the lake boiled and the reeds burned as bombs kept coming down. People attempted to swim away to save themselves but none made it to shore alive.



    The telephone rang loudly at Division III command post located on the hill above the village Popli. The commander picked up the headset and quietly stood still while he listened.



    “Yes, yes, General, Sir. We are making progress. We already have control of the entire area on the eastern side of the lake. No, yes, there is only sporadic, almost single fighter resistance. Where? They are hidden in the lake reeds and are defending themselves there. Yes, of course, they will be overpowered by dark and during the night our troops will occupy the so-called Africa, west of the lake. What? Are you asking how our brave air force is holding out? In the plain and in the lake it is sowing fear and terror from the sky… It has brought hell on earth from the sky, General, Sir… Yes, everything is under our control… Yes, yes, General, Sir. Today is August 14th. Tomorrow we will be celebrating the Virgin Mary in peace. Yes, thank you. General, Sir, if you allow me, I want to tell you that what is happening here now, is no longer fighting, but pure murder, slaughter, not to say criminal. Order this hell to stop… the lake is red with blood… Yes, of course, General, Sir. As a soldier and chief I will do my military duty, but as a man…”



    The telephone went dead. There was no voice on the other side.



    It was August 15th and all over Greece the Virgin Mary holiday was being celebrated. News of the great victory arrived in Athens by radio but all night it was celebrated by the launching of glowing rockets and the firing of glowing bullets. Gunfire was relayed from hill to hill, from city to city, all the way to Athens.



    Villagers from the surrounding villages, who had failed to cross the border and escape, were gathering the bodies of the dead. The stench of death was spreading rapidly in the heat of August. Bulldozers arrived from Lerin in the afternoon and began to dig deep trenches in the sandy soil. And in them they tossed the dead bodies of DAG fighters one on top of another and after, when the trenches were filled, the bulldozers covered them with soil, carefully leveling them so that it looked like the land had just been ploughed.



    A column of military trucks was waiting in Rabi. Wounded and dead government soldiers were being collected, from all over the battlefield that stretched from the Prespa plains to the other side of the lake all the way to the Albanian border, and transported in jeeps. The dead were loaded on trucks and taken to Lerin. They dug special graves in the Lerin cemeteries and buried them in the presence of the Lerin Bishop and official military and civilian authorities, with trumpets playing and the singing of the Greek national anthem. They were buried with all military fanfare that included gunfire salutes with every burial. Their first and last names were then inscribed on a cross that stood at the top of the grave. The citizens, with their heads uncovered, gathered together at the cemeteries with every burial and among them stood those who had deserted, surrendered and collaborated with the enemy. They stood there in silence, mute, with their hands crossed and held just below their navels.



    When the church bells rang citizens came out on their balconies, hung their flags and brought their radios with them. The commemorations taking place in Athens were carried all throughout Greece, transmitted over the radio waves.



    Here in Prespa everything was quiet as the sun was about to set over the shimmering, peaceful lake waters. Here at the large Prespa mass grave, a single white-bearded priest, whose shadow was elongated by the setting sun, stood on top of the freshly ploughed soil, carefully smoothed over by the bulldozers, and with a broken and trembling voice whispered:



    “Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are those who mourn for they will be comforted. Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth. Blessed are those who hunger and thirst for righteousness, for they shall be satisfied. Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy. Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God. Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God…”



    The priest ended his blessings and walked ahead, stepping over the soft soil. In Lerin the church bells were ringing and, before ending the commemoration, the bishop said:



    “Blessed are those who fulfill their commandments, to have the right to life and to enter the city through the gates. And outside are the dogs, the damned, the prostitutes, the murderers, the idolaters and everyone who wants to lie and deceive…”



    The frowning citizens led by Gypsy musicians, laid flowers and wreaths on the graves of the fallen Government soldiers.



    And here at the Prespa mass graves the only thing heard was the lake water splashing against the shore. There was no crying, there were no flowers and wreaths, the church bells in Orovo, Popli, Shtrkovo, Medovo, Rabi, German, Nivitsi, Grazhdeno, Vineni, Lak, Bukovik, Drenovo… were not ringing.



    The north wind, however, carried distant sounds. A church bell tolled from Dolno Dupeni, from beyond the border… It was quiet but the extinguished voice of the old priest could be heard in the silence:



    “Blessed are those who are persecuted for righteousness’ sake, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are you when men revile you and persecute you, and utter all kinds of evil against you falsely on my account. You are the salt of the earth. You are the light of the world…”



    He paused, took a long breath, sighed and from his hoarse throat he squeezed the word “Amen!”



    “Amen,” repeated the darkness and the hills. “Amen,” repeated the desolate villages and wounded trees. At least that is how it seemed to the old priest, since there was no one around to cry or mourn. Here and there the lake soil hollowed out, settled down on the dead, it hugged them, it filled the gaps and empty spots between them. The day came to a close. In the night when the first stars appeared in the sky reflected by the lake water, candlelight could be seen on Sveti Ahil shimmering in the dark, lit by someone’s hand.



    The long and humble prayers delivered by the priest were welcomed like a long awaited emergence to life from a coma.



    The priest took the road to Rabi. He walked slowly and without pausing continued the funeral service and when he came to “the last rights” his voice began to shake. “The last rights,” he said, but there was no one alive in the Prespa fields to hear the last rights. He stopped on the uphill on the side of the road, turned towards the valley where the mass graves were located, raised his arms towards the sky and whispered:



    “Blessed are those who hunger and thirst for righteousness, for they shall be satisfied…”



    He crossed himself three times, then knelt and with his forehead he touched the ground several times. He got up slowly as if all the hardship, suffering and anguish in this world was resting on his shoulders, crossed himself three times and left for German.



    The choppy water of Lake Mala Prespa, whose blue mirror was broken by two days of aerial bombs, cannon and mortar shells and cut by thousands of hot bullets, was slowly calming down and surrendering its corpses to the shore.



    Giorgi did not make it to Peroo and failed to cross the strait between the two lakes so he found himself in the whirlpool of fire. He did however manage to hide in the tall and dense reeds. He dug a hole with his hands and covered himself with sand. From here he watched the struggle for life take place on all sides of the lake and inside the lake. He watched it boil wildly, blindly, angrily, stubbornly, passionately, madly, persistently like a controlled stanza. And as the struggle for life heated up, so did the hatred and spite. While one side rejoiced the other defended itself with the last bullet and when it had used up the last bullet, then a knife, a dagger, a bayonet flashed in the hands of the women fighters…



    The next day everything calmed down; even the lake waters. Giorgi watched from his hiding place as they collected the dead and wounded. In the night, not too far away he heard a quiet, tired cry. Crouching low he went to investigate. A boy was lying in the reeds half submerged under water. He had a huge glob of dried blood on his forehead and a swarm of flies on his left shoulder. Giorgi pulled him out of the water and laid him on dry land. He washed his shoulder and with a piece of his shirt he tied his wound. The frightened boy sobbing and shivering looked into Giorgi’s eyes.



    Giorgi knelt and at the moment that he was about to stand up, a little to the side, only about ten steps away, he saw a woman’s body lying in the reeds. He left the boy and went to her. And even though her face was swollen he could tell that the woman was young. Her cheeks looked beautiful and she had big blue eyes. Her chest was wide. She had a ring on her finger. Swollen from drinking blood the leaches were detaching. The waves were splashing, caressing the unknown woman’s dead body, splashing her gently then returning, then splashing her again. There was a machine gun beside her. Giorgi checked its chamber, it was empty. In her clenched hand, oddly tucked under her left shoulder, it seemed as if she was hiding something. He opened it and in it he found two cartridges. It looked like the poor woman, thought Giorgi, had never had the chance to use them. He stayed by the young woman a little while longer and then returned to the boy who now was lying between the reeds, like a frightened bird looking at the sky. Giorgi took him and carried him to the willow grove at the side of the lake. He then collected some green branches, carried them under his arm and went over to the young woman. He pulled her out of the water and placed her on dry ground. He dug a hole in the sand with his hands and buried her. On the pile of sand he then arranged the green branches. He placed rocks all around the grave and bowed and crossed himself. He then returned to the boy, sat beside him and waited for nightfall.



    When a sickle moon appeared in the sky he helped the boy up and, while holding him by his arm, they walked through the huge cemetery and then only for a moment without having to stop they looked up at the sky and it seemed to them that the stars were walking with them.



    This is not the end.



    ABOUT THE AUTHOR

    Petre Nakovski, a novelist and translator, was born on July 17, 1937 in the village Krchishta, Kostur Region, Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia.



    Dr. Nakovksi studied at the Pedagogical Literary Institute in Poland and at the Faculty of Philology in Skopje. He received his PhD from the Institute of Political Science at the University of Vroclavsk in Poland. He worked as a journalist for the newspapers “Vecher” and “Nova Makedonija”. He also worked for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was the first Ambassador of the Republic of Macedonia to the Republic of Poland.
    He has been a member of MWA since 1989.



    Dr. Nakovksi has authored numerous articles published in Macedonian periodicals as well as a number of books including the books “Postela za Chemernite” (A Bed for the Sorrowful” (novel, 1985), “Makedonski Detsa vo Polska 1948-1968” (Macedonian children in Poland 1948-1968) (doctoral thesis), “I Kamenot e zemija” (And the Stone is Soil) (novel, 1988), “Golemata Udolnitsa” (The Great Decline) (novel, 2003) and “Golemata Izmama” (The Great Lie) (novel, 2007).



    Dr. Nakovksi has translated and published over 40 literary works and many songs and stories from Polish to Macedonian written by Macedonian authors in the Polish language.



    He is a recipient of the “Golden pen” and “Kiril Pejcinovic” (translation of opus) awards (awards for Polish authors). He was also awarded the Gold Medal of Merit for Polish Culture and the Gold Medal of Command.





    ГОЛЕМАТА УДОЛНИЦА – 17 - 5



    Петре Наковски





    Под превезот на мрачнотијата луѓето заедно со стоката се редат во колони. И кога и шумата и ридовите се слеаја во едно, громовит глас ги поведе зад себе и сите тргнаа во мракот. Над нив, на огромното небо, во непроникнатата ноќна длабочина, небаре се размрдаа sвездите и полека, чекор по чекор тргнаа нал колоните...



    Се разденува. Намуртена, бледорозова развиделина се спyшта ол кај Бела Вода и лениво се постелува отаде Преспанското Езеро. Крстовица го поправи веленцето, го префрли преку рамо, се наведна како да оди наспроти силни ветришта и појде по пустото правливо џаде. Оди право пред себе, газејќи по трагите на тие кои појдоа пред неа... Сега не свртува опуљ зад себе. Во ноќта што ја помина на лединката cкраја од правливото џаде. смртта,чиниш, помина покрај неа, се загледа во нејзините солзи и се врати таму, зад ридовите. кај езерото, во трските, во ширното поле на Мала Преспа.



    Двете колони тенкови, едната од Лерин преку Псодери, а другата од Костур преку Габреш, се сретнаа на крстосницата подолу од селото Желево и се упатија кон Превалот каде владината пешадија веќе два часа води борба. Не се задржуваат. Брзаат да излезат на рамнината во Раби и од таму да го фатат Пероо, теснецот меѓу двете езера и на овој начин на единиците кои се повлекуваат од Бела Вода и Бигла да им го затворат патот кон Албанија. Пред да влезат во Оровник, се слушнаа три силни експлозии. Полетаа во воздух трите мостови пред селото. Потоа се стресе земјата и воздухот се наполни со чад. Минерите ги yништуваат магацините со оружје и храна вкопани во подножјата на ридовите меѓу Оровник и Попли. Противникот ги премести артилериските батерии на нови позиции, поблизу до Преспа и отвори оган по патеките по кои врват отстапниците и бегаат во Албанија. Во утринските часови од југ долетаа првите авиони и, летајќи еден зад друг, најпрвин ја напаѓаат Мисодагиста, а потоа во низок лет ги митралираат и ракетираат ридовите над Медово и Раби. Камиони префрлуваат пешадија до Штрково и таа веднаш влегува во борба. Два баталјона на ДАГ жестоко се бранат. Тенковите свртија лево и се втурнаа во полето во насока на Пероо. Противтенковските миини избувнуваат под тенковските гасеници. Запрен е напредокот. Единниците на ДАГ кои се повлекуваат од Бела Вода им се придружyваат на бранителите во Раби, но пладнето добиваат бочен удар од владината војcка која се проби од насоката Клештина - Раково - Герман. Повлекување. Оставајќи ги убиените и ранетите се повлекуваат кон Пероо по бришаниот простор. Противникот од сите орудија ги нема на нишан и ги бие. Се што уште може да трча, да оди и да се влече, се упатува кон високите и густи трски. Борците на ДАГ и многу од цивилното население, кои не успеаја да го преминат Пероо, тука бараат спас. Повеќето кои паѓаат, куршум добиваат во темето, плеќите, нозете. Полето послано со мртви и ранети. Нив ги сотруваат тенковските гасеници. Два тенка се пробија до теснецот. Силна експлозија го разнесе во воздух насипот што ги дели цвете преспански езера. Водите налудничаво поплавуваат дел од плажите и Преспанското поле. Ова го смири бесниот напад. Тенковите застануваа и по кратко време се повлекуваат се до патот што врви под селата. Авиони во формации, по три наизмечно, долетуваат од Рупишта и Кожани и во низок бришан лет го бомбардираат полето, трските, езерото. Се навалуваат на левото крило, свртуваат во полукрyг, ја бијат Сува Гора и се губат зад планината Врба. Така на секои пет-десет минути, а потоа долетуваат авиони од Лерин. Над Преспа се спуштаат од кај Бела Вода. Летаат во хоризонтална линија, така што го опфаќаат целото мало Преспанско Езеро и бијат. Високо се издигнуваат водите, езерото клокоти, горат трските. Heкои се обиауваат да препливаат, ама не стигнуваат до брегот.



    Во командниот пyнкт на Третата дивизија што пред малку е поставен на ритчето над селото Попли, остро заsвони телефонот. Командантот ја подигна слушалката и веднаш застана во став мирно.



    - Да, да, господине генерале. Напредуваме. Веќе владееме со целиот простор од источната страна на езерото. Не, да, има само спорадичен, скоро поединечен отпор. Каде? Скриени се во трcкитe и таму се бранат. Да, се разбира, до паѓањето на мракот ќе совладаме, а во текот на ноќта нашите единици ќе ја заземат таканаречената Африка, западно од езерото. Молам? Прашувате како се држи нашата храбра авијација? Во полето и езерото го сее стравот, ужасот и катастрофата. Да, се е под наша контрола... Да, да, господине генерале... Денес е четиринаесетти август. Утре без борба ќе го прославиме празникот Голема Богородица. Да, благодарам. Господине генерале, ако ми дозволите, сакам да речам дека ова што тука сега се случува, веќe не е борба, ами чисто убиство, да не речам злосторство. Наредете да престане овој пекол... Езерото е црвено од крв... Да, се разбира, господие генерале. Јаc како војник и старешина ќе си ја вршам мојата војничка должност, но како човек...



    Зуе слушалката. Од другата страна на жицата занеме гласот...



    Петнаесетти август. Во цела Грција се слави празникот Голема Богородица. Веста за големата победа во Атина стигна по радиоврска, но нeа цела ноќ ја вестеа истрели со светлетчки куршуми кои се пренесуваат од рид до рид, од град до град, се Атина.



    Селаните од околните села, кои не успеаја да избегаат отаде границата и заробените борци на ДАГ, натерани од владините војници, ги собираат убиените. Во августовската жега се шири реа. Попладнето од Лерин стигнаа булдожери и почнаа да копаат длабоки ровови во песокливата земја. Во нив еден врз друг ги фрлаат убиените борци на ДАГ, а потоа булдожерите ги посипуваат и грижливо ја израмнуваат земјата. Се добива впечаток дека тука е свежо изорана нива.



    Во Раби чека колона војнички камиони. Од целото преспанско боиште и од другата страна на езерото, па се до кај што држи границата, со џипови и на носилки носат убиени и ранети владини војници. Убиените ги товараат во камионите и ги носат во Лерин. На гробиштата вeќe се ископани гробовите. Во присуство на леринскиот владика и официјалните воени и цивилни власти, свечено, со труба и химна ги закопуваат. Војнички фанфари и истрели од плотуни се слушаат по секое покривање на гробот. На крстот - име и презиме. Граѓанството со откриени глави стои собрано до самите гробишта. До нив и меѓy нив cтојат и тие кои дезертираа, кои потклекнаа, поткажуваа и предаваа. Cтојат неми, со рацете скрстени малку пониско од папокот. Камбаните бијат, а некои од граѓанството на балконите ги изнесоа радиоапаратите и ги развија знамињата. Низ цела Грција радиостаниците ја пренесуваат панихидата од атинската митрополија.



    А тука во Преспа, е тивко во заодот на сонцето, во чии румени воздишки одблеснува штотуку смирената вода... Тука, на големото преспанско гробје, белобрад поп, чија сенка ја издолжува заодот, стои на земјата ишарана од гасениците на тенковите и булдожерите и со растреперен и скршен глас, шепоти:



    “Блажени се бедните по дух, зашто нивно е царството небеско. Блажени се оние кои плачат, оти ќе се утешат” Блажени се кротките, зашто тие ќе ја наследат земјата. Блажени се гладните и жедните за правда, зашто тие ќе се наситат. Блажени се милостивите, зашто тие ќе бидат помилувани. Блажени се чистите по срце, оти тие ќe го видат Бога. Блажени се миротворците, зашто тие ќе се наречат синови Божји...”



    Попот прекина и тргна пред себе, газејќи по меката земја. Во Лерин бијат камбаните, а владиката, завршувајќи ја панихидата, рече:



    “Блажени се оние кои ги исполнуваат заповедите Негови, за да имаат право на живот и да влезат во градот низ портите. А надвор се кучињата, врачевите, блудниците, крвниците, идолопоклониците и ceкој кој сака да лаже и лаже...”



    Граѓанството на војничките гробови положи цвеќе и венци и предводено од ѓупски свирачи, намуртено се растурува по своите домови.



    А тука над преспанското гробје се слуша само плисокот на езерската вода, нема плачење, нема цвеќе и венци, не бијат камбаните во Оровник, Попли, Штрково, Медово, Раби, Герман, Нивици, Орово, Граждено, Винени, Лак, Буковик и Дреново. Северњакот носи далечен одзвук. Тоа камбаната отаде граница, во Долно Дупени, бие цело попладне и цела ноќ...



    Тивко е и во тишината се слуша одвај чујниот и потулен глас на стариот поп:



    “Блажени се гонетите заради правда, зашто нивно е царството небеско. Блажени сте вие кога ве срамат и прогонуваат и кога ќе говорат против вас секакви зборови... Вие сте солта на земјата...Вие сте светлината на светот...”



    Прекина. Воздивна и од неговото засипнато грло тешко се откина зборот “Амин”.



    “Амин...” повтори мракот и ридиштата, “Амин”, повторија запустените села и од гранатите осакатените дрвја. Така му се пристори на стариот поп, зашто наоколу никој не плаче. Ваму - таму земјата езерска се вдлабнува, налегнува таа меѓу мртвите, ги пригушнува, ги пополнува празнините.



    Денот согоре. Кога во квечерината на небото се појавија првите sвезди и бледо одблеснаа во езерската вода, на Свети Ахил затреперија пламенчиња на свеќи што ги запали нечија рака. Во долгите и покорни молитви на попот, тие треперат како долго очекуван одзвук на живот што се појави над ова мртвило.



    Попот продолжи по патот за на кај Раби. Оди полека и без престанување го отпева опелото и кога дојде до “последное целование”, тогаш му затрепери гласот, чиниш самиот се преголтна... “Последное целование” - отпеа, но никој не се приближи до мртвото преспанско поле. Застана на угорнинката cкраја од патот, се сврти кон полето - гробница, подигна раце кон небото и прошепоти:



    - Блажени нека се гладните и жедните за правда, зашто тие ќе се наситат...



    Трипати се пекрсти, клекна и неколкупати ја допре земјата со чело. Стана полека, сенким на неговите рамена се товарени сите тешкотии, маки, страдања и чемери на овој свет... Трипати пак се прекрсти стариот поп и велејќи “во вјеки веков”, тргна кон Герман...



    Разбранетото езро кај Мала Преспа, чие сино огледало два дена го кршеа авионски бомби, топовски и минофрлачки гранати и го расечyваа илјади вжештени зрна, полека се cмирyва и на брегот исфрлува трупови.



    Ѓорѓи не yспеа да го премине Пероо, теснецот мeѓy двете езера и остана во вителот на оганот. Tој успеа да се скрие во густите трски. Со раце ископа дол и се покри со песок. Од тука гледа како од обете страни на езерото и во самото езеро кипи дива, нагла, страстна, непомирлива, слепа, отворена и смртна, бесна и упорна како неразуздана стихија - борба за живот и како што се повеќе се разгорува омразата и пизмата. Едните ликуваа, другите со последниот истрел се бранеа, а кога го снемува и последниот куршум, тогаш и во рацете на девојките-борци болснува ножот, камата, штикот...



    Дури утредента на пладнина се смирија водите. Од своето скривалиште тој гледа како ги собираат убиените п ранeтитe. Квечерината, не подалеку од себе тој слушна тивко, изморено плачење. Ниско наведнат, тргна по гласот. Во трcкитe, дополу легнато во водата, лежи момченце. На челото голем пивтосан струп, а на левото рамо рој муви. Го подигнува и полека го изнесува на суво. Му го мие рамото и со парче од кошулата му го преврзува. Момчeто липти, преплашено гледа во очитe на Ѓорѓи, трепери. Tој клекна на колена и во мигот кога сакаш да стане, малку понастрана, cамо десетина чекори од него, во трските виде легнато женско тело. Го остави детето и појле. Иако лицето и беше подуено, жената изгледаше млада. На образите остатоци од убавината. Има издупчени гради и големи, широко отврeни сини очи. На прстот прстен мeновнк. Набабрени од крв се одлепуваат пијавиците. Бранот плиска и небаре го гали мртвото тело, удира полека, се враќа и одново ја заплискува неа, непознатата. До неа автомат. Ѓорѓи го откопча шаржерот. Празен. Во нејзината стегната дланка, чудно подвиткана под левата града, му се пристори дека нешто се крие. Ја отвори и во неа најде два патрона. Изгледа, кутрата, помисли Ѓорѓи, не успеа да ги испука. Можеби ќe и го спасеа животот. Тој уште малку остана покрај девојката и потоа се врати кај момчето. Тоа легнато мeѓу трските, како исплашено врапче гледа во спепеленото небо. Ѓорѓи го подигна и го однесе до врбјакот што расте cкраја од езерото. Тука накрши гранки, ги собра под мишка и појде кај девојката. Ја довлече на суво. Со раце копа во песокот. Ја покри и врз купчето една по една ги стави зелените гранки. Од сите страни стави камења. Клечејќи, се прекрсти. Се врати кај момчето. Легна покрај него и чека да падне мракот. Кога на небото се покажа српот на месечината, тој го подигна момчето и, држејќи го во своите прегратки, тргна низ огромната гробница и кога само миг, без да го прекине растреперениот чекор, погледна кон небото, тогаш му се пристори дека и ѕвездите патуваат со него...



    Ова не е крајот...



    ЗА АВТОРОТ...



    Петре Наковски – романсиер и преведувач, е роден на 17 јули 19З7 година во с. Крчишта, Костурcко, Егејска Македонија.



    Педагошки лицеј завршил во Полска, а Филолошки факултет воп Cкопјe. Докторирал на Институтот за политички науки на Вроцлавскиот универзитет во Полcка. Бил новинар во весниците “Вечер” и “Нова Македонија”. Работел во Министерството за надворешни работи. Прв амбасадор на Република Македонија во Република Полска.



    Член на ДПМ од 1989 година.



    Автор е на повеќе раскази објавени во македонската периодика, како и на книгите: “Постела за чемерните” (роман, 1985), “Македонски деца во Полска 1948-1968” (докторски труд), “И камeнот е земја” (роман,1988).



    0д Полски на македонски има преведено и објавено 40 литературни дела и поголем број песни и раскази од македонски автори на полски јазик.



    Добитник е на наградите “Златно перо”, Наградата на полските автори, а е одликуван со Златен медал за заслуги за полската култура и Златен орден на командоријата.







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    "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
    GOTSE DELCEV

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    • George S.
      Senior Member
      • Aug 2009
      • 10116

      The Great Decline – Chapter 17 – Part 4



      By Petre Nakovski

      Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

      [email protected]

      April 26, 2015



      Without order, without supervision the immense angry crowd was pushing, swarming, growing, gathering, squeezing, breaking, swelling, cowering, yelling, cursing…



      People and livestock mixed together, drawn here by the evil that had befallen them, pushing them deeper into alien lands… Someone yelled at the top of his voice, the sound put the crowd on edge, some ran downhill crying in panic and bewilderment. The surge was pounding, squashing, rolling, stampeding, pushing and no one could calm it down. Screams and cries of women and children filled the air; children who hung on tightly to their mother’s skirt.



      A horse got loose from its harness, loose and unbridled it ran high up the hill, hitting and running over everything and everyone in its path.



      And as many times as the man wanted to say, he did not mention the dreadful, painful, terrible, frightening, sickly, sad, distressing sight which was now unraveling before his eyes.



      He stood there straight and dumbfounded; looking down at the large mass of people all red and black. His eyes were blurred, feeling as if darkness was about to overtake them. His mouth was shut tight giving the impression that he was keeping something somewhere deep inside him, preventing it from boiling out. Slogans buried in him a long time ago were about to bust out; slogans that called for the people to have faith and termination. Slogans telling people to look forward to a better tomorrow, to a better future; slogans which in time grew, ripened and matured.



      His mentors told him and all those around him and beyond, that life would be as sweet as honey and he, stupefied, listened with an empty salivating mouth. Perhaps he was this way because the situation was so hopeless and he was caught up in the whirlwind without considering the consequences.



      Obedience, faith and trust in the leader and the Party were his road signs. From top to bottom his mentors had taught him that there was only one person who was wise and clever enough to lead and only he had the right to do the thinking and to run things.



      Up to now he had imagined this thought of a future with semi-educated Party secretaries, deeply rooted in the Party, running his world. Now, with desperation in his eyes, he looked at the hopeless situation they had created. He was confused and it seemed to him that he had not yet seen the light, the entire picture, and was about to realize what was really going on.



      And now he was beginning to wonder where the unshakable, unconditional, unwavering, blind, huge and unbreakable faith had gone? He looked at the mob yelling and crying with foggy eyes. He saw a vast canvas lying there covering the entire place. Again and again something was gnawing inside him, it seemed to him that some mysterious voice of reason, conscience and conviction, down from his heart and from the thick age-old oak trees standing across from him in the grove, was attempting to communicate; asking the question: “WHY? WHOSE VOICE HAVE YOU BEEN LISTENING TO AND OBEYING?”



      He was incapacitated, bare, torn and eroded. He felt empty, lost and deceived. To believe in what and to have hope in what?



      He isolated himself and felt abandoned. Had he made a mistake? Had he gone to the wrong side? Had he taken the wrong road or a wrong turn? He could not shake off these feelings from his conscience; he felt them like an open wound, like blow after blow and the pain, the suffering and the anguish, collected in him in layers and layers. The lost hope was hurting badly. He felt sluggish, lost, alone, bitter, mixed up. No longer afraid of what had happened but from what was going to happen. He stood on top of the hill defaced, naked and without courage. He understood now that there was nowhere to go, that there was no one to come to the rescue. In front of him there was desolation, behind him destruction and abandonment! Everything was burned, destroyed, turned to ashes. He stood there mute looking at the destruction as the sun slowly began to set.



      In the grove, hidden away from the winding road, under the branches of the old oak trees, they were laying down the wounded. On the other side of the hill DAG fighters were pouring, coming down the hill. Some walked at a quick pace, others ran. They were all tired, cursing and swearing. A young Albanian lieutenant, speaking poor Greek, ordered them to go to the right. He said there they would find their own units. On a flat place near the road about ten freight trucks were parked and waiting. Another Albanian officer took some men and ordered them to load ammunition. He yelled and swore in Albanian at those who did not understand his orders. Some tossed the ammunition in piles and others onto the trucks. When they were done they stood to the side. They whispered suspiciously to each other, their eyes bloodshot from the smoke and lack of sleep. Some were tearing, tears which they wiped with their black hands, blackened from gunpowder.



      It was hard, difficult and shameful for them to accept defeat. They were ready for anything, to stay in their bunkers to the last one, bunkers that had taken months to build, bunkers that covered the entire Vicho terrain. They were ready to die but it was others who had made mistakes in their calculations. Perhaps deliberate?



      Suddenly there was the sound of a motorcycle approaching and a man wearing a uniform without markings, ordered:



      “Comrades! Everyone go to your own units. Prepare yourselves and follow that man! March!” He waved and left.



      The vultures stopped circling when the sky started to glow purple just before nightfall. The red disk of the bright sun slowly disappeared behind the mountain. In the clearing beyond the border, under a clear starry sky, the multitude was quietly crying, cursing, swearing, moaning and praying. The full moon began to shine from beyond the hill. Krstovitsa spotted an unoccupied spot and went to it. She took the woolen blanket off her shoulder. She leaned her shoulder on a rock which was still warm and radiating heat. A cloud blocked the moon and everything went dark.



      In the dark, beside her, as if she was not there and did not exist, strangers were passing by, carrying heavy loads on their backs, tired and exhausted, quiet, mute. People were passing by guiding their livestock, shouting at one another, infants crying and elders choking with emotion. A woman’s voice was heard cursing in the dark and drowning in the convulsions of her sobbing…



      Krstovitsa extended her hands, touched her feet and then the soil. It was easier to breathe now. She took a long breath and then wiped the sweat off her forehead and face and then put her black kerchief back on her head. She looked up. High up in the sky the stars were flickering. Occasionally the crowd went quiet, but just for a moment, that’s when the quiet roar of thunder could be heard in the distance with slight vibrations felt in the air. She slumped on the woolen blanket using it as a pillow and imagined that she was at home in her own house, in the dead of night beside her hearth in which she was sure the coals she had covered up with ash were still burning; she imagined that she was in her colourful guest room in which she had spread her worn out woolen blanket and thought about her children and her children’s children who had grown up on this woolen blanket.



      And now, where are they now? She knows that her oldest son is lying dead somewhere under a rock on top of Ivan Mountain. She knows that her second son is working in some mine somewhere in Canada and Kotsa, her daughter, she knows that she was exiled to Egina Island in the Aegean Sea because her husband left with the Aegean Brigade. She knows that since last year the remains of her two grandsons have been resting in pieces somewhere in Gramos. She heard that her granddaughter had been shot in the back when she was returning from Negush and was left to bleed in the snow. She was told, and she still believes, that her granddaughter recovered from her wounds and took the road to Vicho.



      And in her thoughts she again returned to the beginning, remembering everything that had happened, feeling the pain over and over again, and what hurt the most was her inability to get over her unhealed pain. Her heart had broken when she found out that Pavle, her eldest son, was left dead on Ivan Mountain. Her heart had broken when she received the dreadful letter with the king’s seal telling her that her son had died heroically in the Albanian mountains; heroically defending the Greek ‘patrida’ (country) against the Italians.



      Broken hearted, Krstovica did not have the courage to ask the man who read her the Greek letter with the king’s seal why they had sent him to prison in 1936. Why had they sent her son, the hero who died on Ivan Mountain for Greece, to prison for six months on one of the dry Aegean Islands, for simply saying “good morning” in his Macedonian native language? And why did they have to give him castor oil to humiliate him?



      When they read her the Greek letter about her two grandsons, who only last year had lost their lives and left their bodies on the rocks on Kleftis in Gramos, they said they had died heroically for the glory of Greece. They said they had died as Greeks for Greece. Those words gave her no comfort, no pride and no dignity in her heart. In fact they insulted her and gave her sharp pains in her gut. Macedonians have their own country and their own roots soaked in the blood of so many of their own heroes.



      In their letters they write about Greece and Greeks and at the same time despise her for not knowing how to speak the Greek language, for not understanding the priest in church and for not knowing how to pray to God in Greek.



      And when Krsto, her husband, did not return from the Asia Minor campaign, then too they read her a letter telling her that he, Stavros, had died admirably at Ali Veran for the greatness, for the glory and for the honour of Greater mother Greece. And before that when they made him wear their uniform, they called him “neznamitis” (“ne znam” in Macedonian means “I don’t know” or I don’t understand what you are asking”) because to every question they asked he replied with the words “ne znam” (I don’t know).



      The Greeks sent letters stamped with a Greek royal seal to the families of the “neznamites’, even to those who had died in foreign lands, giving the impression that now even the most beloved sons of Macedonia care for Greece and are dying for the glory of Greece. But the Greeks say this only when the “neznamites’ serve their interests, when they fight for Greece, when they kill on behalf of Greece and when they spill their own blood to glorify Greece. It has always been this way with the Greeks. They like the “neznamites” and glorify them as long as the “neznamites’ march to the tune of their military drums and trumpets. But even then, they rob them of their speech. Even then, they do not allow them to cry, moan, or speak of their problems in their Macedonian language. They won’t allow their mothers, wives and sisters to cry and pray for them on their graves in their native Macedonian language. They won’t even allow their Macedonian names to be written on the crosses standing at the head of their graves.



      And God, as we are told through the force of Greek law, does not recognize any other prayers besides those spoken in Greek. All mighty God, through the mouth of the all Greek Patriarch, obliges some to be happy and others to suffer in silence and to be sustained not by kindness and God’s love, but by bitterness and humiliation. So, in times of prayer, even though all people celebrate the One and same Christian God, not all are allowed to pray to him and glorify his name in their native language. And every week and holiday when church bells ring loudly, for some prayers are mute, recognized only by the expression in their eyes, foreheads, cheeks, low bows, foreheads touching the ground and by the barely visible movement of lips.



      People know to say “amen” loudly and “Christ has Risen” or “For Many Years” (Live a long and prosperous life) silently and away from inquisitive ears. And when they received a letter from the battlefield with bad news, they set aside their fears of castor oil, the whip, the dry islands in the Aegean Sea and began to scream and wail in their own language because only through it can they find the deepest, most meaningful, most significant and most caring way to express their feelings and lighten their pain over the loss of a loved one.



      Krstovitsa had to set aside her fears many times, on three separate occasions over the years. She wailed and wept aloud, in her Macedonian language, many times; during a holiday, on a weekday, during a celebration, during a burial and during a wake. Before the Greek-Italian war broke out, learning Greek in the night schools, she had barely managed to learn the first verse of the Greek version of “our father” but quickly afterwards when bad news began to arrive, prayer in Greek did not help her, not even when the priest and the teacher tried to convince her that God wanted to hear prayers whispered in Greek only. In her memory there was no place for forgetting, not the good and not the bad.



      Sitting there leaning against the cool rock, Krstovitsa, through her teary eyes, struggled to gaze into the distance from which, through her blurred vision, she could see her house. But she sensed that it lacked eternal warmth and brightness, the goodness and the sad view of the Virgin Mary in front of which burned an oil lamp every day and night. Now that too was gone. The eternal and serene beauty seen from the porch above was also gone. The vine that once thrived and climbed above the porch was gone. All that remained now were the dry grapes hanging there burned by the heat wave. The old apple tree in the yard was burned too. It had been a shelter for all kinds of birds including swallows that constantly flew under it. It was now blackened by smoke and smelling like marigolds and basil of which there was so much in the yard. Desolate… Everything was desolate...



      She raised her arms and touched her face with her hands. She wiped her tears… For a moment she felt weak and as if something in her had just broken. She began to weep… very quietly, silently, without quivering, without loud sobbing, but from the bottom of her heart. Then after she had wept for a while she felt something lift out of her, she was relieved by a long awaited calm. She tried to stand up, but in spite of all her efforts she still could not. She squatted down, looked around and attempted to identify the nocturnal noises around her. It seemed as if she was all alone. A step or two away she heard a cricket chirping quietly in the grass, then go silent. It stopped chirping as if wanting to listen and started up again; short chirps as if frightened from a firefly that flashed several times as it flew by near the road. It stopped again. It jumped a step further and renewed its chirping, this time it was more intense, louder; it filled the darkness with its sound.



      Krstovitsa turned her head and then felt a shiver as the night air from the distant mountains made its way past her. There were sounds of thunder in the air. She listened. The leaves in the trees all over the vast wilderness rustled, spreading their sound all around her. The wind blew gently on this hot August night, softly caressing her cheeks. She felt something awaken; come alive inside her, something that had been trampled on, crushed, by the severity of life. “Oh God, am I dying or going crazy?” she asked herself quietly feeling calm, peaceful and relieved of her fears. Squatting by the rock she finally became aware of her knees hurting. “Am I cowering? From whom? Why?” she asked herself and slowly stood up.





      ГОЛЕМАТА УДОЛНИЦА – 17 - 4



      Петре Наковски





      Безредна, непрегледна и гневна е толпата, се турка, се превалува, расте, се збира и гмечи, се дроби, бранува, се згрчува и згуства, се згушува и здавува и вика та колни... Се згрвалија и луѓе и добиток кои лошото ги подбра и ги влече, ги турка се подлабоко во туѓо... Heкој на сет глас викна и со викот ја затера толпата, која уште повеќе се затрча по удолницата разврескана, расплакана, развикана и разулавена. Навалицата гази и толчи, се затркалува, затупотува, затуркува и никој не може да ја заузда. Врисок и плач на жeни и дечиња кои грчевито се држат за мајкините поли. Зацвиска коњ и откинат од узда - разглавен и разуздан високо затрептува и зафрлува нозе, удира и гази...



      И до каде што може во времињата да допре со паметењето, тој не си спомнува за ваква страшна и болна, кобна и тажна, ужасна и потресна глетка што сега се распостелува пред неговите очи.



      Стои исправен и онемен; со крвјосани очи замаглен поглед спушта врз огромната црневина и чувствува дека го фаќа замрачување. Закатанета му е устата и сал му се присторува ли дека во него се клокоти, дека дури сега од него се откорнуваат долго закоренетите пароли кои ја гласеа и утврдуваа вербата во некое подобро утре...со кое растеше, зрееше и созреваше. Му велеа дека нему и на сите околу него и подалеку, животот ќе му биде замеден, а тој замелушен сал слушаше и замласкуваше со празна уста. Та можеби затоа безизлезно влета во виорот без да размислува за последиците. Послушноста, вербата и довербата во водачот и партијата - му беа патоказ. Од горе па надолу - го учеа - само еден е умен и само тој еден да мисли, а тој cамо да извршува. Се досега пред себе ја гледаше само онаа замислена прекрасна иднина која длабоко му ја беа вкорениле недоучените партиски секретари и ете, сега, со очај во очите, го гледа безизлезот. Збунет е и се чини дека допрва прогледа и согледа... И каде ли сега отиде таа беспрекорна и безусловна, непоколеблива, слепа, тврда. огромна и нескршлива верба? Замаглено гледа на развиканата и расплакана бегалска толпа што како огромно црно платно налегна и ја покри целата ширина. И пак и одново му се приcторyва дека некој таинствен глас на разумот, cовеста и осудата допира до него некаде од срцевината на дебелите и многyвековни дабови што растат на оброчиштето одспротива и го прашува: ЗОШТО! ЧИЈ ГЛАС СИ CЛУШАЛ И ПОСЛУШАЛ?



      Разголен, разголен, распартален и разјадосен е. Се чувствува испразнет, загубен и измамен. Во што да верува и во што да има надеж? Се изрони таа и чувствува пустош... Погреши ли? Ја погреши cтраната? Го погреши патот? Сега од неговата свест не се одлепуваат овие прашања; ги чуствува како отворена рана, како удар зад удар, а болката, маката и чемерот се пласти и напластyва. Боли изгубената надеж.... Зачмаен е, збогоросан, збобрен, се му згорчи, се му се зборави. Сега веќе не се плаши од докарок, тукy cамо од закорок. Стои на ритчето обезличен, разголен и обескуражен. И разбра дека веќе нема избав.



      Пред него запустеници, а зад него запустување! Се е изгорено, пепел сторено... Занемен стои пред видикот што раздвижен и разовкан црнее во сончевата заодба.



      Во коријата што е cкраја од кривулестото џаде, под широко разгранетите дабје ги легнуваат ранeтитe. Од другата страна на ридот се уште слегуваат преудолу борци на ДАГ. Едни со забрзан чeкор, други трчаница. Во нивните очи умор и пцости. Млад албански поручник, на лош грчки јазик, им наредува да cкршнат десно. Вели дека таму е збирното место и ceкој да си ја најди cвојата единица. На полјанката до патот cтојат десетина товарни камиони. Друг албански офицер им наредува во нив да го товарат оружјeто. Tој вика и пцуе на албански кога нeкој не ги извршува неговите наредби, Едни во камионите, други во купови го фрлаат оружјето и се тргнуваат настрана. Со раце исчадени од барут, ги бришат cолзите, сомнително се гледаат, талкаат еден друг, шепотат. Тешко, со cрам се поднесува поразот. Беа готови на се, до последен да не ги напуштат бункерите што со месеци беа градени на сите височини на Вичо. Тие беа, ама други погрешија во есапењето. Намерно ли? Наеднаш се слушна брмчење на мотоцикл и маж без офицерски ознаки, нареди:



      - Другари! Ceкој во cвојата единица. Постројте се и тргнете по оној човек! Марш! - Tој покажа со рака и заедно со брмчењето на моторот, го снема.



      На небото што пред квечерина гори во пурпур, стрвниците не престанyваат да кружат. Отаде планината го снема црвениот диск на сонцето. На лединката, отаде границата, под ведрото и оѕвездено небо. врволиката тивко потплачува, колне, пцуе, лелека, мачно изречува збор за помен. Од зад ридот огреа полна месечина. Крстовица виде парче незафатено место и се упати таму. Го одрами веленцето. Со плеќите се потпре на каменот од кој се уште зрачи топлина. Облак засени месечина и настана мрак. Покрај неа, во темницата, во која таа е небаре ништо и како да не постои, поминчваат непознати, натоварени, папсани, молчеливи, неми. Врват луѓето, врват, пред себе тераат добиток, се довикуваат, доенчиња заплачуваат, залипуваат старци. Жена се разбреа на сет глас, растура колнежи во црната темница и се дави во грчот на липањето...



      Крстовица пред себе испружи раце, ги допре cтапалата, а потоа земјата. Сеrа и е полесно да дише. Зема здив, ја брише потта од челото, потоа од лицето и одново се забрадува со црната шамија. Се загледува горе. Високо, таму во недостижното, мижуркаат sвезди. Повремено настанува кратка тишина и тогаш се слушаат глуви татнежи и одвај забележливи треперења на воздухот. Таа се навали на веленцето што го стави како возглавница и и се пристори дека е дома во глуво доба, крај своето огниште во кое сигурно се уште тлеат жарчињата што ги покри со спуза; и се пристори дека е во шарената гостинска одаја во која го распосла излитеното веленце и мисли на cвоитe рожби и на челадта од рожбите свои кои израснаа на ова веленце. А сега, каде ли се сега? За најстариот знае, дека лежи под една карпа на Иван Планина. За вториот ин знае дека работи во нeкој рудник во Канада, за Коца, дека е испратена на заточение на островот Егина во Егејското Море, затоа што момчето и заминало со Егејската бригада... За двата внуци знае дека лани парчосани останаа на Грамос, а за внука си слyшна дека нешто жeшо ја каснало за плеќи кога се повлекувала ол Негуш и останала да лежи во окрвавениот снег... Така и рекоа и таа се уште верува, дека внуката успеа да се исправи и дека се уште го држи патот што води кон Вичо... И со мислата пак се враќа на почетокот, се пронижува низ се што помина, а најмногу ја болат болките непреболени, болките недолечливи од кои cрцeто и е раскинато кога научи за Павле кој останал на Иван Планина. Тогаш и пратиле писмо со печат и царски знак, дека синот јуначки загинал на албанските планини, бранејќи ја грчката патрида против Италијанците.



      Ама Крстовица не се осмели да го праша човекот кој и го читал писмото што носело царски знак - зошто триесет и шестата него, сега јyнакот од Иван Планина, заради едно “добро утро” изречено на македонски, шест месеци прележа на еден од камените и суви острови во Егејско Море? И зошто ли тогаш му дале рицинус и го посрамотиле? И кога пак на грчки и го читале писмото за двајцата внуци кои лани останале мeѓy карпите на Клефтис во Грамос, дека и тие јуначки отстоиле за славата на Грција, тогаш нејзиното срце не дознало гордост, не почувствувало достоинство, туку се згрчило во непреболот и во навредата затоа што тие, имајќи cвоја земја, свои корени натопени со крвта на толку други јунаци, во писмата и пушувале оти загинале како Грци за Грција, а неа затоа што не го знае грчкиот јазик и в црква не го разбира попот грчки и не знае на грчки да мy се моли на Бога, ја презираа. И кога Крсто не и се вратил од војната во Мала Азија, и тогаш и читале дека тој, Ставрос, славно паднал во Али Веран за величието, за славата и честа на Големата Mајка Грција. А кога пред тоа му ја облекле униформата, го нарекле “незнамитис”, затоа што на секое прашање поставено nа грчки, не знаејќи го грчкиот, одговарал “не знам”. Загинал “незнамитисот” во тyѓа земја, а нејзе и испратиле писмо со печат и царски знак... И така мајкините и бабините најcакани гинеле за славата на Грција и вределе за Грција само тогаш, кога знаеле да пукаат, да убиваат други, да отcтојyваат, со cвојата крв да ја величаат Грција. Секогаш така со нив, со “незнамитите”, кои биле сакани и величени само тогаш кога гласно свирела воената труба и најгромко удирале воените барабани. И тогаш им го земале зборот. А тоа било време кога им било забрането на cвојот јазик да ја искажуваат болката и жалта кон умрените и на умрените на крст да им го пишуваат нивното родовско презиме. И Господ, по силата на законот, не признавал други молитви освен оние изречени на грчки. А Господ единствен семоќен преку устата на сегрчкиот патријарх на едни им велел да се радуваат, а на други да страдаат во молчење и да се хранат не со добрината и љубовта Божја, ами со горчината на пониженоста... Така во тие времиња се славел еден христијански Бог, но на сите не им било дозволено на cвој јазик да испраќаат молитви кон Него и да го величаат името Негово. А таму кадешто ceкоја недела и ceкои празник гласно биеле црквенитe камбани - молитвите биле нeми, зборувале cамо очите, се молеле челата, образите, метаниите ниски, ниски до самоти земја допирана со чело, одвај забележливите движења на усните. Знаеле гласно да рeчат “Амин”, а тивко. нечујно “Христос воскресе” и за “многу години”... И кога од боиштата добивале писменца со лоши вести, тогаш престанувале да се плашат од рицинусот, од камшикот, од сyвиот остров на Егејот; пчштале писоци и лелеци на cвој јазик зашто само така најдлабоко, најболно, најпотресно, за олеснување на болката и за долг cпомeн на покојниот, ја искажувале cвојата болка. Така трипати Крстовица одјареми страв и многупати и на празник и во делник и на веселба и на закоп и на разбуд, редшe гласно... Пред бојот со Италијанците во оние вечерни училишта, со мака успеале да и ги наyчат на грчки првите редови на “Оче наш” ама набрзо потоа стигнала лошата вест и eтe и таа молитва не и помогнала иако и попот и yчителот ја убедувале оти Господ Бог сака само молитви шeпотeни на грчки... Во нејзиното паметење нема место за доброто ниту за лошото...



      Седи Крстовица потпрена врз студениот камен и низ солзите се се мачи да продре во далечината во која низ замаглината на солзите се појавува нејзината куќа. Во неа веќе ги снема вeчната топлина и светлината, добрината и тажниот поглед на Богородица прел која ceкој ден и ноќ без прecтан гореше маслениче. Сега угасна и тоа. Умре вечната и тивка убавина што се глелаше од високиот чардак. Вплетена во него се исуши лозата. Висат од жегата исушените гроздови... Во дворот изгоре старата јаболкница. Од под нејзините стреа засекогаш одлетаа ластовиците и ветерот презаситен со чад, далеку го однесе мирисот на џунџулето и босилокот што толку многу ги имаше во дворот... Пусто... Запустено... Подига таа раце и со дланките си ги допира образите. И брише, та брише солзи... Во еден миг почувствува дека заслабнува и дека во неа нешто почна да се крши. Заплака - тивко, без треперење, без гласно липање, ама од сесрце. Откако се изнаплака, почувстува дека во неа влегува некакво олеснување, небаре долго очекувано смирување... Се обидува да стане, ама и покрај целиот напор, останува да клечи. Гледа наоколу и се обидува да ги долови ноќните шумови. И се чини дека до неа, покрај неа нема никого. На чекор или два, во тревата се одгласи штурче, најпрвин тивко, испрекинато, cрамeжливо... Престана, небаре наслушнува; засвири одново, кратко и, изгледа исплашено од светулката што неколкупати болсна со мешето крај патот - прекина. Се оsва чекор подалеку - продорно, довикливо, го наполни мракот со себе. Таа сврти глава и тогаш почувствува како трепери ноќниот воздух од далечните подмолни татнежи. Наслушнува. Шумат дрвјата во огромната пустелија што се шири околу неа. Во жешката августовска ноќ тивко поддувнува ветер. Колку нежно и ги допира образите. Во неа нешто како да живнува и се пробудува, нешто што е затрупано со урнатините на животот... “Господе, зарем умирам или полудувам?” - смирено и без уплав се прашува и дури сега почувствува дека ја болат колената од клечење. “Клечам? Пред кого? Зошто?” - се прашува и полека стана...







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      "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
      GOTSE DELCEV

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      • George S.
        Senior Member
        • Aug 2009
        • 10116

        The Great Decline – Chapter 17 – Part 3



        By Petre Nakovski

        Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

        [email protected]

        April 22, 2015



        The stranger moved and as if nothing had happened, lifted his head, took the kerchief off his face and with a tired, exhausted and sleepy voice asked: “Did I, dear mother, fall asleep?” He did not expect a reply. He looked up at the blue sky and then looked around, wrapping his eyes around the scorched earth and dust and, while attempting to gather his thoughts, said: “We released some string from the spool and with it we found our way here. The spool was small, the string ended here, who knows how long the road ahead is, in what valleys and hills, forests and brooks… Unstitch, dear mother, unstitch some more string from the woolen blanket and with it we will trace our way back home, our footsteps will be covered by dust; water will wash the road, unstitch string from the woolen blanket so that we can find our way back home…”



        His throat became hoarse and he stopped talking. As if lost, he looked at the sky, took a deep breath and said: “Unstitch dear mother, unstitch some thread from the woolen blanket so that we can mark…” He was unable to complete his sentence. The old woman interrupted with a sharp tone of voice:



        “Take your dirty hands off the woolen blanket and don’t even dare look at it! The road has already been marked… by you and those...” She did not finish saying who ‘those’ were. The curse got stuck in her throat. She stood up, put her woolen blanket over her shoulder and without saying a word, stepped away. Without looking, she crossed the barrier that so many uprooted people before her had crossed. She did not look back. She continued walking down the dusty road and he, without saying a word, stood up and followed her.



        They walked slowly, one beside the other. Once in a while the old woman paused to wipe the sweat off her face, catch her breath and adjust the woolen blanket on her shoulder. They kept going. Not used to the slow pace, he tried to stay with her and catch her when she stumbled and she, with a choked voice, with broken words began to tell her story… She spoke, unfolding twists of her experience, of what was hers yesterday. He listened silently, moving forward, rarely looking at her. The sun was about to set. The heat began to subside… He stopped and sat down. He took the shmaizer off his shoulder and braced it on his knee. The old woman, leaning forward, put down her woolen blanket, wiped the sweat off her face and stood there. She looked at the crowd of people gathering under the trees… He pulled out a small bag of tobacco, ripped a small piece of paper from a newspaper, twisted a cigarette and lit it. He inhaled a deep puff and slowly exhaled the smelly smoke. He spat to the side, puffed and spat again. He looked up at the blue sky and with eyes closed, asked:



        “Did you say the woolen blanket was a gift and that you brought up your children and grandchildren on it? Did you say you left your house open and that you covered the burning coals in the fireplace with ashes? The coals will smoulder in the hearth for a long, long time. They will smoulder and wait. Look, the grove is emptying. The people are leaving. Let’s go, let us take the road that awaits us. Just like this, put the woolen blanket on your other shoulder so that your arm, holding the black copper jug, does not become numb. And when I tell you to stop, pause to catch your breath. And now, let’s go and don’t turn back, don’t look back. I will say it again, if you fall your people or strangers will surrender you to the earth and will steal your woolen blanket. Did you say we will return to our homes, to our old houses, we will uncover the smouldering coals and light a fire? Did you say that then you will lay down the woolen blanket on which your children and grandchildren grew up… Did you say, dear mother, your oldest lies under some stone on Ivan Mountain? And do you know where Ivan Mountain is? Look to your right. Over there, the one standing high, that’s Ivan Mountain… Is this where an Italian grenade cut him to pieces? And about your two grandsons they told you that last year they were left resting on Bel Kamen and that they saw your granddaughter at Charno resting beside her machine gun? And did you say she had blond hair, big blue eyes and a beautiful face with a sweet smile? Oh, dear mother, many at Charno blackened and turned to coal, burned by the living fire… At Treskavets, Aliabitsa and on every hill in Gramos…”



        The man, as if wanting to ease the old woman’s pain and anguish which she carried with her, repeated again and again the words the old woman had spoken and, after moving a few steps ahead, would not look back. He knew very well what was happening there. And if some commander stopped in front of him, who now like him roamed the roads of the bordering country, if he stopped in front of him and told him: “Back you son of a bitch, back! Back to your post!” then without hesitation he would circle back and continue on the dusty dirt road back to the place where he would be ordered to die.



        Eight years with a gun over his shoulder he formed the habit of listening and doing as he was told. In his younger years he did not even want to think for himself. What soldier is a soldier if they think for themselves? In what army do they teach soldiers to think for themselves? A soldier is trained to obey orders without asking questions. To listen, to do and not to think, it was drilled into their heads, it was in their blood. But later, when he matured, first in the Partisan ranks of ELAS, then in the Aegean Brigade, after serving in the Yugoslav People’s Army, and after that in the People’s Militia, he began to think and his thinking was sometimes not on the same level as the orders given to him to carry out. He never had officer’s epaulettes on his shoulders. He was a regular soldier for eight long years, always hungry and the host of many lice. In 1937 they made him wear a Greek uniform; drilled him, taught him how to kill and, as in every army, taught him it was honourable to kill and assured him, like they do in every army, that his life was the most important thing that he had and must be sacrificed for his ‘patrida’ (country).



        The following year, 1938, he made a mistake about his ‘patrida’, for which his ‘patrida’ took his military uniform and exchanged it for a prison uniform. And why? Because in the unit where he was serving there were several ‘endopi’ (indigenous Macedonians) with whom he spoke in his Macedonian mother tongue. That’s right! He was sent to prison for speaking the language he had learned from his mother! The sergeant, who was also Macedonian from the same region, warned him twice to watch himself and that speaking the Macedonian language was prohibited. He knew that it was prohibited but, being angry at something, he swore in his mother tongue and having drunk a little too much he and his friends sang the Macedonian song, “I hear the rustling of the beech wood trees” in the café. The song was sung quietly but loudly enough for others to hear. For that he was put in jail for six months, which he served on one of the dry islands in the Aegean Sea.



        Those six months meant a lot to him. He met many older, thoughtful and educated people. And each one of them, in their own way, explained to him the wrongs that Greece (which some called the anti-people regime) was committing against its people and made it clear to him why people were poor, hungry and dressed in rags. They explained to him that everyone had the right be treated fairly, as an equal. Everyone had the right to have a job and to be paid, and not in the way things were done at that time; you having to work and someone else becoming rich and having a rich life.



        He had difficulties understanding the concept of ‘society’ and a ‘proletariat revolution’, but it seems that hiding in his misunderstanding was this mysterious power from which sprang his conviction. In the simple and still unpolluted soul of this ordinary Macedonian villager, exactly those unrecognized words created confidence and faith. What he liked most about this was that in this new society, every day and night would be distributed evenly: eight hours work, eight hours sleep and eight hours learning and fun. And because he was very interested in learning he accepted the last part with mixed feelings. Of course this was understandable, but ultimately and unquestionably he accepted the truth that in this society everyone was going to be equal.



        “What more could I want than being equal?” he often thought to himself. “Is there anything better than being equal, for example, to a general? Congratulations to the person who thought of such a society. A nice society.”



        After six months, those who sentenced him, convinced that he was rehabilitated, returned him to a unit in which many like him also served. With their eyes fixed into the future and their heads filled with righteousness, which they barely understood, enthusiastically and trustingly they preached their ideals to others.



        In the spring of 1939 they took his rifle and his uniform and sent him home to his village, wearing his old worn out rags. It was Easter and after church service, in the town square, the music band began to play. He took a one thousand drakma bill from his pocket, spit on the king’s face, slapped it on Duro’s forehead and said: “Bajracheto, play the Bajracheto!”



        He was first, leading the dance. He started out lightly, hopping gently, swinging his kerchief up high in the air when suddenly the music stopped. There, beside the bandstand, stood the chief of police with his whip, gently tapping in his open left palm. The man lowered his leg with which he was about to take the next step in the dance and stood up straight. His right cheek began to tremble and his eyebrows furrowed. He crumpled his open kerchief in his hand and with a measured steady step walked to the bandstand. With an angry but quiet voice he said: “Continue to play!”



        The old clarinet player, Duro the Gypsy, looked at the police chief for approval.



        “I paid you for this dance, not him!” said the man.



        “If it’s about the money, take it back…” said Duro quietly. He then went close to the man and whispered in his ear: “This police chief is a bastard and he will take away my right to play my instrument. Speak with him.”



        The man turned. The police chief was rhythmically tapping his left palm with his whip. He could see a challenge in the reflection of the man’s eyes. The man came close to the police chief and asked in Greek: “You sir, did you order this dance to stop?”



        There was silence. The whole place went quiet. Anticipation. There was a breath of fear in the air…



        “Sir,” now in a calmer tone of voice, “Mr. Police Chief, today is Easter. If you want to and if you can, celebrate Christ’s resurrection with us and share with us that happiness,” said the man.



        “And if I don’t then what?” asked the police chief with a slight smile on his face, beginning to tap his hand harder with the whip.



        “Then gather your constables and get the hell out of our village!” replied the man.



        “Is that so?” asked the police chief. “And do you know that we know everything about you? For example, we know that you are a communist and that every day you speak in that prohibited language, which means you disrespect the law and you show contempt for the great and clever wise man, Yoannis Metaxas. And besides that, a while ago you spat on the king’s face!”



        The man wanted to say more but did not get the chance. With lightning speed the police chief hit the man across the face, with his policeman’s whip. It felt as if his entire face had been fried in hot oil. Without thinking, the man butted the police chief in the face with his head and at the same moment yanked the whip out of his hand and with it, hit him twice over the head.



        His fellow villagers cursed the man for a long time because that Easter day they were all beaten to a pulp. As for him, they took him to Kostur and after a short trial found him guilty of speaking the forbidden language at home and in public places, of swearing and of attacking the government. He was sent to prison.



        The man loved his fatherland but he was unable to make the commander understand which and whose fatherland he loved. The man left and went to defend his fatherland. He was enlisted in the 28th Regiment of the Fifteenth Division. The entire regiment was made up of young men from the Kostur and Lerin Regions.



        He received a light wound at Ivan Mountain and was sent to Pogradets. And since then he had not put his rifle down. Since then he had no epaulettes on his shoulders to weigh him down. The only things that weighed him down were the belt of the cold metal barrel and ammunition which cut his shoulders and turned him into a hunchback. He went to the mountains with the first detachments and fought against the Italians. And when “Lazo Trpovski” the first Kostur battalion was formed, in which all the fighters and commanders were Macedonians, he left ELAS and joined a Macedonian Partisan detachment.



        He used to get angry, swear and fight bitterly with his friends when he heard that those “up there, above” the superiors, as they used to call them, argued among themselves, blamed one another and vilified each other, dividing themselves and taking this side or that. He stayed clear of all that and held his own side, the side that fought for a free, united and independent Macedonia.



        He cried with tears of joy and hugged the Macedonian fighter from across the border, from Vardar Macedonia, when they arrived in Kostur Region. He spent several days with them wandering around, talking and singing revolutionary and patriotic songs about Macedonia. But soon after that he became angry and remained angry and very disappointed when he found out that the army command in Vardar Macedonia had refused to allow the Kostur Region youth to join its movement and since then wondered, asking himself and others, why no one wanted to create an all Macedonian army?



        One of the commanders told him that it was up to the Parties and the Parties had some kind of understanding and things were done according to this understanding. He quickly realized that the Parties wanted a war of liberation with everyone fighting inside their own border. Anyone who did not follow those conditions would be labeled a separatist and prosecuted accordingly.



        The young people who took to the mountains to join the struggle were turned back, returning home embarrassed and mocked.



        When the war was over the Aegean Brigade, after the battles against the Balisti, was disbanded outside of Gostivar, the fighters were then dispersed to various services and he thought to himself, ‘The time has come when no new graves will be dug on Macedonian soil.’ And every day new refugees arrived from the Aegean part, bringing bad news, saying that a new armed resistance had begun. He often wondered whether he should go or not? He was unemployed, living off the municipal cauldron. He reported to the People’s Militia and found work there. They told him his task was to continue the struggle against the People’s enemy.



        He continued to walk in front of the old woman, something made a strange sound as he stubbornly paced on the dusty road, baked by the summer heat. He looked, there between the branches of the old oak tree the sun blinked and for a very short moment his eyes stared at the burning sky. A heavy, stifling and dry heat fell all over his face taking his breath away. They reached the summit. To the left was a forest. There were masses of people and livestock under the thick and tall oak trees and all over the entire long and wide meadow. Above them there was a lot of shouting and a cloud of dry dust. The crowds arrived and rose, they thickened, they roared, they babbled, they pushed and swarmed and they filled the meadow and the woods. And from another wilderness new crowds poured, women and men driven to run at the last moment after taking their belongings with them.





        ГОЛЕМАТА УДОЛНИЦА – 17 - 3



        Петре Наковски



        Непознатиот се помрдна и како да не беше ништо, подигна глава, отфрли шамија од лице и со изморен, истоштен и поспан глас, праша:



        - Јаc, мајче, изгледа сум дремнал, нели? - Не чека одговор. Погледна на cиното небо, потоа наоколу, со поглед ја прибра вжарената земја и прашината над неа и, обидувајќи се да ја врзи прекинатата мисла, рече:



        - Конецот од клопчето го отпуштивме и со него обележавме пат... до тука... Малечко беше клопчето и конецот го довлековме до тука, а пред нас кој знае колку долг пат се влече, по какви долови и ридови, по какви шуми и трапишта... Отпарај, мајче, отпарај, конец од веленцето и со него да го бележиме патот за в дома... траrите прашина ќе ги покрие; патот водје ќе го излокаат... парај конец од веленцето за да знаеме по кој пат да се вратиме дома... - Грч му стегна грло и тој замолкна. Изгубено гледа во небото. Длабоко вдишува и вели: - Отпарај, мајче, отпарај конец од веленцето... за да го обележиме... - не доврши мисла. Старичката го прекина со остар глас:



        - Тргни ја таа валкана рака и не cмeј да погледнеш на веленцето! Се најде кој да бележи пат... го обележавте вие... и тие... - Не кажа кој. Во грлото и застана клетвата. Стана. Го нарами веленцето и без збор појде и не виде дека очекори отаде мeѓата што пред неа ја беа испогазиле толпи искорнатици. Не гледа назад. Оди по правливиот пат, а тој без збор се довлече и шлапа покрај неа.



        Чекорат полека. Еден до друг. Повремено старичката застанува да избрише пот и подлабоко да здивне и на грб да го донамести веленцето. Одат. Tој ненавикнат на бавен чекор, се обидува да и додржи од, ја додржува кога се сопнува, а таа со засркнат глас, со испрекинати зборови раскажува... раскажува... оддиплува дипли од тоа што беше нејзино вчера. Tој слуша и молчешкум, газејќи пред себе, ретко погледнува на старичката. Сонцето скоро се cимна за еден остен. Горештината попушта.. Tој застана и седна. Го одрами шмајзерот и го потпре на колено. Старичката, наведнувајќи се, го спушти на земја веленцето, избриша пот од лице и cтои. Гледа на толпата луѓе собрани во шумата. Tој извади тутyнќесе, од весник скина парче хартија, свитка цигара и запали. Вдишува длабоко и полека испушта смрдлив чад. Плука настрана. И пак влече и пак плука. Задржа поглед на cиното небо и со подзамижани очи, тој праша:



        - Велиш веленцето ти е даровно и на него си ги израснала и чедата и внуците? И дека и куќата си ја оставила отворена и жарот што тлееше во огништето си го покрила со пeпeл? Ќе тлеат жарчињата во спузата... Ќе тлеат и... ќе чекаат... Пули, шумата се празни. Стануваат луѓето и фаќаат пат. Ајде, ајде да станеме и да го фатиме патот што не чека. Ете, така, де, префрли си го веленцето на другото рамо за да не ти отрпне раката со која го носиш тој црн ѓум... А кога ќе ти речам да застанеш, подзастани колку здив да прибереш. А сега, ајде, да појлеме и ние и не cвртувај се, не гледај зад тебе. Таму, зад нас, се е во чад и пламен... оди и не гледај зад тебе. И пак, велам, ако паднeш, cвоите или тyѓите ќе те предадат на земјата и ќе ти го украдат вeлeнцeто. И велиш ќе се вратимe дома, во старата куќа, ќе ги откриeмe жарчињата и ќе го распалиме огништето? Велиш дека тогаш ќе го постелиш веленцето на кое ти израснале чедата и внуците... И велиш, мајче, дека најcтариот лежи под нeкоја карпа на Иван Планина? А знаeш ли која е таа планина? Погледни десно. Ете, таа што високо се извишува е Иван Планината... Таму го распарчила италјанcката граната? А за двата внука ти рекле дека лани останале на Бел Камен и дека внуката ја виделе на Чарно легната врз автоматот? И велиш дека имала руса коса, големи сини очи, бело лице и блага насмевка?... Ех, мајче, тамy на Чарно многу црносаа и гламносаа во жив оган и вивнати пламење... И на Трескавец и на Аљавица и каде не по ридиштата на Грамос...



        Човекот како да сака да и олесни на сопствената болка и на маката што ја влече со себе, ги повторува и ги преповторува зборовите на старичката и, тврдо газејќи напред, не свртува опул зад себе. Tој добро знае што станува таму. И ако пред него застане нeкој командир, кој како него сега талка по беспаќата на пригранината земја, ако застане пред него и му рече:



        - “Назад, кучкин cинe, назад! Назад на позиција!”, тогаш нему нема да му затрепери око - на лево круг и пак ќе продолжи по правливиот пат назад се до местото каде што ќе му биде наредено да погине. Осум години не одрами пушка и веќе навика му е да слуша и да извршува. На помлади години дури и не сакаше да размислува. Кој војник е војник што размислува? Во која војcка војниците ги учат да размислуваат? Војник - се знае: “разбирам” и “смеам ли да прашам”. Така, да слуша и да извршува - но не и да размислува - тоа му беше во крвта. Ама подоцна, кога созреа, најпрвин во партизанските одреди на ЕЛАС, потоа во Егејската бригада, па служејќи во Југословенската народна армија, а потоа и во народната милиција, размислуваше, а размислувањето понекогаш беше рамно и на неизвршување на наредба... Офицерски еполети на рамо немаше никогаш. Осум години обичен прост војник. никогаш нeнајаден и секогаш хранител на вошки. Илјада деветстотини триесет и седмата му ја облекоа грчката војничка униформа; го вежбаа, значи го учеа да убива, како во сите војски, велејќи му дека тоа е чесно и го убедуваа, како во сите војски, дека неговиот живот е највредното што го има и треба да го даде за “патридата”. Наредната година, триесет и осмата, нешто и згрешил на “патридата”, та затоа му ја соблекоа војничката униформа, му облекоа затвореничка. А зошто? Затоа што во единицата во која служеше имаше неколку “ендопји”, со кои си прикажуваше на мајчиниот јазик, на македонски, де. Водникот кој потекнуваше од неговите места, едно двапати му прости и го потсети дека тоа е забрането. Знаеше дека е забрането, ама кога налутен од нешто опцу на тој cвој мајчин јазик и малку поднапиен залеа в кафеана “Слушам кај шумат буките...”, додуша тивко, ама доволно гласно за да го слушнат некои, на шест месеци го пратија во казнена единица во еден од логорите на сувите острови во Егејското Море. Тие шест месеци му значеа многy. Запозна многу постари мажи од себе - неписмени и учени. И ceкој од нив на cвој начин му ги објаснуваше кривовштините што ги прави државата (некои тоа го нарекуваа ненародниот систем) и му објаснуваа зошто народот е сиромашен, ненајаден и лошо облечен и дека сите треба да бидат еднакви, сите да имаат работа и плата. а не така како што е сега - ти работи, а нeкој друг да се богати и богато да живее. Зборовите: општество и пролетерска револуција тешко ги разбирапrе, ама се чини дека токмy во тоа неразбирање и несфаќање се криеше некаква таинствена моќ од која извираше убедувањето. Во простата и се уште неизвалкана душа на овој обичен македонски селанец, токму тие непознати зборови влеваа сигyрност и вера. Најмногу му се бендисуваше тоа дека во тоа ново општество на ceкој денот и ноќта праведно ќe му бидат распоредени: осум часови работа. осум чаcои спиење и осум часови учење и забава. А бидејќи не беше и толку мераклија за учење, последното го прифаќаше со мешани чувства. Освен ова се беше разбирливо. ама крајно и безпоговорно ја прифати вистината дека во тоа општество сите ќе бидат еднакви. “Што сакаш подобро од еднаквост? - cи мислеше. - Има ли подобро од тоа да cи еднаков на пример со еден генерал? Алал мy вера на тој што измислил такво општество. Баш убаво, мајката”. По шест месеци, тие кои го казнија, убедени дека е превоспитан, го вратија во единицата во која се најдоа и други како него – со вперен поглед во иднината и со главите полни со правди што одвај ги разбираа, ама воодушевено и во доверба ги проповедаа... Пролетта, илјада деветстотини и триeceт и деветтата мy одрамија пушка, му ја пресоблекоа униформата и во cвоитe селски излитени алишта стаса в село, дома. Беше Велигден. По Богослужбата, на средсело, на вигната, засвирија тапанџиите. Tој од паричникот извади илјадарка, плукна токму таму кајшто беше ликот на кралот, му ја залепи на чело на Дуро, стариот кларинетист и му рече:



        - Бајрачето, свири го “бајрачето”!



        Се фати прв на оро. Го поведе лесно, потскокливо, живо и колку што се разви ороводниот гердан, оледнаш пресекоа свирките. Астиномот застанат до тапанџиите, полека и одмерено удираше со камшикот на отворената лева дланка. А тој спушти нога подигната за следниот чекор во орото, се исправи. му затрепери десниот образ, веѓите му се намуртија. Развеаното шамивче го собра в дланка и со одмерен и сигурен чекор појде на кај тапанџиите. Со налутен ама тивок тон рече:



        - Продолжете да свирите...



        Стариот кларинетист, ѓуптинот Дуро, прашалнички покажа со глава на аcтиномот.



        - Јаc го платив орото, а не тој!



        - Ако е до парите - тивко рече Дуро - ги враќам. - Доближа уста до неговото уво и му шепна: - Оној пезевенк, астиномот, ќе ми ја земе дозволата да cвирам. Зборyвај со него.



        Сe сврте. Аcтиномот и натаму ритмички чдираше со камшикот на левата дланка. Во неговите очи - одблесок на предизвик. Појде на кај него. Застана пред него, го праша на грчки:



        - Ти ли, господине, си наредил да престане орото?



        Молк. Вигната замолкна. Исчекување. Издив на страв...



        - Господине - сега веќе со посмирен глас – господине астиноме денес е Велигден... Ако сакате и ако можете, славeтe го заедно со нас Xриcтовото воскреснување и делете ја заедно со нас таа радост...



        - А ако не? Тогаш што? - подсмешливо праша астиномот и посилно yдри со камшикот по дланката.



        - Тогаш да си ги соберете пандурите и да ве нема од нашето село...



        - Така ли? - праша астиномот. - А знаеш ли ти дека ниe се знаеме за тебе? Знаеме, на пример, дека си комунист и дека ceкој ден зборуваш на тој забранет јазик, а тоа значи непочитyвање на законите и понижување на ликот на великиот и единствено умен и мудар Јоанис Метакcаc. А освен тоа пред малкy го исплука ликот на кралот...



        Tој сакаше нешто да рeчe, ама не успеа. Небаре како молскавица прелета пред неговите очи полицискиот камшик и на лицето почувствува пржење. Избезумен со глава го удри в лице и во истиот миг му го откина од рака камшикот и му врза два нишани од уво до уво.



        Селаните долго го колнеа затоа што тој ден на Велигден сите беа претепани. А него го однесоа во Костур и по кратка постапка мy пресудија: за зборување на забранeтиот јазик дома и на јавно место, за пцуeњe и напад на власта – заточеништво. Потоа дојде октомври, илјада деветстотини четириесеттата. Партијата повика: cитe комунисти на фронт. Се јави мeѓy првите. Го ослободија. Ја тука да гние и државата да троши - рече командантот на логорот - ја таму да загине, од една страна е исто, а од друга нека докаже колку ја сака татковината.



        А тој ја сакаше татковината, ама не можеше да се разбере со командантот на логорот чија и која татковина. Отиде да ја брани татковината и стигна до Подградец. Ете и оттогаш тој не одрами пушка. До тогаш на раменици никогаш не му натежнаа еполети. Му тежеше cамо студеното железо, ременот и редениците му ги пресечуваа рамената и го подгрбавија... И кога се појави првиот костурски партизански батаљон “Лазо Трповски” во кој и борците и јазикот и командите беа македонски, тој го напушти ЕЛАС и му се придружи на македонскиот партизански одред. И се лутеше, пцуеше, жолчно се расправаше со другарите кога слушаше дека таму “горе” како што се вeлeшe - големците се караа меѓу себе, се обвинуваа и се клеветеа, се распоредуваа на оваа или онаа страна. Tој остана и се држеше за онаа страна која одлучи да се бори за слободна и обединета Македонија. Со солзи в очи ги прегрнуваше партизаните од Вардарска Македонија кога тие стигнаа во Костурско. Неколку дена заедно сновеа, заедно пееја. заедно мечтаeја и борбени песни пееја за Македонија, ама остана лути многу разочаран кога виде дека командата на македонската војcка од вардарско одби да ги прими младите Костурчани кои масовно сакаа да е се приклучат и се чудеше и се прашуваше и себе си и другите зошто нeкој не сака да се направи една македонска војcка? Heкој од командата им рекол дека партиите се разбрале и така како што се разбрале, така ќе биде. Сфати дека партиите сакаат ослободителната војна да се води само до таму до каде што зафаќа предвоената гранична линија и ако нема да се придржуваат на ова, тогаш ќe бидат осудени како автономисти и така би. А младинците се враќаа дома засрамени и насмеани. Прегрме војната, Егејската бригада по борбите со балистите ја расформираа надвор од Гостивар, борците ги растурија по разни служби и тој почна во себе да мисли дека дојде време по македонската земја веќе да не се копаат нови гробови. И ceкој ден од Егејот доаѓаа бегалци, стигнуваа лоши вести се појавуваше оружен отпор. Размислуваше да оди или не. Беше без работа, се хранеше од општинскиот казан. Се пријави во народната милиција. И тука најде работа. Му рекоа дека негова задача е да ја продолжи борбата против народниот непријател...



        Чекори тој пред старичката, нешто мрмори и инаетливо ја гмечи под себе правливата патeка спржена од летната жега. Meѓy гранките на старите попатни дабје мигнува сонцето и само за краток миг в очи им паѓа спопаленото небо. В лице им чдри тешка, неподвижна и задушлива жега и во од им суши здив. Излегоа на височинка. Лево од патот, шума. Под дебелите и високи дабови и по целата долга и ширна ливада - споулавено раздвижена црневина луѓе и добиток. Над нив викотници и облак сива прашина. Надојдува и надотекува, се згустува, бучи, баботи, протура и рои толпата, ја исполнува ливадата и шyмата и по други беспаќа дотекуваат нови бранови жени и мажи натоварени cамо со тоа што во последен миг успеаја да дигнат од дома и тераат пред себе стока.



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        • George S.
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          History Of Macedonia



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          Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian history

          in Articles, FYROM Propaganda, Skopjan Propaganda / by Admin / on October 29, 2008 at 1:48 am /

















          amchronlogo Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian history





          Australian Macedonian Advisory Council

          October 29, 2008






          Dear Editors,I feel obliged to write to you in order to express my deepest concern for the deliberate manipulation of well-evidenced historical events which is clearly reflected in the article “Most modern Greeks today believe the Ancient Macedonians were Greek” written by Mr. Risto Stefov. The specific article is full of unfounded claims, an enmity addressed against Greek people and sophisticated misrepresentations of the ancient Greek history with its main aim to deceive the unsuspected reader by attempting to present false claims, disguised to sound truthful.

          Before proceeding through a point by point refutation of the baseless claims presented in article in question, I would like to point out that the title of the article is misleading. Certainly it´s not “Most modern Greeks” who accept the fact that ancient Macedonians were Greek but instead it´s the vast majority of the world today, including the core of the contemporary modern historians who accept it as a fact.

          To rephrase the author´s initial question…Why is it so important in general for the Slavic element of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) which Mr. Stefov belongs, to believe that the ancient Macedonians were not Greek?

          The answer is simple and plain. Because somehow they live under a misguided notion. Particularly, they believe that by disassociating Greeks from ancient Macedonians, this will mean in their illusionary point of view, they, the descendants of the Slavic and Bulgar tribes that entered the Balkan peninsula in the 6th and 7th centuries, are the historical heirs and descendants of the ancient Macedonians who lived a thousand or more years earlier and who were Greeks by their own testimonies. One can hardly go further in Orwellian double-speak. This absurd notion supported increasingly among the Slavs of FYROM, makes as much sense as asserting that if someone manages to prove a car´s color is not white, this would surely mean it is black!

          Furthermore Mr. Stefov embarks on an clumsy effort to spread mendacious disinformation as regards to the events of the early 20th century. Incorrectly he states “Didn´t Greece in 1912, 1913 invade and occupy a fully populated Macedonia?” while the truth is that nobody has invaded Macedonia in 1913 but instead during the first Balkan war, the Balkan coalition between Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece invaded Ottoman Empire, for the liberation of the Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbs who lived there. Sadly for the author´s empty claims there was not back then, any ethnicity called ´Macedonian´. The term was used merely as a geographical indicator.

          To quote some accounts of contemporary self-witnesses that shatters Mr. Stefov´s unfounded claims and deliberate misinformation:

          John Foster Fraser in his “Pictures from the Balkans” verifies: “But who are the Macedonians [5]? You will find Bulgarians and Turks who call themselves Macedonians, you find Greek Macedonians, there are Serbian Macedonians, and it is possible to find Rumanian Macedonians. You will NOT, however, find a single Christian Macedonian who is not a Serbian, a Bulgarian, a Greek, or a Rumanian. They all curse the Turk, and they love Macedonia. But it is Greek Macedonia, or Bulgarian Macedonia, and their eyes flame with passion, whilst their fingers seek the triggers of their guns”. He further adds “I have some hope that in years to come the inhabitants will think less of their Turkish, Bulgarian or Greek Origin and a great deal more with the fact that they are all Macedonians”[2].

          Edmund Spencer in his “Travels in European Turkey, in 1850…”writes “The population of Uskioub [Note: Modern Skopje], consisting of Arnouts, Jews, Armenians, Zinzars, Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbians, amounts to upwards of twelve thousand” [3]. Again another clear evidence there was no “Macedonian” ethnicity back then but instead it´s a modern “invention”.

          Additionally, John Van Antwerp Fine gives us a realistic portrait of the situation in the Macedonian region by writing: “Until the late nineteenth century both outside observers and those Bulgaro-Macedonians who had an ethnic consciousness believed that their group, which is NOW two separate nationalities, comprised a SINGLE people, THE BULGARIANS [4]. Thus the reader should IGNORE references to ethnic Macedonians in the Middle Ages which appear in some modern works. In the Middle Ages and into the nineteenth century, the term ´Macedonian´ was used ENTIRELY in reference to a geographical region. Anyone who lived within its confines, regardless of nationality could be called a Macedonian.”.

          Furthermore, Arthur Douglas Howden Smith in 1908 adds: “It should be remembered, to begin with, that there is NO Macedonian race, as a distinct type [5]. Macedonians may belong to any of the races of Eastern Europe or Western Asia, as, indeed, they do. A Macedonian Bulgar is just the same as a Bulgar of Bulgaria proper, the old principality, that in October, 1908, at Tirnova, was proclaimed independent of Turkey. He looks the same, talks the same, and very largely, thinks the same way. IN SHORT HE IS OF THE SAME STOCK. There is no difference, whatsoever, between the two branches of the race, except that the Macedonian Bulgars, as a result of their position under the Turkish government, have less culture and education than their northern brethren.”

          To help the readers having a more informative view over the issue on stake, I urge them to take a look in the following link. It contains a vast number of excerpts taken by 90 neutral sources, written by travelers, historians, diplomats related to the subject which put an end to the unfounded claims over a so-called “Macedonian “Ethnicity back then. Mr. Stefov, conveniently for his agenda, chooses to ignore all the overwhelming evidence.


















          http://history-of-macedonia.com/2008...-in-fyrom/Lets return back to the core issue of Mr. Stefov´s article. Namely the ethnicity of Ancient Macedonians. Of course there is no issue at all, whether the modern Slavs







          descendants of the Slavic tribes that invaded the Balkan peninsula centuries after the demise of the ancient Macedonian kingdom have any link with ancient Macedonians. Obviously as verified by any serious historian, they haven´t!!!


















          1. The Ancient Macedonians spoke a dialect of the Greek language

          Mr. Stefov incorrectly assumes that “This [Koine] was an international language which was used in the Macedonian court and by the Macedonian administration.”. This is simply fallacious and deserves an immediate rectification. Koine became the international language BECAUSE of Alexander´s campaign. Prior to Alexander´s campaign, ancient people like Illyrians, Persians, Paeonians, Indians, Carthaginians, Romans, Thracians, Egyptians, Dardanians did NOT speak Greek. Most of them begun to speak Greek (Koine) AFTER Alexander´s pan-Hellenic campaign to Asia. Therefore Mr. Stefov´s conclusions are entirely wrong since his own premises are erroneous in the first place.






          The eminent linguist Olivier Masson states “For a long while Macedonian on mastics, which we know relatively well thanks to history, literary authors, and epigraphy, has played a considerable role in the discussion [6]. In our view the Greek character of most names is obvious and it is difficult to think of a Hellenization due to wholesale borrowing. ´Ptolemaios´ is attested as early as Homer, ´Ale3avdros´ occurs next to Mycenaean feminine a-re-ka-sa-da-ra- (´Alexandra´), ´Laagos´, then ´Lagos´, matches the Cyprian ´Lawagos´, etc. The small minority of names which do not look Greek, like ´Arridaios´ or ´Sabattaras´, may be due to a substratum or adstatum influences (as elsewhere in Greece). Macedonian may then be seen as a Greek dialect, characterized by its marginal position and by local pronunciations (like ´Berenika´ for ´Ferenika´, etc.). Yet in contrast with earlier views which made of it an Aeolic dialect (O.Hoffmann compared Thessalian) we must by now think of a link with North-West Greek (Locrian, Aetolian, Phocidian, Epirote). This view is supported by the recent discovery at Pella of a curse tablet (4th cent. BC) which may well be the first ´Macedonian´ text attested (provisional publication by E.Voutyras; cf. the Bulletin Epigraphique in Rev.Et.Grec.1994, no.413); the text includes an adverb ´opoka´ which is not Thessalian. We must wait for new discoveries, but we may tentatively conclude that Macedonian is a dialect related to North-West Greek.”












          2. The ancient Macedonians prayed to the same Greek gods as the ancient Greeks.

          The poorly-chosen argumentation reveals Mr.Stefov´s inconsistence with ancient history. His lack of evidence subsequently forces him to produce irrelevant anachronistic analogies with…Christianity even if it is more than obvious we are talking about issues having to do merely with classical ages. Mr. Stefov, for your discomfort, it is only Greeks which gave their deities the familiar Greek epithets, such as Agoraios, Basileus, Olympios, Hypsistos of Zeus, Basileia of Hera, Soter of Apollo, Hagemona and Soteira of Artemis, Boulaia of Hestia, etc and naturally Macedonians as being Greek themselves, were doing similarly which certainly is not the case for non-Greek people. Furthermore nowadays historians agree that Macedonians had the religious and cultural features of the rest Hellenic world.

          The worship of the twelve Olympian gods in Macedonia is undoubted





          and it is shown explicitly in the treaty between Philip V and Hannibal of Carthage “`In the presence of Zeus, Hera and Apollo …and in the presence of ALL THE GODS who possess Macedonia AND THE REST OF HELLAS” [7].




















          3. The ancient Macedonians united the ancient Greek city states and spread the “Hellenic” language and culture to the known world.


          Mr. Stefov adds further his own misguided perception which is the epitome of misinformation. He states “Macedonia fought and defeated the so called “Greeks” in battle and subjugated them from 338 BC until 206 BC when they were briefly liberated and again subjugated by the Romans”.






          This is another terrible effort to create the wrong impression amongst the readers that “Macedonians fought Greeks in Chaeronea”. Contrarily, in Chaeronea the opposing sides were:











          ξύμμαχα και υπήκοα


          [allied and SUBJECTED]. One line of approach was direct annexation attempted disastrously by Perdiccas II and successfully by Philip.”Prof. Bosworth adds “Lyncestis probably co-operated with the Illyrian invaders as before in the war against Archelaus, the chaos in lower Macedon at the accession of Amyntas was an ideal time to avenge the annexation attempted by Perdiccas and probably by Archelaus”.

          Essentially Mr. Stefov just managed with his above wrong assertion to dissolve his own self-made ´construction´ of ancient Macedonian history speaking about a “unified” Macedonian kingdom.

          In relation to the spread of Greek language and culture declares quite amusingly that: “As for spreading the so-called “Hellenic” language and culture, there is no evidence that the Macedonians exclusively did this for the sole purpose of honoring the “Greeks”. The Macedonians gave the world what the Macedonians had and considered to be of value”.

          I will briefly analyze the falsification of the author´s assertion, before presenting an enumeration of ancient sources [9] proving that Alexander launched a Pan-Hellenic campaign against Persia and through his conquests spread Hellenism in a vast colonizing wave throughout the Near East. Furthermore he created economically and culturally, a single world stretching from Greece to the Punjab in India with Greek (koine) as lingua franca. He built a network of almost thirty Greek cities throughout the empire, a building program that was expanded by later Hellenistic rulers. These became enclaves of Greek culture. Here gymnasia, baths, and theaters were built. The upper classes spoke koine Greek, wore Greek dress, absorbed Greek learning, adopted Greek customs, and took part in Greek athletics. Ancient sources reports as such and the pan-Hellenic character of his campaign were the definitive statements of the Macedonian royalty and nobility. We find Greek language, poleis, architecture, and art expand As far east as India. Even in Judaea of Roman times, there was a group of Jews called “The Hellenists”. The Greek language survived in the Indian region as late as about AD 120, when the Kushan king Kanishka, who ruled western India, Bactria, and Sogdiana (in an inscription) declared that Greek was to be replaced by “Aryan” (the Bactrian language).

          It would be essential to complete this reply with numerous excerpts showing exactly how ancient Macedonians felt themselves about their own ethnicity. After all this is what matters mostly.














          ChaeroneaCombatants

          Side A´

          Macedonia, Thessaly, Epirus, Aetolia, Northern Phocis, Epicnemidian Locrians*

          Vs

          Side B´

          Athens, Beotian League (Thebes, etc), Euboean League, Achaean League, Corinth, Megara, Corcyra, Acarnania, Ambracia, Southern Phocis.

          Neutral sides

          Sparta, Argos, Arcadia, Messene. The three last had alliances both with Athens and Philip but their pro-Macedonian activity of 344/3 BC showed they were leaning towards Philip. However they didn´t sent aid to Chaeronea in Philip´s side because of the blocking in Isthmus by Corinth and Megara. Sparta had withdrawn almost entirely from Greek affairs in 344 BC.

          Elis had an alliance with Philip though they didn´t take part in Chaeronea but showed their pro-Macedonian feelings by joining their forces with Philip in the invasion of Laconia in the autumn of 338 BC.

          In other words, we find on both sides Greeks!!! We are dealing apparently with a Greek civil war!!

          If this is translated to Mr. Stefov´s illusionary world that “Macedonians fought Greeks” then following the same irrational line of thought, we have to assume in Coronea “Spartans also confronted Greeks”.

          Battle of Coronea (394 BC)

          Combatants

          Sparta Vs Thebes, Argos, and allies

          In addition, the author adds “So, according to “Greek” logic, the Macedonians united the so-called “Greek” city states by subjugating and subordinating them under Macedonian control. By the same “Greek” logic we can conclude that Hitler too, in WWII, united the Europeans by subjugating them and placing them under German control.”

          Here we get a trustful and genuine proof of the author´s selective quotation and hypocrisy. If we are to take his assertion as truthful, then the author ignores conveniently the fact that even the “Unification” between Lower Macedonia and the Upper Macedonian kingdoms by the Argead Royal house was forceful. In fact the annexation of Upper Macedonia took centuries to be successful.

          According to the eminent historian prof. A. B. Bosworth [8]

          “The upper kingdoms then had a constant struggle to preserve their independence and fostered alliances with the peoples to the west and north. On the other hand the policy of the kings of Macedon was to make the recalcitrant mountaineers truly “









          1. Alexander I, king of Macedon:“Men of Athens… Had I not greatly AT HEART the COMMON welfare of GREECE I should not have come to tell you; but I AM MYSELF GREEK by descent, and I would not willingly see Greece exchange freedom for slavery. …If you prosper in this war, forget not to do something for my freedom; consider the risk I have run, out of zeal for the GREEK CAUSE, to acquaint you with what Mardonius intends, and to save you from being surprised by the barbarians. I am ALEXANDER of MACEDON.”






          Herodotus, The Histories, 9.45, translated by G.Rawlinson]











          2. Alexander The Great:“Your ancestors invaded Macedonia and the rest of Greece and did US great harm, though WE had done them no prior injury […] I have been appointed hegemon of the Greeks”







          (Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander II,14,4)












          3. Alexander the Great speaking to his troops:There are Greek troops, to be sure, in Persian service — but how different is their cause from ours ! They will be fighting for pay— and not much of it at that; WE on the contrary shall fight for GREECE, and OUR HEARTS WILL BE IN IT. As for our FOREIGN troops —Thracians, Paeonians, Illyrians,Agrianes — they are the best and stoutest soldiers of Europe, and they will find as their opponents the slackest and softest of the tribes of Asia.







          Arrian (The Campaigns of Alexander) Alexander talking to the troops before the battle. Book 2-7 Penguin Classics. Page 112. Translation by Aubrey De Seliucourt











          4. Alexander The Great and Diogenes


          “But he said, ´If I were not Alexandros, I should be Diogenes´; that is to say: `If it were not my purpose to combine barbarian things with things HELLENIC, to traverse and civilize every continent, to search out the uttermost parts of land and sea, TO PUSH THE BOUNDS OF MACEDONIA TO THE FARTHEST OCEAN, AND TO DISSEMINATE AND SHOWER THE BLESSINGS OF HELLENIC JUSTICE and peace over every nation, I should not be content to sit quietly in the luxury of idle power, but I should emulate the frugality of Diogenes. But as things are, forgive me Diogenes, that I imitate Herakles, and emulate Perseus, and follow in the footsteps of Dionysos, the divine author and progenitor of my family, and DESIRE THAT VICTORIOUS HELLENES SHOULD DANCE AGAIN in India […]”




















          5. Alexander the Great dedication to Athena:




          Alexander, son of Philip, and the Greeks, except the Lacedaemonians, from the barbarian inhabitants in AsiaMany more excerpts can be found on:








          history-of-macedonia






          Notes:

          1] “Pictures From The Balkans” by John Foster Fraser (published in 1906), Page 5

          2] “Pictures From The Balkans” by John Foster Fraser (published in 1906), Page17

          3] “Travels in European Turkey, in 1850: Through Bosnia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Thrace,…” By Edmund Spencer, page 28, Published 1851

          4] The Early Medieval Balkans: a critical survey from the sixth to the late twelfth century By John Van Antwerp Fine, Page 37

          5] Arthur Douglas Howden Smith, “Fighting the Turk in the Balkans: An American´s Adventures with the Macedonian Revolutionists”, 1908, p. 4-5

          6] Olliver Masson, 1996, “Oxford Classical Dictionary: ´Macedonian Language”.

          7] Polybius 7.9.1-7; Treaty of alliance between king Philip V of Macedonia and Hannibal

          8] ´Philip II and Upper Macedonia´ by A. B. Bossworth, p.100

          9] (Aelian ´Varia Historia´ 13.11; Arrian I.16.7, I12.1-2, Plutarch Ages. 15.4, Moralia I, 328D, 329A, Alex. 15, 33, 37.6-7; Diod. 16.95.1-2, 17.67.1; Callisthenes 2.3.4-5, 2.4.5, 2.4.7-8, 3.1.2-4; Arrian “Indica” XXXIII, XXXVIII, XXIX, ´Anab.´ Arrian I.16.7, II, 14, 4, 3.18.11-12 ; Polybius IX.35.2, IX.34.3, 17.4.9; Curtius 3.3.6, 4.1.10-11, 4.5.11, 4.14.21, 5.6.1, 5.7.3, 5.7.11, 8.1.29)

          [email protected]



          Australian Macedonian Advisory Council






          Conclusion: As it is evident from the extensive analysis of the facts, Mr. Stefov´s article consists of an overall historical falsification and distorted presentation of facts. Of course it´s his and his people right to denounce for whatever reason this may be, their well-attested from all sources Slavic/Bulgarian origin and history but it´s not their right to usurp the history and heritage which rightfully and evidently belongs to Greece. I hope that Mr. Stefov and the people he represents will eventually find a name which represents their heritage – “Macedonia” evidently does not!



          By Ptolemy






          for































          Source: http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/79306

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          Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian history



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          Want more of this? See these Posts:
          1.Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian History Part II
          2.Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian History Part III
          3.Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonia History Part 4
          4.The falsification of the Ancient Macedonian History by FYROM’s Slavs
          5.Hellenic Electronic Center (HEC) Responds to Risto Stefov


          Tags: advisory, alexander, ancient, australian, bulgarians, carthaginians, counsil, dardanians, egyptians, falsification, fraser, fyrom, history, Ilinden, indians, macedonia, macedonian, paeonians, pan-hellenic, persians, philip, risto, romans, spencer, stefov, thracians, van antwerp fine





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          westclub4

          November 1, 2008 at 6:32 pm

          Dear brother Dimitrios and readers,

          Indeed, it is the job of professional historians, linguists, archaeologists and anthropologists to provide ‘us’ –i.e. the ‘bewildered general public’, with some –if any at all, significant evidence, and also with substantial information about antiquity; that is, from the far and distant past (i.e. the Spring of early human civilization) to the present date.

          As a matter of fact, it is the job of the supposedly and yet so called ‘educated’ professionals of this or that particular scientific field to provide our policy-makers too with scientific evidence and also with either absolute historic facts or with such relevant concluding remarks that would definitively shape our future to the better, so that they would also bring peace and prosperity to our glorious land and to our ancient Greek people, as well.

          Nonetheless, our job as ethnically conscious Greek bloggers is to inform the general public to the best of our ability about those matters that might concurrently be of great significance and of an also great importance to them, as well as, to put pressure upon the policy-makers of our country either to produce a unified and an also significant national strategy about these matters or to reform and revise where necessary the already existing national strategy of their choosing, so that our national and foreign policy becomes more substantial and also successful.

          To the extent that there is any such national strategy at all, we can expect to see the results of it soon, and yet thereafter we begin to claim what it’s really ours and what should really belong to us as a nation and without ever having to beg for it to our western imperialist ‘allies’, nor to our so called ‘friends and protectors’ in order for them to act on our behalf and do for us things properly, and also do justice while we sit there and wait.

          Ancient Greek mythology –and, yet again ancient Greek literature too as well as the many contemporary archaeological findings may provide the so called ‘professionals’ with as much information and evidence they like and need, in order to put forward such a national strategy before the eyes of the Greek public and of Greek politicians and policy makers, so that we finally manage to produce something which might be significant and appropriate too for an ethnic strategy that is worth of the name and which might also become relevant in respect to the ethnic Greek minorities in neighboring countries. Mind you that at present these ethnic Greek minorities might be either conscious or unconscious of their Graeco-Pelasgian and Hellenic ethnic origin, ancestry and descent.

          Indeed, had we got particular references and also appropriate quotations that are available to us at the moment would significantly help if we were to elaborate those quotations to our present contributions too. Hence, it is important that we do not fail to produce quoted arguments in order to further stress and support strongly of our point. But, I particularly insist that it is not our job only to produce substantial papers and masterpieces of professional and of academic work at the same time. Nor is it our role to attempt do the job of the ‘missing’ professionals either, in order to take part on an ongoing debate and discussion of this or of either that particular blog. From the labor movement and also from its daily political and economic struggle we know that ‘a single strike is worth more than any of the best, more elaborate and also most detailed documents and Party Programs that are yet ever to be produced by the Central Committee of any of the Labor Parties’.

          This also applies to national strategy and to policy-making, as well. That is, in respect to these ethnic Greek minorities in the neighboring countries too. Therefore, on my behalf, I strongly advise and also invite historians and all other relevant so-called professionals to take part to this ongoing discussion and debate about ancient Macedonian ethnic origins and descent. I also propose to extent and also to further this concurrent debate as far as to the historic ethnic roots and origins of all ancient Greek and Pelasgian-Greek peoples that were once habituating to –and, which were also dueling throughout the area of the Hellenic Peninsula, Asia Minor, Italy, Egypt and the Middle East.

          I therefore presume that we can all learn something that might prove to be of great significance and also importance to our cause, which is none other than the liberation of all glorious and historic Hellenic lands of our Peninsula, as well as, to assist to the Hellenicisation of either the conscious or unconscious Greek, mix-Greek and also mix-Barbarian Greek and Pelasgian-Greek peoples that are still living to –and also throughout the whole of the Hellenic Peninsula, at present.

          Long live Hellenism and the ancient Greek and Pelasgian-Greek cosmopolitismos! Long live Macedonia and Paeonia, Moesia and Thrace, Epirus and Epirus Nova, Illyris and Dardania as well as the rest of historic Greece! For the cultural Hellenicisation of all Hellenic and Pelasgian Greek Peoples and lands throughout the Hellenic Peninsula! Long live the forthcoming Hellenic Republic!

          Elias Leon A.
          Athens, Greece.




          Dimitrios

          November 1, 2008 at 3:04 pm

          Hi Elias,

          Thank you for your information!
          I wanted to ask you if there is any scientific prove or any agreement amongst historians on the above mentionend matter.
          In general, isn’t it of great importance to put forward any of the proven historical facts to a platform such as Wikipendia for example?

          Greetings!




          westclub4

          November 1, 2008 at 7:00 am

          Addendum,

          The ethnic Macedonian Greek brothers and sisters of the north are neither Slavs nor Bulgars. They are of an equally historic ethnic Greek origin and of an also significant Pelasgian (i.e. ancient Greek and proto-Greek) ancestry to ourselves i.e. the Macedonian Greeks of the south. The concurrently enslaved ethnic Macedonian brothers and sisters of the north comprise of many thousand Graecophone, Vlachophone and Arvanitophone ethnic Greeks and ethnic Pelasgian Greeks too who were once habitating to the southern and also to the eastern and northeastern parts of FYROM. These are the areas which were once populated either by ethnic Macedonian Greeks or by Illyro-Epirotic Greek and Dardano-Paeonian Greek and Graeco-Pelasgian peoples.

          There is an also significant Illyro-Thracian Greek and Pelasgian-Greek element to the population of FYROM. In particular, to those areas which lay to the central, northern and western parts of that partitioned state. In ancient and historic times, and also for an almost thousand years before the Avaric Slavs and the Tataric Bulgars ever set foot to the Hellenic Peninsula, those particular regions were laying to the lands of the ancient Paeones, Bryges, Agriannes and Dardanes. The ethnic and historical origins of those ancient peoples were at that time significantly Greek or proto-Greek -i.e. they were of an ancient Pelasgian-Mycenean Greek origin of the particular Thrako-Illyrian cultural branch of the same nonetheless proto-Greek and Pelasgian people and of also the same cosmopolitismos.

          To the Greeks of the Classic Age, they seemed as if they were left behind culturaly because they had once coalesced with the Troyan Phrygio-Pelasgian Greeks of Asia Minor and thereafter, they were left outside to the cultural advances made by the southern Doric Greek peoples and of that particular neo-Greek sphere of influence and cosmopolitismos ever since. In other words, most of southern Pelasgian or proto-Greeks ever since the Dorian kathodos onwards had became significantly Doric or Hellenic Greek themselves, though some of them still to that date had yet remained more Pelasgic (i.e. Aeolic) or mixed (i.e. Ionic) Greek and proto-Greek as opposed to the Hellenic Doric and Epiroto-Macedonian tribes of the north and of the northwest who became significantly Hellenic.

          At the same time, many Epiroto-Macedonian Dorian (i.e. Hellenic) tribes had also began their expansion northwards and eastwards -i.e. to the lands of the formerly backward Pelasgian Greek remnants. Hence, they expanded (and yet extended their rule) to the lands of the Paeones, Bryges, Thracians, Illyrians, Dardanians etchetera, even prior to the times of Philippe and of Alexander. Moreover, it is ever since the Macedonian expansion to these formerly Pelasgian Greek Brygian, Paeonian, Dardanian and Thrako-Illyrian lands that those proto-Greek (or Pelasgic-Greek) and thus, Thrako-Illyrian Greek tribes became significantly Hellenicised, meaning that they became culturaly equals to the southern Hellenicised Greeks.

          Hence, most of the Hellenic Peninsula and definitively all lands that lay within FYROM today were already Greek (i.e. Pelasgian or Thrako-Illyrian proto-Greek) even prior to the historic Macedonian expansion of the Greek Classic Era or became significantly Hellenic (i.e. Doric Greek) ever since, to say the least. Also, even prior to Macedonian (i.e. Doric Greek) expansion the Pelasgian Greeks and proto-Greeks of the north had established significant condacts with the the either Ionian or Aeolian Greeks of the southern Hellenic Peninsula. Hence, they also contributed to their significant Hellenicisation, which must have been conducted at a time that was certainly prior to the time of Philippe and thereby, their substantial Hellenicisation which is well attested throughout the Hellenistic Era has definitively been not only as a result of Macedonian (i.e. Doric Greek) expansion but it is also due to the significant contribution and effort made at past and at previous times by many Ionian and Aeolian Greeks who made colonies into Thrake and Illyria, ever since antiquity and at distant Classical and historic times, which were to follow the Greek Dark Ages right after the civil war at Troy and the destruction of the old and rampant Mycenean Greek civilisation by the southward moving Dorian Hellenes.

          However, these peoples became significantly mixed and even romanised after the Roman Conquest and, as a result of their linguistic and cultural mixture their historic Aeolic, Doric or Ionic Greek language got substantially latinized ever since and either to a lesser extend (i.e. Arvanitophone Greeks with the Arvanitic Graeco-Latin language) or to a far greater extend (i.e. Vlachophone Greeks with the predominantely latinized Vlachic language). Nonetheless, those same Vlachophone and Arvanitophone Greeks of the north are the same Hellenes of the old with the rest of us -i.e. with the rest of us, concurrent southern Greeks of the Hellenic Macedonia and of the rest of the southern Hellenic Peninsula, as well.

          The slavophone ethnic Macedonian Greeks of the north have adopted the west-Bulgarian dialect as their language, ever since the 8th Century. Nevertheless, we will not find many slavophones who would trade their Macedonism with an either Bulgarian or yet again with a Serbian passport in nowadays, which is very encourraging fact, to say the least. Since we assist this brothering people of ours with historic knowledge and information, we would become able to explain to them that they are definitively neither Bulgarian nor Slavic. The same we must do also with the Arvanitan Greeks of northewestern FYROM as well as with all of the Vlachophone Greeks of Norhtern Macedonia too.

          We need to explain patiently to either of them that they are neither Slavs, nor Bulgars, nor Turks, nor Latins, nor Romans, neither anything else that is non-Greek. Insted, we need to explain to them that they are a Hellenic Macedonian people like ourselves who live in the south, though they speak Slavic (i.e. the slavophone ethnic Macedonians), Graeco-Roman (i.e. the Arvanitans and also the Albanian Sqipetars) or Latin (i.e. the Vlachs) and so on.

          This is not an easy task either. Indeed, it is a heavy taske for us, modern Greeks of the southern Hellenic Peninsula. Yet, it is the only way available to us at present to restore peace and also to bring prosperity to the southern Hellenic Peninsula. This is the historic duty of each and of every Greek at present who respects, understands and wants to honour of the heavy name and also culture, he or she carries to eternity, under the glorious label of being an ethnic Greek of the rather ancient Pelasgian or Hellenic original and same peoples’ stock.

          Long live Macedonia and the rest of Greece! Freedom to all ancient Greek, Hellenic and Pelasgian lands! Freedom to Northern Macedonia, Norhtern Epirus, Illyris, Dardania and Epirus Nova, Moesia, Northern and Eastern Thrake! Long live the forthcoming Hellenic Republic!

          Elias Leon A.
          Athens, Greece.




          westclub4

          October 31, 2008 at 8:16 am

          Indeed, this is a nice article, which also manages to answer to the quite many of the historic misconceptions that are created purposely by the Great Skopjan School of Falsefication of Absolute Historic Facts.

          Nonetheless, we shall all be extremely cautious especially when we use ourselves reproduce the many translated texts into English, which might also contain many foggy bits, here and there. Probably, the best thing to do is we ourselves to read and translate those parts from the the original (i.e. from the ancient Greek prototype) or simply to reproduce the ancient Greek text as such. This is so, because there are many mistakes that are of particular importance and of great significance to us all and to our cause.

          In particular, it is another thing to say ”Alexander of Macedon” and a rather different thing to say ”Alexander the Macedon”. The Glyxbourgh’s were Kings of Greece and even before them, King Othon has been a King of the Greeks, but none of them were of a Greek bloodline and origin himself.

          When we refer to King Alexander the Macedon (i.e. the Macedonian Greek King Alexander) we should stress his Greek Macedonian origin. That is of course another thing from simply saying King Alexander of Macedon (i.e. Alexander the King of Macedonia), which does not stress, nor it specifies his Greek (i.e. Macedonian Greek) ethnicity.

          Indeed, Alexander was a Macedonian and a Macedonian at that time also meant a Greek. Alexander was not a Greek King who ruled over Macedonia and Macedonia was definitively not a foreign -i.e. a non-Greek- land, to say the least. Alexander was not a Greek King who ruled another tribe. He was a Macedonian himself. His father has been a Macedonian Greek and his mother an Epirotan Greek. His tribe -i.e. the Macedonians, were also Greek. In particular, Macedonians were of an ancient Dorian Greek ethnic stock -that is, quite similar to the Magnetes, Epirotes and Lakedaemones or Spartiates (i.e. the Spartans of ancient Laconia).

          They all shared the same origins because they were Dorian Greeks. They all spoke the same Dorian Greek dialect and they also shared the same culture, customs and religion. In that sense, they all were Dorian Greeks or Hellenes as opposed to those who were Ionian Greeks (e.g. the Athenians and also the Greeks in Chalkidiki to name but a few) and who were of an also ancient though of a Pelasgian Greek (i.e. Ionian) origin and who spoke Attic, which has been a more elaborate dialect of the ancient Greek language.

          There were also many more Greek tribes who spoke differernt Greek dialects such as the Aeolians (e.g. the Thessalians and also the Greek colonists near the ancient city of Troy), who spoke Aeolic Greek. Their dialect has also been Greek but of a particularly more ancient (or primitive) form. Aeolic Greek was closer to the proto-Greek or to the ancient Pelasgian language and therefore, it must have been closer to the language of the Pelasgian Paeones (or ‘Upper Hellenes’), Bryges, Dardanians, Illyrians, Thracians, Phrygians, ancient Troyans and Mycenaeans Greeks.

          Hence, to prove only that Alexander himself has been a Greek is not enough. We also need to patiently explain that the Macedonians were a Hellenic (i.e. Dorian Greek) tribe even before they conqueer the land of the historic Macedonia. Also, we need to explain that the peoples of the historic Macedonia at the time of Alexander the Great (i.e. the Paeones, Bryges, Dardanians, southern (or the so-called ‘Real’) Illyrians, Pierres, Agrianes, Thracians and so on) were of an also Greek origin too and that they have been Greek (i.e. Pelasgian or Hellenic) either much prior to the Macedonian expansion to neighboring lands, which primarily occured under the reign of Philippe (i.e. Alexander’s father) or from at least, ever since the time of Philippe’s reign and thereafter.

          All of the above, either to a Slav or a Bulgar of the contemporary Northern Macedonian region might sound ‘really Greek to them’, to say the least. But, to those who are not only habitants of ancient Macedonian land but who are also Macedonians themselves -that is, to all those who are of a real Macedonian (i.e. Dorian Greek) ethnic origin are all too very important.

          Long live the ancient Greek cosmopolitismos! Long live Macedonia and the rest of Greece! Long live the forthcoming Hellenic Republic!








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          • George S.
            Senior Member
            • Aug 2009
            • 10116

            WHAT IS A GREEK?

            Deconstructing the so called “Greek Nation”

            By Risto Stefov

            [email protected]

            September 12, 2008

            Ordinarily I couldn’t care less what the Greeks call themselves, it’s their right and who am I to interfere? But these are not ordinary times when self proclaimed Greeks take it upon themselves to dictate to others what they can and can’t call themselves.

            Greeks say “Ethnic Macedonians” don’t exist! I say “Ethnic Greeks” don’t exist and I can prove it!

            What makes a Macedonian an ethnic Macedonian?

            According to Webster’s dictionary belonging to an ethnic group is belonging to a division of mankind as distinguished by customs, characteristics, language, common history, etc.

            There should be no doubt in anyone’s mind that a large majority of people living in geographical Macedonia share common customs, traditions, songs, dances, and have a common language, a common history and a common religion that stretch back to at least one thousand years. So if we establish that such a group exists or existed in geographical Macedonia up until at least the time of Macedonia’s partition and annexation in 1912, 1913 by Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria then what should we call this group of people?

            If a people lived on Macedonian lands for over a millennium, which I am sure we can establish, then a rational thinker would have no problem calling these people ‘Ethnic Macedonians” if that’s what they want to be called.

            As I was browsing through the www.maknews.com forum I read an article Turkey: Macedonia's best friend posted by VMRO which can also be found at this link; http://www.mfa.gov.tr/denial-of-ethnic-identity.en.mfa in a Turkish official website.

            Now who better than the Turks would know if Macedonians exist or not? Better still let’s see what the Turks have to say about the Greeks. After all both Macedonia and Greece belonged to Turkey for many centuries; Greece for four centuries and Macedonia for five. So I would say the Turks know something about both nations; wouldn’t you agree?

            According to the information on the website;
            The Greek Nation is based on the principle of belonging to the Greek race and the Greek Orthodox Church. On this subject, it is enough to glance at the speeches of the Greek statesmen about the ‘homogeneity of the Greek nation with the exception of the Muslim minority.’

            If the Greek Nation is really homogeneous, one can not help but wonder about the destiny of the Albanians, the Muslim Albanians, Vlachs, Macedonians, Bulgarians, Jews as well as the Turks.
            In this respect it becomes necessary to answer the question of how homogeneity has been achieved in Greek Macedonia while ethnic variety still survives in the Republic of Macedonia.”

            But wait a minute what are the Turks talking about, what Albanians, Vlachs, Macedonians, Turks, etc. existing in Greece? Greece has always maintained it’s a pure and homogeneous nation with roots extending back to the so called Ancient Greeks. If their lineage does not stretch back to the ancient Greeks and ancient Macedonians of at least two-and-a-half millennium ago then how can they claim both the so called ancient Greek and Macedonian heritage as their own and at the same time exclude the ethnic Macedonians from claiming theirs?

            Surely the Turks must know what they are talking about? They were the masters of Greece for four hundred years! They were the masters of Greece even before a Greek state existed or the Greeks (Romanoi) called themselves “Greeks”.

            With regards to Greek claims that “no ethnic Macedonians exist in Greece” I would like to point you to the crucial question asked by the Turkish website: “In this respect, it becomes necessary to answer the question of how homogeneity has been achieved in Greek Macedonia while ethnic variety still survives in the Republic of Macedonia?” How indeed!



            Before Greece became a country for the first time in 1829, the following ethnic groups lived in what today is called Greece: Arvanites (Albanians), Vlahi (Vlachs), Tourki (Turks), Slavi (Macedonians), Voulgari (Macedonians), Slavo-Makedones (Macedonians), Endopii (indigenous Macedonians), Gifti (Roma), Evreii (Jews) and others. There was absolutely no group of people called “Greeks”. These people were made into Greeks after the Greek state was created for the first time in 1829.

            Before Greece was created by the Great European Powers, the Arvanites spoke the Albanian language and had their own unique customs and traditions. The Vlachs spoke the Vlach language similar to Latin and had their own unique customs and traditions. The Turks spoke the Turkish language and had their own customs and traditions. The many names the modern Greeks use, such as Slavs, Bulgars, Slavo-Macedonians, indigenous, etc., to identify the Macedonians also all spoke the Macedonian language which existed and still exists throughout all of geographic Macedonia. The Macedonians too have their own unique customs and traditions which are different from the other groups.

            The Greek state, once created by the Great Powers, used force and coercion to artificially create the Greek nation by deconstructing the real ethnic identities of the Albanians, Vlachs, Turks, Macedonians, Roma and others it trapped in its borders. By stripping them of their natural mother languages the Greek state forced upon them the artificial Koine language which today is paraded as Greek.

            The Koine language by the way, which many Greeks today boast connects them to the Ancients, is nothing more than an artificially imposed language which the Greek state stole from the Byzantine Church and taught to its people in school. One who learns this language in school is no more Greek, related to the ancient Greeks, than one who learns the hieroglyphs in school and claims to be related to the ancient Egyptians. But can modern Greeks see the absurdity of such claims? Judging from the thousands of e-mails I have received, apparently not!

            If I may add, Greece has demonstrated its artificiality not only by imposing a dead language on its people but also by changing every place name and people’s names in all the territories since its creation. It renamed everything to make them “Greek sounding” and to demonstrate to the world how Greek Greece is! But in reality what does this really tell you? This tells me that as a Greek from Macedonia my history began in 1926 when my grandfather’s name and my village name were changed. There is no Stefou or Trigono before 1926! If I believe I was a Greek I would ask myself what was I before 1926?



            So then, what makes a Greek an ethnic Greek?

            Let’s see what the dictionary has to say?
            According to Webster’s dictionary Greek (Graecus) is a native or modern inhabitant of Greece.

            The name Greek is derived from the word Graioi originally the Latin name of a Boeotian tribe that settled in Italy in the 8th century BC.

            So anyone from any ethnic origin can be a Greek as long as they inhabit the lands of modern Greece which very well defines what a real Greek is. But what makes a Greek an “ethnic Greek”? It can’t be culture, tradition or customs because the under layer of people (Albanians, Vlachs, Macedonians, Turks, Roma, etc.) that make up the Greek nation do not share similar characteristics. It can’t be language since the Koine language was adopted by the Greek state and imposed on the various diverse groups of people. Koine is not the mother language of any of these people.

            So the people that make up modern Greece today shared none of the characteristics that make a group an “ethnic group” before Greece became a country for the first time in 1829.

            Thus I have to conclude that “ethnic Greeks” do not exist.

            So how can Greeks who themselves are NOT even Greeks and DO NOT qualify to call themselves “ethnic Greeks” are not only allowed to usurp the Ancient Greek heritage but also rob the Ancient Macedonian heritage? Furthermore how do they qualify to tell Macedonians what to do?

            Obviously these people are frauds and pirates, what are we doing negotiating OUR NAME with them?

            --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

            Pelister09-12-2008, 09:12 PM
            I like this article.

            I think that there is enough evidence, to support it. There is certainly enough empirically based evidence to support the fact that Greece was an incredibly diverse landscape, brimming with various ethnic groups. When N.G.L Hammond said "Albanians above all one the war of independance (Greek)" we really need to know what he is talking about. He is talking about ethnic Albanians as Greeks.

            The Greeks appropriated the Albanian dress, fustanella, for themselves. It was never "Greek".

            You may also notice, that much of the folk music of mainland Greece, are Albanian, Vlach and more recently, Macedonian tunes. In many cases, traditional ethnic Macedonian songs have the lyrics, which are in Macedonian, replaced by Greek, while the tunes remain identical. This is a curious thing. It some ways it helps some Hellenized Macedonians hold onto their heritage, but at the same time, it can be used by some Greek sociologists to point to the Greek "character" of these Macedonians.

            --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

            toothpaste09-13-2008, 02:39 AM
            It can’t be language since the Koine language was adopted by the Greek state and imposed on the various diverse groups of people. Koine is not the mother language of any of these people.




            --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

            VMRO09-13-2008, 03:51 AM
            I'm glad i inspired Risto Stefov to write this article, well done Risto

            --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

            I of Macedon09-19-2008, 01:14 AM
            Its true that Greece got its flag from the English East India company - not suprising though given that England created Greece



            And it should also be mentioned that the current Duke of Edinburgh husband to Queen Elizabeth II Prince philip (born Prince Philippos of Greece and Denmark), carry's the arms of Greece on his family's coat of arms.



            --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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            "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
            GOTSE DELCEV

            Comment

            • George S.
              Senior Member
              • Aug 2009
              • 10116

              FIRE DID NOT BURN THE TRUTH



              The Original “Abecedar” is in Skopje



              By Branko Gorgevski

              Translated from Macedonian to English and Edited by Risto Stefov



              Some thirty years ago Vangel Ajanovski-Oche, a well known Macedonian revolutionary from Aegean Macedonia, donated a copy of the original primer to the Macedonian archives. The primer known as the “Abecedar” was printed by the Greek Government eighty-one years ago to serve the linguistic needs of the Macedonian children living in Greece . Unfortunately, in 19 25 the entire batch was destroyed before it reached its destination.



              This surviving one of three copies, thanks to Vangel Ajanovski-Oche, is now safe and secure in the Macedonian archives in Skopje .



              Just before the conclusion of World War II, Ajanovski, during a meeting, was approached by a Macedonian teacher from Aegean Macedonia who had managed to obtain and save a copy of the primer, which he then gave to Ajanovski.



              Then towards the late 19 70 ’s, after keeping it safe for almost forty years, Ajanovski decided to donate his entire collection of books and documents including the Abecedar, to relevant Macedonian Government institutions.



              Ajanovski was one of the founders of the “Macedonian Antifascist Organization” and of the “Secret Macedonian Liberation Organization” in Voden Region in which he served during and after the Second World War.



              As far as we know the other two original copies of the Abecedar are found; one in the City Library in Vienna, Austria and the other in the National Library in Athens, Greece. The most recent reprint of the Abecedar, which was promoted in the Greek capital, was made possible by use of the original primer from Athens .



              The primer, especially prepared for Macedonian children to learn their native Macedonian language, represents one of the most significant testimonies of the existence of ethnic Macedonians in Greece , which every Greek government has adamantly denied.



              The booklet was printed in Athens in 19 25 as a result of a League of Nations’ request to protect the rights of the Macedonian minority in Greece . On August 10 , 19 20 Greece signed a League of Nations agreement for the provision of rights to all its citizens of non-Greek ethnicities. The agreement, signed in Sevres , France , states that there are minorities belonging to a number of ethnicities living in Greece . It also states that the Greek government agreed to provide basic human and national rights to all its minorities.



              Unfortunately, the fate of the Abecedar was tragic – the entire batch was destroyed in a staged train accident. On its way to deliver the booklet to the various destinations, the train caught fire burning the entire batch, thus never reaching the Macedonian population.



              According to Vangel’s son and well known journalist Georgi Ajanovski, his father obtained the Abecedar entirely by accident. By giving Vangel the Abecedar, the teacher’s wish was to make use of it in other parts of Macedonia ( Vardar and Pirin). It is well known that in those days there was nothing available in the Macedonian language to teach the young Macedonian children their mother tongue.

              According to Ajanovski, this particular copy of the primer must have been saved by the people who first arrived at the site of the burning train.



              back.gif (1338 bytes)
              "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
              GOTSE DELCEV

              Comment

              • George S.
                Senior Member
                • Aug 2009
                • 10116

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                Risto Stefov - Macedonia - What Went Wrong in the Last 200 Years

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                1251926. Legislative Orders in Government Gazette #331 ordered the names of Macedonian towns,villages, mountains, etc to be changed to Greek. The Macedonian people, under duress, wereordered to abandon their Macedonian names and adopt Greek ones assigned to them by the Greek State.1927. Cyrillic inscriptions on churches, tombstones, and icons were destroyed or overwritten. Lawprohibited Church services in the Macedonian language.1928. From 1926 to 1928 1,497 Macedonian place-names in Greek occupied Macedonia wereHellenized.English Journalist V. Hild reveals, The Greeks do not only persecute living Macedonians, but theyalso persecute dead ones. They do not leave them in peace even in the graves. They erase theCyrillic inscriptions on the headstones, remove the bones and burn them.1929. The Greek government enacted a law whereby any demands for national rights byMacedonians were regarded as high treason.LAW 4096 directive on renaming Macedonian place-names.1936. From 1936 to 1940 Fascist dictator General Metaxas REIGNED TERROR. Macedonianssuffered state terrorism and pogroms. Thousands of Macedonians were jailed, sent to internal exile(EXORIA) on arid, inhospitable Greek islands, where many perished. Their only crime was beingethnic Macedonian by birth.LAW 6429 reinforces Law 4096 on Hellenization of toponyms.DECREE 87 accelerated denationalization of Macedonians. The Greek ministry of Education sentspecially trained instructors to accelerate the conversion to the Greek language.1938. LAW 23666 banned the use of the Macedonian language and strove to erase every trace of the Macedonian identity. Macedonians were fined, beaten and jailed for speaking Macedonian.Adults and school children were humiliated by being forced to drink castor oil when caughtspeaking Macedonian.LAW 1418 reinforced previous laws on renaming.1940. From 1929 to 1940 another 39 place-names were Hellenized.1945. LAW 697 had more regulations on renaming toponyms in Greek occupied Macedonia.1947. LAW L-2 decreed that Greek citizens suspected of opposing the Greek government duringthe Greek Civil War were arbitrarily and without due process stripped of their citizenship.1948. LAW M allowed confiscation of properties from Greek citizens who were accused of assisting the opposition or who fought against the Greek Government.
















                126 28,000 CHILD REFUGEES, mostly from Macedonia were evacuated to Yugoslavia,Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania. To this day Greece denies their right toreturn.DECREE 504 continued property confiscation of exiles and colonization of Greek occupiedMacedonia with people from Turkey, Egypt and other parts of Greece. Parcels of land were givento colonists along with financial incentives.1959. LAW 3958 allowed the confiscation of property of those who left Greece and did not returnwithin five years.Several Macedonian villages in Greek occupied Macedonia were forced to swear LANGUAGEOATHS to speak only Greek and renounce their Macedonian mother tongue.1962. DECREE 4234 reinforced past laws regarding confiscated properties of political exiles anddenied them the right to return.1968. The EUROPEAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS accused Greece of human rightsabuses.1969. The COUNCIL OF EUROPE declared Greece undemocratic, illiberal, authoritarian, andoppressive. Greece was forced to resign from the Council of Europe under threat of expulsion.A Military Junta continued the policy of colonizing the confiscated lands in Greek OccupiedMacedonia. Land was handed over to persons with a proven patriotism for Greece.1979. 135 more Macedonian place names were renamed in Greek Occupied Macedonia since 1940.1982. The Greek internal security police urged an intensive campaign to wipe out the remainingMacedonian language and Macedonian consciousness in Greek occupied Macedonia.LAW 106841 allowed political exiles, who fled during the Greek Civil War and were stripped of their citizenship, to return providing they were Greek by ethnic origin. The same rights were deniedto Macedonian political exiles born in Greek occupied Macedonia.1985. DECREE 1540 stated that political exiles, provided they were Greeks by ethnic origin, whofled during Civil War were allowed to reclaim confiscated lands. The same rights were denied toMacedonian exiles who were born in Greek occupied Macedonia.In the 1990s Greece made every effort possible to block the formation of the Republic of Macedonia.IT IS TIME TO EXPOSE GREECE FOR WHAT SHE REALLY IS AND PUT AND END TOHER TYRANICAL WAYS. IT IS TIME TO STOP THE SENSLESS PERSECUTION OF HERCITIZENS WHO WISH TO ASSERT THEIR TRUE NATIONAL IDENTITY.
















                127 The world is becoming a small place and in order to achieve peace and harmony, exclusion,oppression and discrimination must end. I believe that Europe is on the right track in its support forhuman and minority rights. Greece must also recognize her past mistakes and make amends to theMacedonian people. If history has taught us anything, it has taught us that there is no peace andharmony as long as there is exclusion, exploitation and oppression.For the unbelievers and for those who think that the "Greeks can do no wrong", I offer you thefollowing books, written in Greek by Greek authors;1. If you wish to know more about Karavangelis' terrorist actions in Macedonia read his biography(the original version) "Arheio Makedonikou Agona, Pinelopis Delta, Apomnimoneymata,Germanou Karavaggeli, Georgiou Dikonymou Makri, Panagioti Papatzanetea". By his ownaccounts and through his bragging you will learn what an upstanding religious figure, a Bishop noless, he was and how many people he had killed for the good of his country and for Hellenism.2. If you wish to learn what the Greeks did in Macedonia from 1903 to 1905 during and around thetime of the Ilinden Uprising, read the book "Ellinikos Antimakedonikos Agonas, Apo to Ilinten StoZangoritsani (1903 - 1905), Megali Popeza, 1998" by Dimitris Lithoxoou.3. For the lady who told me to "be ashamed for writing such lies" and for the gentlemen who askedme "are there no ends that you Skopians will go to propagate your propaganda and attempt to stealour Greek Heritage?" I offer you this two volume book. "Istoria Tis Makronisou, Meros Proto,Meros Deftero, Athina 1966" by Nikou Margari.4. For those of you who do not believe Macedonians exist and therefore no Macedonian languageexists, I offer you this book. "I Apagorevmeni Glossa, Kratiki Katastoli ton Slavikon Stis ElinikiMakedonia, Mavri Lista, Athina 2000" by Tasos Kostopoulos.On a more personal note!As a result of distributing this article series on the Internet I received a fair number of commentsboth positive and negative. Your comments were well appreciated.While your positive comments gave me the encouragement to continue to write, your negativecomments reminded me why I started writing in the first place. Thank you.For those of you who have referred to me as Skopian or an agent of Skopie, I would like to set therecord straight.1. I am not Skopian, have never been to Skopie or to the Republic of Macedonia.2. I am a Greek Citizen of Macedonian descent.3. You can't just turn a blind eye and assume Greece is problem free and that people like me don'texist or are agents working for someone else.
















                128 Unlike many of you, I have found the truth that I am a Macedonian and not a Greek and haveaccepted it. I know who I am and no longer wish to live a lie for the sake of propagating more lies.On the subject of the Greeks calling Macedonians "Albanian half-breeds", "Gypsies" and"Bulgars", you speak as if those people are not human. Calling them derogatory names does notchange them from who they are. By doing so you only expose your own contempt for those peoplethat think differently than you. In democratic societies like Canada we have laws against suchpractices.And finally, I would like to take the opportunity to thank everyone for showing interest in the seriesof articles and for providing me with your comments.In the near future, I will be starting a new series of articles on Macedonia, which will cover theperiod from ancient times up to the 19th century. Again as always, I will strive to provide you withan objective and unbiased analysis of the historic events with the aim of countering the Greek position on Macedonia and setting the record straight.
















                129

                References:

                1. A Study of History, Oxford 19752. Anastasia N. Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood, Passage to Nationhood inGreek Macedonia, 1870 - 1990, Chicago3. Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History, Oxford 19754. Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans, Twentieth Century5. Benefit Society Oshchima 75th Anniversary 1907-1982 Toronto-Canada6. British History in the Nineteenth Century (1782 - 1901), Longmans 19277. D. Fishwick, B. Wilkinson, J. C. Cairns, The Foundations of the West, Clarke, Irwin8. David Holden, Greece Without Columns, The Making of Modern Greeks, J. B. Lippincott,Philadelphia & New York 9. David Thomson, Europe Since Napoleon, Pelican10. Douglas Dakin, M.A., Ph.D., The Greek Struggle in Macedonia 1897 - 1913, Institute forBalkan Studies, Salonika 196611. Essays to mark 150th anniversary of the Greek War of Independence, Archon 197312. Europe Since Napoleon, Pelican13. Felix Gilbert, The End of the European Era, 1890 to the Present, Institute for advancedStudy, W.W. Norton & Company Inc New York 14. Fred A. Reed, Salonica Terminus Travels into the Balkan Nightmare, Talonbooks, 199615. G.A.L. I Kata Tis Makedonias Epivouli, (Ekdosis Deftera Sympepliromeni), Athinai 196616. George Macaulay Trevelyan, British History in the Nineteenth Century (1782 - 1901),Longmans 192717. Giorgio Nurigiani, Macedonia of Yesterday and Today, Teleuropa, 196718. H. N. Brailsford, Macedonia Its Races and their Future, Arno Press, New York 197119. H.G. Wells, An Illustrated Short History of the World






































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                con2027 added this note

                Risto keep doing what your doing I have learned so much by reading your articles.




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                "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                GOTSE DELCEV

                Comment

                • George S.
                  Senior Member
                  • Aug 2009
                  • 10116

                  While contemplating “bailing out” Greece from its current economic woes let us ponder the following;

                  According to a report published on December 15th, 2009 by Macedonia online

                  (http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/10962/2/) Greece paid journalists 130 million dollars to promote the “Greek-ness” of Macedonia.

                  From 1989 to 1993 the Greek Foreign Ministry, headed by Andonis Samaras, used a secret fund to pay Greek journalists 130 million US dollars to promote propaganda about the “Greek-ness” of Macedonia!

                  Although these funds were originally intended for external propaganda campaigns, according to the testimony given by former Prime Minister Constantinos Mitsotakis, they ended up in the pockets of Greek journalists.

                  “All of the funds were put in black plastic garbage bags filled with 5,000 bank notes of cash money to be used mainly for propaganda purposes against Macedonia’s name, but instead of being sent abroad, the propaganda was directed inwards towards our own country” said Mitsotakis in front of a commission.

                  The payments of huge lump sums coincided with the independence of Macedonia and the strengthening of internal propaganda.

                  The dilemma whether the Greek Government bribed journalists and publishers across the country to write material that would promote Athens´ agenda hangs in the air. Andonis Samaras, however, publicly acknowledged that a large amount of money was paid to publishers, journalists and local officials.

                  What more has Greece done to deserve this you say? Well, let us look at some “other things” that Greece has done over the years;

                  By the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest Greece annexed 51% of Macedonia along with a large Macedonian population which Greece immediately subjugated. For a century now Greece has continuously and systematically used extreme measures to eliminate all traces of the Macedonian identity.

                  Greece has taken many steps including eradication, expulsion, colonization, forced denationalization and assimilation in order to destroy the Macedonian consciousness and erase the Macedonian identity forever. For example;

                  In 1914 Professor R.A. Reiss reported to the Greek government that: “Those whom you would call Bulgarian speakers, I would simply call Macedonians. …. I repeat the mass of inhabitants there (in Macedonia) remain simply Macedonians.”

                  In 1919 a Greek Commission on Toponyms issued instructions for choosing Hellenic names to replace Macedonian place names.

                  In 1920 the Greek Ministry of Internal Affairs published an administrative booklet, “Advice on the Change of the Names of Municipalities and Villages.”

                  In 1920 approximately 70,000 Macedonians were forced to leave Macedonia and move to Bulgaria in exchange for approximately 25,000 so-called Greeks.

                  In 1923 approximately 565,000 Christian Turkish colonists from Asia Minor and approximately 55,000 colonists from Greece were settled in Macedonia.

                  In 1925 Greece denied the existence of Macedonians and referred to the Macedonians as “Slavophone Greeks” or as “Old Bulgarians”.

                  In 1926 Legislative Orders in Government Gazette #331 ordered the names of Macedonian towns, villages, mountains, lakes, rivers, etc. to be changed to Greek names.

                  In 1927 all Cyrillic (Macedonian) inscriptions in Macedonia were destroyed or overwritten. This included inscriptions found in Macedonian municipal buildings, churches, tombstones, and icons, prompting English journalist V. Hild to say “The Greeks do not only persecute living Slavs (meaning Macedonians)…., but they even persecute dead ones. They do not leave them in peace even in their graves. They erase the Slavonic inscriptions on the headstones, remove the bones and burn them.”

                  Church services in the Macedonian language were outlawed. Macedonians were forced by the Greek state to abandon their personal names and adopt Greek names assigned to them. Some of the Hellenized names still echoed their original forms. For example, Mr. Popov became Mr. Pappas whereas other Macedonian names were replaced with completely different Greek names. For example, Mr. Itskarov became Mr. Christidis, etc.

                  From 1926 to 1928, 1,497 Macedonian place names were converted to Greek ones. Decree 87 ordered accelerated denationalization of Macedonians. The Greek Ministry of Education sent “specially trained” instructors to accelerate conversion to the Greek language.

                  In 1938 Law 23666 was enacted which banned the use of the Macedonian language and strove to erase every trace of the Macedonian identity. Macedonians were fined, beaten, jailed and exiled to arid islands for simply being Macedonian by birth and/or for speaking Macedonian. Adults and children were further humiliated by being forced to drink castor oil when they were caught speaking the Macedonian language.

                  From 1929 to 1940, 39 more Macedonian place names were changed to Greek ones.

                  In 1945 Law 697 was enacted which brought into force more regulations for changing Macedonian toponyms to Greek.

                  In 1947 Law L-2 was enacted which arbitrarily and without due process stripped citizens of their citizenship.

                  In 1948 Law M was enacted which provided further means for confiscation of properties.

                  In 1948 approximately 28,000 Macedonian children were evacuated out of the Greek Civil War hot spots and sent to Eastern European countries. Their evacuation became permanent and the children remain exiled to this day.

                  In the 1950’s Greece continued to colonize Macedonian lands with colonists from Turkey, Egypt and parts of Greece.

                  In 1953 Greek authorities met in Solun to plan the expulsion of Macedonians and to bring Greeks from the south to colonize their lands. By decree 504 the Greek state continued to confiscate properties from Macedonians and give parcels of these lands, along with financial incentives, to Greek colonists.

                  In 1954 Law 2951 was enacted which called for confiscated land to be placed in the hands of Agricultural Institutions and Commissions for Expropriations which decided how to redistribute properties.

                  In 1959 Law 3958 was enacted which allowed for confiscation of the properties of those who left Greece and did not return within five years.

                  The populations of many Macedonian villages in the districts of Florina, Kastoria and Edessa were forced to swear language oaths never to speak Macedonian and to speak only Greek. The people were forced to gather at an appointed place in their respective villages and were made to take the following oath in front of Greek church, government and military officials:

                  “I promise before God and men and the official authorities of the state that from this day on I shall cease speaking the Slavic Idiom, which only gives grounds for misunderstanding to the enemies of our country, the Bulgarians, and that I will speak everywhere and always the official language of my fatherland, the Greek language, in which the Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ is written.”

                  In the 1960’s Greece continued to hand over the confiscated properties of exiled Macedonians to persons of “proven Greek patriotism”.

                  In 1962, Decree 4234 was enacted which reinforced past laws regarding confiscated properties of exiled Macedonians and denied them the right of return.

                  From 1940 to 1979 another 135 Macedonian place names were changed to Greek ones.

                  In 1982, the Greek internal security police urged intensive campaigns to wipe out any remaining Macedonian consciousness and use of the Macedonian language. Law 106841 allowed the right of return to political exiles provided they were ethnic Greeks by birth. Macedonian exiles continue to be denied the right of return.

                  In 1985, decree 1540 was enacted allowing the right to reclaim confiscated properties to political exiles provided they were ethnic Greeks by birth. Macedonian exiles were denied and are still denied this right.

                  In 1987, Greece established special “kindergartens” for two and three year old Macedonian children to ensure they learned the Greek language and prevented them from learning the Macedonian language at home.

                  In the 1990’s Greece continued to colonize Macedonian lands with persons from the Caucasus who say they were Greeks.

                  Fear of Greek Authorities and State Harassment Greece is probably the only member of the OSCE which has not granted any freedoms and human rights to the diverse minorities living on its soil.

                  Apart from the Muslim Turkish minority in Western Thrace, other ethnic minorities in Greece, including the Macedonians, are prohibited from organizing their own cultural associations, schools and religious institutions.

                  Greece is the only member of the OSCE which does not permit the return of political refugees and others whose citizenship has been arbitrarily revoked without due process.

                  The present population of the Macedonian districts in Northern Greece is approximately 2 million. Approximately 1 million are of direct Macedonian descent. After nearly a century of systematic effort to denationalize the Macedonians, many succumbed and developed a Greek consciousness and refer to themselves as Greeks or Greek Macedonians. The Greek state has always portrayed the Greek identity as being more cultured and superior. The Macedonian identity has always been portrayed as an uncivilized, barbaric and dirty presence within a pure Greek space. The psychological aim is to make people abandon use of the Macedonian language. It has gotten to the point where one is looked down upon for speaking Macedonian. The language is referred to as the “local idiom.”

                  It is interesting to note that the Macedonian language is recognized internationally, but it is forbidden in Greece. After many generations of policies of denationalization by the Greek state, the Macedonian consciousness among the population has been badly damaged to the point where those who retain their Macedonian consciousness fear to declare it openly. This fear is difficult to comprehend by those who grew up in free and open societies. You have to experience it to understand it. Among the older generation of Macedonians the fear is pervasive and ingrained. It is as if the person is always on guard for his or her actions and words for fear that he or she will be betrayed or heard by Greek authorities. When one Macedonian was pressed further on this issue he blurted out in exasperation, “It (fear) has gotten into the genes!”

                  In 1993 a delegation from Human Rights Watch/Helsinki visited the Greek province of Macedonia and reported that: “Harassment of the Macedonian minority has led to a widespread climate of fear. A large number of people interviewed by the mission stated specifically that they did not want their names used, for fear of losing their jobs or suffering from the kind of harassment experienced by human rights activists—being followed, threatened and harassed.”

                  Why has Greece done all these things you say?

                  First, let me say that this is only a mild and small fraction of the “evil acts” Greece has committed against the Macedonian people. I have not mentioned what they did during the various wars, the various dictatorships and in their prisons and concentration camps over the years.

                  Greece has done this for two reasons;

                  1. To build the so-called “Greek nation”. Since there are no “real Greeks” the kind of Greeks that are descended of the ancient Greeks, Greece had to create “Greeks” by assimilation from its indigenous ethnicities or from the colonists Greece imported from Albania, Asia Minor, the Caucasus and other places. To enforce this, the Greek state had to use harsh measures and strict laws.

                  2. The “newly fabricated Greek nation” had no history, country or lands of its own so it had to occupy and annex “other peoples´ lands” and hide this fact. The Greek state needed to eliminate all traces of the previous owners. So to make a long story short, Greece has made every effort to extinguish the presence and erase the past of everything Macedonian in order to expropriate Macedonian history and the Macedonian land it occupied and annexed in 1912, 1913.

                  In 1912 and 1913 when Macedonia was invaded, occupied and brutally partitioned by Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria, these countries and the Great Powers of Europe knew very well that Macedonia was populated with Macedonians. They very well knew that only a decade earlier the Macedonian people rose up and fought in a Macedonian National Uprising in an attempt to create their own free, democratic and independent Macedonian state. In spite of all that Greece, Serbia, and Bulgaria, along with the Great Powers of Europe, decided to ignore the Macedonians and partition their country anyway. And if that was not enough, they also took the extra step to permanently extinguish the Macedonian existence.

                  Guilty for what they have done, Greece, Bulgaria and the Great Powers of Europe now do not want to face the consequences of their actions and are still insisting that “Macedonians don´t exist”.

                  Greece, Bulgaria and some countries in Western Europe will continue to give Macedonia and the Macedonian people a hard time as long as the Macedonian people keep quiet about what has been done to them. But once the truth is out then there will be no reason for them to harass the Macedonians.

                  The truth is Greece and Bulgaria illegally annexed Macedonian lands that were forcibly taken away from the Macedonian people. Greece, Bulgaria and some Western European countries don´t want the world to know this! And that is the entire crux of the problem between Greece, Bulgaria and Europe on one side and the Macedonian people on the other.

                  It is time for the truth to be revealed!

                  Other articles by Risto Stefov:





                  You can contact the author at [email protected]


                  Old habits never die July 2, 2010

                  Posted by Yilan in Macedonia, Yunanistan.
                  Tags: Macedonia, Risto Stefov
                  1 comment so far


                  By Risto Stefov

                  After proving to the Greeks, a hundred times over, that Macedonians do exist and have existed since Neolithic times, or as my friend Tone from Slovenia would say “the Macedonians lived in Macedonia uninterrupted for at least 40,000 if not 70,000 or even 100,000 years!”, we still have Greeks “insisting” that Macedonians do not exist and that the only people that can call themselves Macedonians are Greeks who live in Macedonia!

                  How does one interpret this and what does one make of it? Allow me to say that, the way I see it, Greece and most Greeks have not changed a bit since their Philhellene patrons sent them on their way and gave them their “fake” Modern Greek identity. Greece is like a sailing ship without a rudder and no amount of “wishing” or in this case “providing proof” can change its course or attitude towards the Macedonians. What is truly “changing”, especially lately, is not the Greeks but the general population´s understanding of Greece and its treatment of the Macedonians.

                  Macedonians like me, born and raised in Greece, understand perfectly well where they stand with regards to Greece. What Greece has done to us is so bizarre and unbelievable that even fellow Macedonians from the Republic of Macedonia have difficulty accepting it. Many think we made things up! One of the most hurtful things to hear from them is “it couldn´t have been that bad, could it? Nobody does that to people!”

                  It took me more than four years to get through to them, to make them understand that our plight in Greece is “real” and that indeed we were treated miserably. Think of it this way; we did not change our personal names voluntarily. We did not rename our place names voluntarily. We did not stop speaking our Macedonian language because we wanted to. We did not drink castor oil voluntarily when we were caught speaking Macedonian. We did not leave our lands and abandon our homes because we felt like it. All these things were forced upon us by Greece, the same Greece which today you call “democratic” and the “cradle of democracy”. Yes, people do “bad” things to other people and yes they were done to us Macedonians in Greece!

                  I suspect that my Macedonian compatriots believed me only because Greece began to show its belligerence towards the Republic of Macedonia. Then ironically, these same people began to tell me their problems with Greece and that Greece had no right to do “bad things” to them, especially since they had done nothing wrong to Greece! All I can say to them now is “welcome to my world”!

                  It has always been my intention to “inform” the “uninformed” Macedonians and let them know who they are dealing with, with regards to Greece. It has also been my aim to lead the Macedonians away from their “defensive” role of having to “justify themselves and their existence”, especially to the Greeks.

                  The Greeks, through their bizarre and unsubstantiated accusations, have become good at putting Macedonians on the defensive. All the Greeks have to do is say: “Macedonians do not exist”, “you are not Macedonians, Macedonians are Greeks”, “Tito created the Macedonian identity”, “you are Slavs who came to Macedonia during the 6th century AD”, “you are communists”, “you are autonomists”, “you are Skopjans”, “you are filthy Gypsies”, “you are Bulgarians”, “you are Fyromians”, etc. and you can be sure that, instead of walking away, Macedonians will take the defensive and respond to the accusations!

                  After being “shocked” by such ridiculous claims, Macedonians immediately take the defensive and, in spite of the ridiculousness of the claims, try to prove the opposite. Using factual and historical information they again and again prove to the Greeks that “yes Macedonians do exist” and here is the evidence in history books, gravestones, old newspapers, etc., which proves it. Unfortunately there is never enough “proof” or evidence to satisfy the Greek desire.

                  It has been my experience that Greeks “couldn´t care less” if God himself stood before them and testified that “Yes Macedonians do exist and here they are!” because the Greeks are not after “finding proof”. They just want Macedonians to “go off on tangents” and idly spin their wheels. That way they can control what Macedonians do!

                  I have personally watched Greeks demand proof of the Macedonians for over forty years and from what I have learned from history, they have been doing this for over two centuries. It has always been a “Greek ploy” to put Macedonians on the defensive because Greeks know that this way they can control the Macedonians! But I believe it is more complicated than that. I believe it is also an assimilation method, a technique of turning Macedonians into Greeks. No matter how much “proof” Macedonians produce, it is never enough! So there is a tendency for people to simply “give up”, accepting that the Greeks may be right and that Macedonians indeed may not exist!

                  You see, besides making the “existence of Macedonians” very elusive and impossible to prove, Greeks have made it easier for people to believe that they are “Greeks” because no Greek will ever question or ask a Macedonian for “proof” or ridicule them if they say they are “Greek”!

                  Seeking acceptance from the Greeks (I don´t know why people would want it but they do) is not “the be all and end all” of our problems as some people may think. But it does have its benefits. Seeking proof of their existence forces Macedonians to think and learn more about themselves, which has been of great benefit to me.

                  Macedonia´s enemies had an entire century to distort Macedonia´s history and to prove to the world that Macedonians don´t exist, implying that the only heirs of the Macedonian heritage are the Greeks, Serbians, Bulgarians and Albanians. But to do this they had to use lies and deception and now that Macedonians appeared literally “out of nowhere” Macedonia´s enemies are stunned and don´t know what to say so they continue with their policy of denial insisting that, in spite of the “Macedonian presence” before them, Macedonians still don´t exist!

                  But, as long as Macedonians “keep taking the bait” over and over and assuming a “defensive” role, they will never break the “Greek shackles”! The Greeks “have the Macedonians where they want them” and no amount of proof will convince the Greeks to release them because frankly that is not their aim!

                  That is why it has been my mission to take this “war of words” away from the Greeks and deploy it in a new strategy;

                  (1) Continue to expose Greek (and Bulgarian) lies and propaganda about the Macedonians, and

                  (2) Open a new front and expose the Greek lies about themselves.

                  If Macedonians want to “play” on a “level playing field” with the Greeks then they must learn to go beyond always taking the defensive and once in a while take the offensive and “challenge” the Greeks regarding the validity of their identity!

                  By now all my readers should know that the Greeks are a “fake” identity, artificially created by the Western Philhellenes and, in spite of their lies and falsehood, they still have the “upper hand” on the Macedonians! Why is that?

                  Macedonians have no defense against this because as long as they continue to take the defensive, Greeks will lead them and take them where they want them to go! Case in point; “name negotiations”! We all know Greece couldn´t care less about “the name” it only cares to “destroy the Macedonian identity” but here we are “negotiating” about “the name” because Greece led us to this!

                  Greeks will continue to lie and deny the Macedonian right to exist as long as the Macedonians let them, as they have done in the past. The best defense for Macedonians is to take control of the situation away from the Greeks and themselves lead this “war of words”. Macedonians must learn to demand from the Greeks what the Greeks demand of them. Macedonians must challenge the “Greek right to existence” as the Greeks have done to the Macedonians!

                  There was “never” a need to reply to Greek demands for “proof” of our God given right to exist!

                  Since Macedonians are challenged on this subject, they now have the right to challenge the Greeks right back and demand of them “proof” of their existence.

                  Let us demand of them, what they have demanded of us for years, to “prove” that they are Greeks! Let´s attack their “Greek identity” as they have attacked ours.

                  It is only fair that we deliver to the Greeks what they have been delivering to us for over a century!

                  I also have a warning for all Macedonians to “beware” of “Greeks” and “Bulgarians” bearing gifts. Our enemies have consolidated their forces and have invaded our space. They come dressed in Macedonian clothing, call themselves “Macedonians”, speak the words we want to hear and are all around us but we cannot see them for who they are! Their motives are to divide and weaken us, to take our power away from us. So please be vigilant, trust no one and always be suspicious of everyone. This is not a joke. If we are to survive we need to look beyond what is before us; we need to be able to spot a Trojan horse and to foresee and understand the consequences associated with “offers” being made to us! Words are cheep; we need to look beyond the “sweet patriotic” words whispered in our ears!

                  If Greece and Bulgaria will go as far as “publicly” denying our existence then you can´t even imagine how far they will go “privately” to do us harm in every possible way!

                  Greece and Bulgaria are prepared to offer Macedonia entry into the European Union, if the Macedonians voluntarily change their own country´s God given name. So what is wrong with “changing” your country´s name “just a little bit”, they ask? You will still be Macedonians. Right?

                  Why should Macedonians do that? How is changing their own name going to benefit the Macedonians? What will be the consequences and what will the Macedonians face in the future if they do that? And most importantly, how will this benefit Greece, since Greece, our worst enemy, is the only country asking for this?

                  If it were up to me I would not do anything Greece asks of me because I don´t trust Greece, as my experience has shown, “nothing good for the Macedonians has ever come out Greece”! In fact, I am willing to go a step further and say that Greece has been the “worst” tormentor of the Macedonian people in Macedonia´s history!

                  If we rush into things because we are being challenged and put on the defensive by Greece, we will make “regrettable” mistakes.

                  The fact that Macedonian authorities today are in the process of “negotiating” with Greece over our name IS one such “regrettable” mistake.

                  It is imperative that we think very carefully before we act and be suspicious of any and all offers put before us, especially by our enemies, so that in the future we can avoid being trapped! And if we want to eliminate any risk of “making even a bigger mistake” we need to “stop” the “negotiations” with Greece NOW and immediately withdraw from these talks.

                  If Greece has made it its mission to destroy the Macedonian identity, what makes you think Greece will stop “if we give in a little” on our God given name?

                  If there is pressure from the International Community to “settle” the so-called “name dispute” as soon as possible and if Macedonian authorities do “give in” to this pressure, what makes you think this same International Community will not come back in the future again and again pressuring Macedonia to make more concessions?

                  The “world” usually follows “precedents” and once a “precedent” is set, Macedonia, even by another name, will have no choice but to “give in” to International pressure again and again because “Macedonia by another name” will be known as the country that “gives in” to demands. And what will “Macedonia by another name” gain by giving up its God given biblical name? Will it gain entry into the dysfunctional European Union, a union which may or may not exist in the next five years? It may or may not but are the sacrifices worth it?

                  Living in the Diaspora, I cannot even imagine the humiliation that Macedonians will have to endure from the Greeks, Bulgarians and their supporters if Macedonia changes its name. And what will our ancestors, who spilled blood to defend our Macedonia, say if they could speak? Will they approve of this change?

                  Countries like Greece and Bulgaria, which refuse to recognize the Macedonian identity, could not possibly have anything good to offer the Macedonians.

                  Greece and Bulgaria will continue to lie and deceive the world about the Macedonians because it is in their best interest to do so. So it us up to us Macedonians to not only expose their lies and deceit but to also expose their “motives” towards us, our lands and our country. And as a friend recently reminded me, “Greeks and Bulgarians” or rather “Grkomani and Bulgaromani” have become friends not because they want to partition the Republic of Macedonia in some future time. They have become friends because “they have already agreed to partition the Republic of Macedonia”! It will only be a matter of time if we let them!

                  Other articles by Risto Stefov:





                  You can contact the author at [email protected]


                  There is no Greater Glory than to be a Soldier of Macedonia May 11, 2010

                  Posted by Yilan in Human rights abuses, Macedonia, Yunanistan.
                  Tags: Alexander the great, Macedonia, Risto Stefov
                  4 comments



                  By Risto Stefov

                  At the height of Alexander the Greats´ campaign in Asia and after almost a decade of fighting and winning battle after major battle, the whole world had noticed the Macedonians. Their fame unfortunately came with a high price, paid in blood both by the Macedonian soldiers who gave their lives for this distinction and by Macedonia´s opponents who defended their territory from this unstoppable army. While fighting against its opponents, the Macedonian army demonstrated bravery, skill, discipline, determination and performed extraordinary achievements deemed impossible by ordinary men. They carried out feats like passing through impassible terrain in record time, fighting much superior opponents and winning, scaling un-scalable walls, fast marching through monsoons, etc., which gave the impression that these Macedonian soldiers were “super human”.

                  It didn´t take long after that for the Macedonian soldier to become somewhat of a legend; a revered hero worshipped by the young and not so young alike. This was a time when there was no greater glory in the world than to be a soldier of Macedonia; a glory remembered to this day when the words “Macedonia and Alexander the Great” are mentioned together. It was the politicians and strong leaders like Philip II, however, who wanted a “safe” Macedonian that gave this professional army its beginnings. But it was the soldiers themselves and their willingness to risk their lives who made Macedonia powerful and famous and who immortalized it on the ancient and modern maps. Macedonia before Philip´s time was no different than it is today. It was picked on by its neighbours just as it is picked on by its neighbours today.

                  The Illyrians were constantly invading Macedonian territories, robbing and pillaging the Macedonian population. In the fall, after the harvests, they would come with their horses and wagons, rob their crops and then set their houses on fire. The Athenians were no better. They constantly invaded the Macedonian coastlines and even built cities on Macedonian lands. They too were not beyond robbing Macedonian timber and other natural resources. It was terrible to be a Macedonian then as it is terrible to be one today when no-one respects you, your feelings, or your property. Philip II, as many kings before him, was well aware of the “Macedonian situation”. But unlike his predecessors he “did something” about it. This was not the way he wanted his people to live and be treated so he built a professional army to deal with this kind of problem. At that time Philip was not thinking of “conquering the world”. He was simply thinking of making Macedonia a safe and peaceful place for his people to live. He was willing to sacrifice resources and many lives, including his own, to give his people peace, for which he was supported by his nobles and by the Macedonian people in general.

                  Philip tried to talk sense into his neighbours using diplomacy and “negotiations” but they were too busy robbing and pillaging his country and his people. Well, we all know what happened next. The moral of this story is that you can talk peace all you want and “negotiate” with your enemies forever but if you don´t have the “clout” to enforce it you are wasting your time because no one is going to pay any attention! If there is any indication that history repeats itself or time runs in a circle, Macedonia today has again found itself at pre-Philippian times where its neighbours are picking on it from every side. Today there are Macedonian territories being occupied, robbed and pillaged by Greece, Bulgaria and Albania. We have the Greeks who refuse to recognize the Macedonian identity or the Macedonian state who insist that Macedonians don´t exist and that the Republic of Macedonia is populated by “Slavs”. We also have Greeks who insist that Macedonia is Greek and would like to see all of it annexed by Greece.

                  On the other hand we have Bulgarians who recognize a “Macedonia” but insist that the Macedonian people are Bulgarians who have “plum forgotten” that they are Bulgarians. And let us not forget Macedonia´s “internal people” who over the years came to Macedonia as guests, some as late as two or three decades ago, settled there but remain ungrateful for what they have received and now want part of Macedonia for themselves. Well it doesn´t take a genius to figure out what needs to be done to remedy the situation. But how can it be done without a Philip at the helm? If there is anything that we have learned from history it is that Macedonia was always small but has accomplished great things and much of its greatness lies in its ability to get world attention and that can be done now as it was done in ancient times; through its military! It doesn´t take a big army to get world attention, as Alexander proved this once before when he entered Asia with only fifteen thousand Macedonians soldiers and defeated the mighty Persian Empire, the greatest empire the world has seen, with an army of one million.

                  To do that, however, it takes a brave, dedicated and disciplined army; similar to the one we have in Macedonia today. In fact if Modern Macedonia has gained any serious attention from the world it is mainly because of its little army. Now before I get attacked for “supporting” the “men and women of war” please allow me to explain. Soldiers and armies do not create war or conflict; politicians and warmongers do. Soldiers are people like you and me, but unlike you and me soldiers take orders without question and are prepared to give their lives, even if they don´t always believe in what they are fighting for. So please do not blame the soldier for what politicians do. There is another definition of what a soldier is besides the conventional one offered by the dictionary and by those who oppose war. A soldier is a young man or woman, a mom or a dad who knows their turn will come someday to serve their country and will be called upon to drop everything in their lives and go far away to do their duty even if it means having to die while doing it. You can argue that it is their job and they were familiar with the risks when they signed up. So what´s the big deal? There is no big deal of course until you stack up your job against theirs.

                  Would you do whatever your boss tells you without question? Would you be prepared to die while doing your job or would you take the job knowing full well that you may never return alive? If your answer was “yes” to both questions then you unquestionably qualify to call yourself a soldier. If you answered “no” then how can you even come close to calling it a mere job. If you truly understand what “soldiering” is all about I am sure you would be hesitant to criticize the soldier. Please allow me to again emphasize that soldiers are not responsible for waging wars! I know many of you have said “what are Macedonian soldiers doing supporting NATO when NATO is not even willing to recognize Macedonia by its constitutional name or accept the Macedonians for who they are?” Again, please do not blame the soldiers for this. The soldiers themselves did not make decisions to support or not support NATO. If there is any blame to be placed, place it squarely on those that make such decisions. Irrespective of “why” Macedonian soldiers are participating in NATO missions there are also the questions of “how” Macedonians are doing in those missions and this should be of interest to all of us. It seems that the small Macedonian military abroad is making quite an impression on the NATO leading armies and their military leaders. I know Macedonian officers and soldiers have a tradition to uphold and very big shoes to fill but even by the standards of the best of today´s best, they are doing very well and as a Macedonian that makes me feel very proud. In fact the Macedonian military and its accomplishments in these NATO missions are positively influencing today´s powers and are again putting Macedonia on the world map. We as Macedonians need to understand this and give our soldiers and officers, who accepted these missions knowing very well that they may not return alive, the respect they deserve. You can still object to Macedonian soldier being sent to NATO missions and, as citizens with democratic voting rights, you can replace those who are responsible for sending our men and women on these risky missions but please do not take away their sacrifices by blaming the soldiers for these wars. Like most ordinary people, most soldiers prefer peace over war but unlike ordinary people soldiers are prepared to fight and sacrifice their lives to make our lives better. We must recognize and acknowledge that. Soldiers may be called “men and women of war” but that nomenclature is flawed because soldiers prefer peace over war. If Macedonia wants to enter the world scene as an equal then it must carefully look at where its strengths lie. Today, the way I see it, its strength lies in its small military, which in spite of its size has turned a few heads. After all Macedonia has a military tradition to follow and uphold and as the saying goes “there is no greater glory than to be a soldier of Macedonia”. Other articles by Risto Stefov: http://www.maknews.com/html/articles.html#stefov http://www.americanchronicle.com/authors/view/3446 You can contact the author at [email protected] blood both by the Macedonian soldiers who gave their lives for this distinction and by Macedonia´s opponents who defended their territory from this unstoppable army. While fighting against its opponents, the Macedonian army demonstrated bravery, skill, discipline, determination and performed extraordinary achievements deemed impossible by ordinary men. They carried out feats like passing through impassible terrain in record time, fighting much superior opponents and winning, scaling un-scalable walls, fast marching through monsoons, etc., which gave the impression that these Macedonian soldiers were “super human”. It didn´t take long after that for the Macedonian soldier to become somewhat of a legend; a revered hero worshipped by the young and not so young alike. This was a time when there was no greater glory in the world than to be a soldier of Macedonia; a glory remembered to this day when the words “Macedonia and Alexander the Great” are mentioned together. It was the politicians and strong leaders like Philip II, however, who wanted a “safe” Macedonian that gave this professional army its beginnings. But it was the soldiers themselves and their willingness to risk their lives who made Macedonia powerful and famous and who immortalized it on the ancient and modern maps. Macedonia before Philip´s time was no different than it is today. It was picked on by its neighbours just as it is picked on by its neighbours today. The Illyrians were constantly invading Macedonian territories, robbing and pillaging the Macedonian population. In the fall, after the harvests, they would come with their horses and wagons, rob their crops and then set their houses on fire. The Athenians were no better. They constantly invaded the Macedonian coastlines and even built cities on Macedonian lands. They too were not beyond robbing Macedonian timber and other natural resources. It was terrible to be a Macedonian then as it is terrible to be one today when no-one respects you, your feelings, or your property. Philip II, as many kings before him, was well aware of the “Macedonian situation”. But unlike his predecessors he “did something” about it. This was not the way he wanted his people to live and be treated so he built a professional army to deal with this kind of problem. At that time Philip was not thinking of “conquering the world”. He was simply thinking of making Macedonia a safe and peaceful place for his people to live. He was willing to sacrifice resources and many lives, including his own, to give his people peace, for which he was supported by his nobles and by the Macedonian people in general. Philip tried to talk sense into his neighbours using diplomacy and “negotiations” but they were too busy robbing and pillaging his country and his people. Well, we all know what happened next. The moral of this story is that you can talk peace all you want and “negotiate” with your enemies forever but if you don´t have the “clout” to enforce it you are wasting your time because no one is going to pay any attention! If there is any indication that history repeats itself or time runs in a circle, Macedonia today has again found itself at pre-Philippian times where its neighbours are picking on it from every side. Today there are Macedonian territories being occupied, robbed and pillaged by Greece, Bulgaria and Albania. We have the Greeks who refuse to recognize the Macedonian identity or the Macedonian state who insist that Macedonians don´t exist and that the Republic of Macedonia is populated by “Slavs”.

                  We also have Greeks who insist that Macedonia is Greek and would like to see all of it annexed by Greece. On the other hand we have Bulgarians who recognize a “Macedonia” but insist that the Macedonian people are Bulgarians who have “plum forgotten” that they are Bulgarians. And let us not forget Macedonia´s “internal people” who over the years came to Macedonia as guests, some as late as two or three decades ago, settled there but remain ungrateful for what they have received and now want part of Macedonia for themselves.

                  Well it doesn´t take a genius to figure out what needs to be done to remedy the situation. But how can it be done without a Philip at the helm? If there is anything that we have learned from history it is that Macedonia was always small but has accomplished great things and much of its greatness lies in its ability to get world attention and that can be done now as it was done in ancient times; through its military! It doesn´t take a big army to get world attention, as Alexander proved this once before when he entered Asia with only fifteen thousand Macedonians soldiers and defeated the mighty Persian Empire, the greatest empire the world has seen, with an army of one million.

                  To do that, however, it takes a brave, dedicated and disciplined army; similar to the one we have in Macedonia today. In fact if Modern Macedonia has gained any serious attention from the world it is mainly because of its little army. Now before I get attacked for “supporting” the “men and women of war” please allow me to explain. Soldiers and armies do not create war or conflict; politicians and warmongers do. Soldiers are people like you and me, but unlike you and me soldiers take orders without question and are prepared to give their lives, even if they don´t always believe in what they are fighting for. So please do not blame the soldier for what politicians do. There is another definition of what a soldier is besides the conventional one offered by the dictionary and by those who oppose war. A soldier is a young man or woman, a mom or a dad who knows their turn will come someday to serve their country and will be called upon to drop everything in their lives and go far away to do their duty even if it means having to die while doing it. You can argue that it is their job and they were familiar with the risks when they signed up. So what´s the big deal? There is no big deal of course until you stack up your job against theirs. Would you do whatever your boss tells you without question? Would you be prepared to die while doing your job or would you take the job knowing full well that you may never return alive? If your answer was “yes” to both questions then you unquestionably qualify to call yourself a soldier. If you answered “no” then how can you even come close to calling it a mere job. If you truly understand what “soldiering” is all about I am sure you would be hesitant to criticize the soldier. Please allow me to again emphasize that soldiers are not responsible for waging wars! I know many of you have said “what are Macedonian soldiers doing supporting NATO when NATO is not even willing to recognize Macedonia by its constitutional name or accept the Macedonians for who they are?” Again, please do not blame the soldiers for this. The soldiers themselves did not make decisions to support or not support NATO. If there is any blame to be placed, place it squarely on those that make such decisions.

                  Irrespective of “why” Macedonian soldiers are participating in NATO missions there are also the questions of “how” Macedonians are doing in those missions and this should be of interest to all of us. It seems that the small Macedonian military abroad is making quite an impression on the NATO leading armies and their military leaders. I know Macedonian officers and soldiers have a tradition to uphold and very big shoes to fill but even by the standards of the best of today´s best, they are doing very well and as a Macedonian that makes me feel very proud. In fact the Macedonian military and its accomplishments in these NATO missions are positively influencing today´s powers and are again putting Macedonia on the world map. We as Macedonians need to understand this and give our soldiers and officers, who accepted these missions knowing very well that they may not return alive, the respect they deserve. You can still object to Macedonian soldier being sent to NATO missions and, as citizens with democratic voting rights, you can replace those who are responsible for sending our men and women on these risky missions but please do not take away their sacrifices by blaming the soldiers for these wars.

                  Like most ordinary people, most soldiers prefer peace over war but unlike ordinary people soldiers are prepared to fight and sacrifice their lives to make our lives better. We must recognize and acknowledge that. Soldiers may be called “men and women of war” but that nomenclature is flawed because soldiers prefer peace over war. If Macedonia wants to enter the world scene as an equal then it must carefully look at where its strengths lie. Today, the way I see it, its strength lies in its small military, which in spite of its size has turned a few heads. After all Macedonia has a military tradition to follow and uphold and as the saying goes “there is no greater glory than to be a soldier of Macedonia”.

                  Other articles by Risto Stefov:





                  You can contact the author at [email protected]


                  How Macedonia became Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian April 20, 2010

                  Posted by Yilan in Bulgaria, Macedonia, Serbia, Yunanistan.
                  Tags: Bulgarian, Greek, Macedonia, Risto Stefov, Serbian
                  3 comments



                  War and the suffering in Macedonia did not end after the failed 1903 Ilinden Macedonian National Uprising. Shortly after the Uprising was suppressed Macedonia became the apple of discord between Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria and to some extent Romania.

                  Unable to free itself from the Ottoman yoke, Macedonia became ripe for the plucking and whoever was able to muster enough strength and resources to drive out the Ottomans would have it in their possession. At that time Macedonia´s neighbours knew they could not possess Macedonia without the cooperation of the Macedonian people, so first they tried their luck at “convincing” the Macedonians that they were not “really” Macedonians but “Greeks”, on account of them being Orthodox Christians. Or they were “Serbians” on account of them supposedly speaking an “Old Serbian” language. Or “Bulgarians” because they supposedly spoke a dialect of the “Bulgarian” language and of course “Romanians” because many were Vlachs and spoke a dialect of “Romanian”.

                  Failing to convince the Macedonian people “that they were not Macedonians” by propaganda alone, the four then resorted to using violence through the application of illegal armed bands. However, in addition to serving their masters by doing their bidding and murdering those who refused their will, these bands, consisting mostly of thugs, also served themselves by robbing, raping, beating and murdering innocent civilians.

                  Now in addition to the dastardly deeds performed by the Ottoman army and the Bashibazuks (armed Muslim civilians), there were Greek, Serbian, Bulgarian and Romanian armed bands roaming the Macedonian countryside preying on the Macedonian people.

                  The Ottoman authorities knew about them and so did the international peace keeping forces stationed in Macedonia but they did nothing to help the Macedonian population.

                  Unable to turn the general Macedonian population into Greeks, Serbians, Bulgarians, or Romanians to their satisfaction, by severe methods the four began to open more Greek, Serbian, Bulgarian and Romanian churches and schools in Macedonia, offering Macedonian children “free education” but not in the Macedonian language. Education was offered in the Greek, Serbian, Bulgarian, or Romanian language respectively. Unfortunately, along with the so-called “free education” came a heavy dose of foreign propaganda. Along with their “free education” children and young adults were also offered a glamorous lifestyle, something their families in the village could not give them. Being “educated” and convinced that they would be more cultured and better off as Greeks, Serbians, Bulgarians, or Romanians these children were then sent back home to “convince” others and also turn them into Greeks, Serbians, Bulgarians or Romanians.

                  Many of these “educated children”, as young adults, became the new teachers and priests in the Macedonian village churches and schools. In addition to preaching and teaching they also unwittingly helped Macedonia´s enemies get a foothold in Macedonia. Those young adults who found their way back to who they really were or switched loyalties usually ended up dead because their benefactors could not tolerate traitors; a tradition Greeks practice to this day.

                  Almost the entire Macedonian population during these times, particularly in the villages, was uneducated and could not read or write. So, many people relied on the village teacher or village priest to help them with administrative matters and filling out travel forms etc. And while they were doing a public service for their illiterate, fellow villagers these teachers and priests were doing their benefactors a favour by registering the Macedonians as Greeks, Serbians, Bulgarians, or Romanians with a Greek, Serbian, Bulgarian, or Romanian sounding name depending on who was their benefactor. That is why Macedonians who traveled abroad during the late 19th century and early 20th century, before Macedonia was partitioned, had Greek, Serbian, Bulgarian, or Romanian sounding names. These names which exist to this day can be found in the United States, Canada and other places outside of Macedonia where Macedonians immigrated during Ottoman times.

                  Macedonians were never Greeks, Serbians, Bulgarians, Romanians, or Albanians. They were simply made to look like that for “political” reasons which became obvious after Macedonia was illegally invaded, occupied, partitioned and annexed by Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria in 1912 and 1913.

                  Looking at this another way, there are many Greeks, Serbians, Bulgarians, Romanians and Albanians today who not too long ago had Macedonian ancestors!

                  In all this there was one organization which cared for the Macedonian population and fought to correct the injustices perpetrated and that was the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (MRO). Unfortunately because the MRO was a great threat to Greek, Serbian, Bulgarian and Romanian ambitions in Macedonia its members were hunted down and killed. In addition to killing off its members, the various factions, particularly the Bulgarians, made attempts to infiltrate the MRO and pose as patriotic Macedonians. This caused much internal strife and mistrust, which is felt to this day in modern Macedonian organizations. I must also add that even though the 19th and 20th centuries are now in the past, Macedonia´s enemies have not ceased their attempts to infiltrate Macedonian organizations. So who can blame the Macedonians for being overly suspicious?

                  Greek political aims in Macedonia

                  Greek propaganda in Macedonia began in June 1903 when Greek military officers, Pavlos Melas and Georgios Tzontas, began to hire illegal armed bands and dispatch them in Macedonia to create havoc and spread “Greater” Greek propaganda. Immediately after the August 1903 Ilinden Uprising, the secretary of the Greek consulate in Bitola, Ion Dragoumis, established a secret Greek committee to work towards the assimilation of the Macedonian people and the annexation of Macedonia to Greece. Around about the same time the Greek bishop of Kostur, Germanos Karavangelis, created an illegal armed band. In the beginning of March 1904 two Greek armed bands were created in Thessaly. Six new illegal armed Greek bands in total were created and dispatched to operate in Macedonia.

                  //
                  //

                  Then in the fall of 1904 the Hellenic – Macedonian committee was formed in Athens whose job was to finance the Macedonian campaign and spread Greek propaganda in Macedonia. Most of the manpower for these illegal armed bands was hired from newly annexed Crete and manned by Greek officers.

                  Of all the illegal armed bands that operated in Macedonia, the Greek bands most closely cooperated with the Ottoman army and in many instances carried out missions for the Ottomans.

                  The goals and objectives of the Greek armed bands operating in Macedonia were regulated by a Rulebook entitled “General Instructions for the Macedonian Bands”, especially created for this purpose by the Hellenic-Macedonian Committee. The Rulebook contained three main points: 1. destroy the MRO insurgency and replace it with a Greek one; 2. eliminate all those who worked against the Greek cause; 3. convince the entire Macedonian population to join the Greek Patriarchate.

                  Macedonian intellectuals and leaders responded to the “Greater” Greek propaganda with appeals to the Greek population not to support the illegal armed bands in Macedonia and to oppose Hellenism, their mutual usurper.

                  Supported by the Sultan himself, the illegal armed Greek bands escalated their persecution of the Macedonian insurgency and of prominent intellectuals. In the eyes of the Macedonian population the entire MRO was labeled “Bulgarophile”, a false claim which is spread to this day.

                  According to Richard Oppenheimer, an Austrian civilian agent sent to Macedonia on April 18, 1908 who dispatched information to Aloys Aehrenthal of the Austrian-Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Greek bands in Macedonia killed 531 and wounded 175 people in the period from March 14, 1906 to March 14, 1908. According to the same information, MRO insurgents fought 12 battles with the Greek bands in the period from October 26, 1904 to June 27, 1905 in Voden Region alone. From January to October 1905, MRO insurgents fought 22 battles with the illegal Greek armed bands that had infiltrated Macedonia and 3 battles with locally hired Greek bands. Most battles took place in the Kostur, Kajlari, Drama, Lerin, Bitola and other Regions of southern Macedonia.

                  Greek-Ottoman cooperation contributed immensely to the Greek campaign in Macedonia and as the Greek armed bands kept growing the number of Macedonian insurgents kept dwindling.

                  Serbian political aims in Macedonia

                  Serbian propaganda activities in Macedonia began before the 1903 Ilinden Uprising. In fact the foundations for Serbia´s Macedonian campaigns were laid in 1902 when a dedicated Committee for carrying out propaganda activities in Macedonia was established in Belgrade. Illegal Serbian armed bands began to infiltrate Macedonia while the Ilinden Uprising was still going on. In 1904 the number of Serbian armed bands operating in Macedonia increased significantly, especially in Ovche Pole, Azot and Poreche.

                  The Serbian sponsored armed bands in Macedonia also operated according to a Rulebook which listed the Serbian goals and objectives in Macedonia. According to the Rulebook Serbia´s main goal in its campaigns in Macedonia was to minimize MRO influence on the Macedonian population by eliminating its leaders and insurgents. While doing this the Serbian armed bands were to avoid contact and conflict with the Ottoman authorities, including the army and police. These goals and objectives were regulated by Articles 17, 18 and 32 of the Rulebook.

                  In order to achieve their goals the Serbian armed bands, like the Greek and Bulgarian ones, used terror tactics including robbing and torturing the Macedonian population. Almost every village had agents and collaborators who supported the illegal armed bands by offering them intelligence information, food and sanctuary.

                  Many Macedonian intellectuals tried to persuade the Macedonians, who were recruited by these bands in various functions, not to offer the foreigners assistance and to stop fighting amongst themselves, but without much success. There were many letters written to that effect which clearly demonstrated that Macedonia´s neighbours deliberately intensified fratricidal fighting and self-extermination in Macedonia. Their goal was to create conflict among the Macedonian people, invade and partition their country and destroy the essence of the Macedonian nation, as events proved true over time.

                  Bulgarian political aims in Macedonia

                  Immediately after the 1903 Ilinden Uprising was suppressed, Bulgaria officially refused to bear responsibility for the dire events created in Macedonia. But the Macedonian Question remained a part of Bulgarian foreign policy. Besides being supported by pro-Bulgarian factions within the Macedonian Liberation Movement, at the beginning of 1905, the Bulgarian government created a second political department within its own Ministry of Foreign Affairs with a single objective; to deal with the Macedonian Question. The long term goal of this department was to overcome all factors that hindered Bulgarian influence in Macedonia and work towards giving Macedonia autonomy as a Bulgarian protectorate. Other goals included waging war against all who got in the way including those promoting foreign propaganda in Macedonia. Bulgaria´s first priority was to infiltrate the MRO, kill off its leaders, insurgents and supporters and replace them with Bulgarian agents. This was to be accomplished through the assistance of the Bulgarian Exarchate churches and schools in Macedonia, which were financed and politically supported by the Bulgarian state and its various governments of that time.




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                  "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                  GOTSE DELCEV

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                  • George S.
                    Senior Member
                    • Aug 2009
                    • 10116

                    Archive for the ‘Big Risto Stefov Lies’ Category


                    « Older Entries



                    Big Greek Lie #11, ‘Saint Cyrill and Methodios are Greek’
                    March 14, 2007





                    All neutral sources mention that the two brothers had Greek names (we are keeping in mind Cyril was baptised as konstantinos), they were members of a noble family, their father Leon was a Greek military man and their mother of slavic background. Furthermore both brothers were born in Thessaloniki, were educated in Konstantinople where they took a highly Byzantine education and lived all their lives into Byzantine Empire apart from the fact they were send out on missions to bring christianity to various regions.We can find the following evidence from records of their Greek conscience on the Honorary Volume to Cyrillos and Methodios for the 1100 years, Thessaloniki-1968 by Henriette Ozanne. For example, the below for Cyrillos:In his dialog with the Muslims, he points out that “…every science stem from us…” implying the Greeks and the Greek culture .During the Hazars’ mission, the hagan of the Hazars asked him what present he wished to have offered to him and he said “…Give me all the Greek prisoners of war you have here. They are more valuable to me than any other present…” – Scientif Annals of the Theology Faculty of the Thessaloniki University (1968) Also many non-Greeks accept that the 2 brothers were Greeks:The Slav Pope John Paul II who in 31/12/1980 (in an official encyclical-Egregiae Virtutis-to the Catholic Church) and 14/2/1981(in the S.Clement church in Rome) said that Cyrillos and Methodios were “Greek brothers, born in Thessaloniki”the Serb historian V.Bogdanovich, says that “Kyrillos and Methodios were born in Thessaloniki and were Greeks in origin, not Slavs” (History of the ancient Serbian literature, Belgrade 1980, pg.119).To anyone that has no ties with blind nationalism, it seems to be no doubt that Cyrill and Methodius were Greek, not only by birth but most importantly culturally as it was analyzed above.As it is known both Cyrill and Methodius played probably one of the most important roles in spreading Orthodoxy among the Slavic population. Hence they were named “Apostles of the Slavs“, having the meaning simply that they brought the Christian faith to the Slavs.

                    I have to underline here of the false notion some have about the title “Apostle“. Fact is that having spread Christian faith among a certain population doesnt mean that they belong ethnically to any of the people they converted. If we followed this flawed logic Khazars would also claim them as Khazars since they went to covert them to Christianity even before they went to the Slavs or even Arabs since Konstantinos undertook a mission to the Arabs.

                    One of the many examples is the story of Saint Boniface. Saint Boniface – original name Winfrid or Wynfrith – was born at Crediton in Devon, England and was sent to propagate Christianity in the Frankish Empire during the 8th century. Rightfully Saint Boniface was named as “Apostle of the Germans” and another example is St.Thomas who is called “the Indian Apostle,” but we all know that he was not an Indian. Instead he simply brought Christianity to the Indians. Neither Germans nor Indians are upon the tiresome and flawed notion of claiming St Boniface and St Thomas ethnicities as the well-known propagandists do.
                    Professors Ivan Lazaroff, Plamen Pavloff, Ivan Tyutyundzijeff and Milko Palangurski of the Faculty of History of Sts. Cyril and Methodius University in Veliko Tŭrnovo, Bulgaria in their book, Kratka istoriya na bŭlgarskiya narod (Short History of the Bulgarian Nation, pp 36-38), state very explicitly that the two brothers were Hellenes (Greeks) from Thessaloniki.

                    The late Oscar Halecki, Professor of Eastern European History, in his book Borderlands of Western Civilization, A History of East Central Europe (chapter Moravian State and the Apostles of the Slavs) agrees with the authors of Kratka istoriya na bŭlgarskiya narod.

                    As you see the real scholars and not the fake admit the historical truth.

                    Also according Pope John Paul II in an official apostolic homily to the entire Catholic Church proclaimed that Methodius and Cyril “Greek brethren born in Thessaloniki” are consecrated as “heavenly protectors of Europe”. John Paul II’ repeated this statement in a speech delivered in the church of Saint Clements, in Rome.
                    References from books about the ethnicity of Cyril and Methodius.
                    1.




                    Then in the ninth century Cyril and Methodius, two Greek monks from Thessaloniki , developed the Cyrillic alphabet and spread both literacy and Christianity to the Slavs.



                    “The macedonian conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a transnational world” by Loring Danforth
                    2.




                    Two Greek brothers from Salonika, Constantine, who later later became a monk and took
                    the name Cyril, and Methodius came to Great Moravia in 863 at the invitation of the Moravian Prince Rostislav



                    “Comparative history of Slavic Literatures” by Dmitrij Cizevskij, page vi
                    3.




                    the Byzantine court entrusted it to two brothers with wide experience o missionary work: Constantine the Philosopher, better known by his monastic name, Cyril and Methodius. Cyril and Methodius were Greeks.


                    “Czechoslovakian Miniatures from Romanesque and Gothic Manuscripts” by Jan Kvet, p. 6


                    4.




                    In answer to this appeal the emperor sent the two brothers Cyril and Methodius, who were Greeks of Salonika and had considerable knowledge of Slavonic languages.



                    The Balkans: A history of Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, Rumania, Turkey (1916)” by Forbes, Nevil, p. 21
                    5.




                    In order to convert the Slavs to Christianity, Greek missionaries Cyril and Methodius learned the language.



                    “Lonely Planet Croatia” by Jeanne Oliver, P.35
                    6.




                    two brothers, the Apostles of the Sclavonians or Slavs, born in Greece and educated in Constantinople.



                    “Book of the Saints 1921″ by Monks Benedictine, P. 74
                    7.




                    Cyril, St 827-69 and Methodius, St 826-85, known as the Apostles of the Slavs – Greek Christian missionaries– They were born in Thessalonica.



                    “The Riverside Dictionary of Biography” by the American Heritage Dictionaries, p. 208
                    8.




                    two greek brothers, Cyril and Methodius, were sent in response to this request. This development was of particular importance to the formation of eastern european culture.



                    “historical Theology” by McGrath, p.125
                    9.




                    the byzantine emperor sent two greek monks, Cyril and Methodius, to spread Christianity to the slavic people.



                    “Global History and Geography” by Phillip Lefton, p. 130
                    10.




                    As the Slav tribes feel under the influence of Byzantium a considerable number of them were baptised but they were first converted to Christianity in Mass by the Greek brothers, Cyril and Methodius



                    Black lamb and Grey Falcon: A journey through Yugoslave” by Rebecca West, P. 710
                    11.




                    “Cyrillus autem et Methodius fratres, Graeci, Thessalonicae nati…”



                    http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/j…...rtutis_lt.html Pope John Paul II.
                    12.
                    R. L. Wilkens book “Judaism and the Early Christian Mind” (1971)
                    Quote:

                    Cyril and Methodius, Saints (muth..us) [key], d. 869 and 884, respectively, Greek missionaries, brothers, called Apostles to the Slavs and fathers of Slavonic literature. Their history and influence are obscured by conflicting legends. After working among the Khazars, they were sent (863) from Constantinople by Patriarch Photius to Moravia. This was at the invitation of Prince Rostislav, who sought missionaries able to preach in the Slavonic vernacular and thereby check German influence in Moravia. Their immediate success aroused the hostility of the German rulers and ecclesiastics. Candidates from among their converts were refused ordination, and their use of the vernacular in the liturgy was severely criticized. According to one source, when Photius was excommunicated by Rome the brothers were called there. Their orthodoxy was established, and the use of Slavonic in the liturgy was approved. Cyril died while in Rome, but Methodius, consecrated by the pope, returned to Moravia and was made archbishop of Sirmium. Despite the papal sanction the Germans contrived to have him imprisoned, and, though released two years later, his effectiveness appears to have been blocked. His last years were spent translating the Bible and ecclesiastical books into Slavonic. His influence in Moravia was wiped out after his death but was carried to Bulgaria, Serbia, and Russia, where the southern Slavonic of Cyril and Methodius is still the liturgical language of both Roman Catholic and Orthodox churches. The Cyrillic alphabet. used in those countries today, traditionally ascribed to St. Cyril, was probably the work of his followers. It was based probably by Cyril himself upon the glagolithic alphabet, which is still used by certain Croatian and Montenegrin Catholics. Feast: July 713.

                    The Significance of the Missions of Cyril and Methodius
                    Francis Dvornik
                    Slavic Review > Vol. 23, No. 2 (Jun., 1964) page: 196
                    Moravian Christianity even had species of ecclesiastical organization before the arrival of the Greek brothers

                    14.

                    Quote:

                    The Significance of the Missions of Cyril and Methodius
                    Francis Dvornik
                    Slavic Review > Vol. 23, No. 2 (Jun., 1964) page: 211
                    This short sketch of the cultural development of the Slavic nations in the Middle Ages seems necessary to show the real significance of the mission of the two Greek brothers. Its aim in Moravia was, above all, cultural.

                    15.

                    Quote:

                    Slavic Translations of the Scriptures
                    Matthew Spinka
                    The Journal of Religion > Vol. 13, No. 4 (Oct., 1933), pp. 415
                    When those ancient precursors of Bible translators, the Greek brothers Constantine and Methodius, translated certain parts of the Scriptures and the liturgical books into Slavic for the use of their Moravian converts

                    16.
                    Quote:

                    Slavic Translations of the Scriptures
                    Matthew Spinka
                    The Journal of Religion > Vol. 13, No. 4 (Oct., 1933), pp. 415
                    Thus in a sense the two Greek brothers and their disciples fought a fight in behalf of all the later Bible translators and liturgical vernacularists, the English among them.

                    17.

                    Quote:

                    Slavic Translations of the Scriptures
                    Matthew Spinka
                    The Journal of Religion > Vol. 13, No. 4 (Oct., 1933), pp. 416-17In co-operation with Patriarch Photius they selected the renowned teacher of philosophy at the court school of Magnaura, Constantine, and his elder brother, Methodius, Greeks from Thessalonica, who were well acquainted with the language of the Macedonian Slavs, as best-fitted missionaries for the Moravian field.

                    18.

                    Quote:

                    Slavic Translations of the Scriptures
                    Matthew Spinka
                    The Journal of Religion > Vol. 13, No. 4 (Oct., 1933), pp. 424
                    The Slavic liturgy was, beyond any doubt, a radical innovation which the Greek brothers could not have justified except as an essential element in insuring the success of their work.



                    By Ptolemy

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                    Posted in Big Risto Stefov Lies | Leave a Comment »


                    BIG Greek Lie # 10, ‘Greeks are Turks, Albanians, Slavs and Vlachs’
                    March 14, 2007

                    These quotes is an answer to the article entitled “BIG Greek Lie # 10”
                    and showed in http://www.maknews.com/html/articles…/stefov88.html by Mr Risto Stefov.

                    Mr Stefov try to explain what is ethnicity and try to make a Historic reference by using un-historical facts as about the Greeks in Macedonia.

                    Every body knows that the main source of your writings is Hr. Antonovski, Bernal and Fellemayer.
                    But who is Antonovski (the other two are known) and what is his work a about the Greek homogeneity.

                    Antonovski used the 1951 cencus that estimated 2 mil people. Of these, only 47 .000 are Slavphones but in his writing mention 80.000(lie). Those who had a Slav conscience departed from Hellas either under the Treaty of Neuilly, 1919) or after the end of the civil war in 1949. Seeing that no serious claim could rest on a linguistic minority of this size in a country with so compact a Greek population, Antonovski decided to raise the number of Slavophones to 250.000. He distributes them by regions in the following proportions, as compared with the Hellenic -speaking population. Kastoria ~72%, Kalamaria -32 %, Edessa -54,8 %,Serrai -13 %, Thesaloniki -27,6%. But as even with this gross over-estimation the Hellenic majority in””Aegean Macedonia”” remains overwhelming, Antonovski excludes from the Greek population the large number of Greek refugees who arrived from Asia Minor and settled in Macedonia, in 1923 nder the Lausanne population exchange Treaty.
                    He claims that they are not Greeks, but Karamanlides, pure Turks (tsisti Turtsi) whom Turkey sent to Greece on the occasion of the exchange of populations because being Christian Orthodox they did not have a Turkish conscience.
                    Turkey, according to Antonovski, wanted to be rid of them for that reason and at the same time because they might furnish Greece a pretext to claim on their behalf the Turkish territories they inhabited. Even the Pontian refugees, who are exclusively Greek-speaking and universally known to be the true descendants of the ancient lonian settlers of the Black sea, he calls Lazoi.
                    He assigns them as well as the refugees from Caucasus, who were themselves Pontian settlers, Turkish nationality. A hundred thousand of these refugees who settled in Greek Macedonia he describes as Armenian. He even discovered some Kurds among them!

                    Any similarity with your article Mr Stefov ? A lot of course.

                    It is hard to choose between you ignorance of historical facts and you impudence. For never since the Turks established their rule in Asia Minor, and by means of cruel persecution and oppression converted to Islam the majority of its Christian Greek population, never once did it happen that a Turk decided to become a Christian; that he exchanged his position of religious~ economic and political power for subjection; that he chose to become a slave at a time when people born Christians gave up their religion for Islam because they were able no longer to suffer oppression and tyranny.

                    But assuming that notwithstanding all this a Turk decided to take this step, how could he ever survive since death was the certain penalty for rejection of the dominant religion?

                    Death was even meted out to those Christians whose conversion to Islam did not go beyond the surface if it were ever discovered that they practised Christianity stealthily (the well-known Crypto-Christians ).

                    It is a shame in the face of the verv science which they are trying for the first time to establish in their country that the Slavs of Skopje, though themselves Christians, have no scruples about distorting history – even creating a university in their capital for that purpose-and about reviling that section of Greek Christendom which amidst tortures and under the cruellest yoke known to history, in preserving their Greek conscience have also managed to preserve the religion of Christ for centuries, and finally breathe the air of national and religious liberty on free Greek soil.

                    Mr Risto Stefov must know that many of their own fellow countrymen were compelled by Turkish oppression to embrace Islam. There are in that country today, as there are also in Bulgaria, many hundred thousand Mohammedans Slavs. But can they point to a single Christian Slav who had been a Turk and was converted to Christianity during the Ottoman rule? They insist that the Moslems of their country are Slav converts to Islam; they moan over the alleged fact that the Turks of Greek Macedonia who went to Turkey in consequence of the exchange of populations.

                    It is impossible to read such arguments without amusement and wonder at the degree of objectivity shown by the scholars of Skopje. The terms in which they couch their arguments are also characteristic.

                    According to Antonovski some Vlachs fell (Propadnale) under Greek influence, others gained (Dobile) a Slavic conscience.. It is probable that the Vlachs are latinised Greeks. But let us suppose that they are not, and that they’ came from Dacia during the Byzantine era. The fact that they loved and admired, or even just showed respect for the culture and the civilisation of the people in whose midst they had come to live, is considered as a fall, as a decline! They want to call them selfs as a Greek Mr Risto Stefov

                    Macedonia is a vaguely defined geographical area in the southern Balkans. It includes the territory of the Republic of Macedonia (which prior to its declaration of independence in September, 1991 was the southernmost republic in the former Yugoslavia) as well as territory in southwestern Bulgaria and north-central Greece as Danforth said.

                    Also Danforth, Karakasidou, Poulton and many others mention that During the Ottoman period, which lasted in Macedonia from the fourteenth century until 1913, the population of Macedonia included an amazing number of different ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups, including Slavic and Greek speaking Christians, Turkish and Albanian speaking Moslems, Vlachs, Jews, and Gypsies. Toward the end of the nineteenth century the population of Macedonia was increasingly being defined from various external nationalist perspectives in terms of national categories such as Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs, Albanians, and Turks. Ottoman authorities, however, continued to divide the population of the empire into administrative units, or millets on the basis of religious identity rather than language, ethnicity, or nationality.

                    Mr Stefov here are some links that you can find and disquass who are the Vlachs, Arvanites e.t.c.

                    Βλάχοι.net, Ιστορικά στοιχεία, Βλάχικη γλώσσα, Γραπτές αναφορές, Βλάχικο λεξικό, άρθρα για τους βλάχους, Βλαχοχώρια, Τραγούδια, Φωτογραφίες, Βίντεο, Εκδηλώσεις

                    Γλωσσικό ιδίωμα Μάνης


                    As about the Slavophone Greek Macedonians you know them very well and they know you also.

                    Reference:
                    Karakasidou, Field of Wheat, Hills of Blood
                    Poulton, Who are the Macedonians
                    N. Adriotis, the Language of the Federative Republic of…….
                    Danforth, how can a woman give birth to one greek and one macedonian?

                    Posted in Big Risto Stefov Lies | Leave a Comment »


                    BIG Greek Lie # 6 ,”Greeks Are a Superior Race”
                    March 14, 2007

                    This article is an answer to the article entitled BIG Greek Lie # 6 by Mr Risto Stefov

                    GEOMETRY
                    Greeks never claimed that Geometry discovered from them. Any student in the Greek schools , mathematician college (world wide) in the first day in the classrooms teached as about the history of the Geometry:

                    Egyptians (2000 – 500 B.C.)
                    Ancient Egyptians demonstrated a practical knowledge of geometry through surveying and construction projects. The Nile River overflowed its banks every year, and the river banks would have to be re-surveyed.

                    Babylonians (2 000 – 500 B.C. )
                    Ancient clay tablets reveal that the Babylonians knew the Pythagorean relationships.

                    Greeks (750-250 B.C. )
                    Ancient Greeks practiced centuries of experimental geometry like Egypt and Babylonia had, and they absorbed the experimental geometry of both of those cultures. Then they created the first formal mathematics of any kind by organizing geometry with rules of logic. Euclid’s (400BC) important geometry book The Elements formed the basis for most of the geometry studied in schools ever since.

                    As you see the Greeks just transform Geometry from experimental practice into formal mathematics. Greeks were the first who asked “why is that?” and attempted to answer “because this” speaking about geometrical or natural matters as first time expressed from the Euclides.
                    As already said all these thinks teached in the 1st grand of the Greek High School.

                    ALPHABET
                    Greek never claims that invented the alphabet even some scholars support this theory.

                    The major difreent between Phoenician and the Greek is that the first is Consonantal Alphabetic when the second is a C&V Alphabetic.

                    Phoenician alphabet has no vowels.
                    Both scripts belong in Proto- Sinaitic family tree.
                    From the shape of the letters, it is clear that the Greeks adopted the alphabet the Phoenician script, mostly like during the late 9th century BCE.
                    In fact, Greek historian Herotodus (5th century BCE) called the Greek letters “phoinikeia grammata” (foinikia grammata), which means Phoenician letters,
                    When the Greeks adopted the alphabet, they found letters representing sounds not found in Greek. Instead of throwing them away, they modified the extraneous letters to represent vowels. For example, the Phoenician letter ‘aleph (which stood for a glottal stop) became the Greek letter alpha (which stands for [a] sound).
                    There were many variants of the early Greek alphabet, each suited to a local dialect. Eventually the Ionian alphabet was adopted in all Greek-speaking states, but before that happened, the Euboeanvariant was carried to the Italic peninsula and adopted by Etruscan and eventually the Romans.

                    Early Greek was written right-to-left, just like Phoenician. However, eventually its direction changed to boustrophedon (which means “oxturning”), where the direction of writing changes every line. For instance, you start on the right of the tablet and writes leftward, and when you reach the leftmost end, you reverse your direction and starting writing toward the right. Even more confusing is that the orientation of the letter themselves is dependent on the direction of writing as well. In the above chart, the letters are drawn as if they were being written from left-to-right. If I were to write right-to-left, I would horizontally flip the letters (like in a mirror).
                    Boustrophedon was an intermediate stage, and by the 5th century BCE, left-to right was the de-facto direction of writing.

                    The Greek alphabet was also the basis for Glagolitic, Cyrillic, and Coptic scripts among others.
                    Strangely, the Greeks tried writing once before. Between 1500 and 1200 BCE, the Mycenaeans, an early tribe of Greeks, has adapted the Minoan syllabary as Linear B to write an early form of Greek.

                    However, the syllabary was not well suited to write Greek, and leaves many modern scholars scratching their heads trying to figure out the exact pronunciation of Mycenaean words. The alphabet, on the other hand, allowed more precise record of the sounds in the language
                    More information’s as about the scripts into:


                    ANCIENT GREEK DEMOCRACY

                    In our everyday vocabulary we are borrowed from the ancient Greeks: monarchy, aristocracy, tyranny, oligarchy and – of course – democracy.
                    Sparta never has a democratic form rule. Monarchy was the main government form. As also and the Macedonians, Thebans e.t.c..

                    Mr Stefov you said What exactly do we mean by “democracy”.

                    I start with mine questions and of course by giving answers in yours.

                    What’s in a word?

                    We may live in a very different and much more complex world, but without the ancient Greeks we wouldn’t even have the words to talk about many of the things we care most about. Take politics for example: apart from the word itself (from polis, meaning city-state or community) many of the other basic political terms in our everyday vocabulary are borrowed from the ancient Greeks: monarchy, aristocracy, tyranny, oligarchy and – of course – democracy.
                    The ancient Greek word demokratia was ambiguous. It meant literally ‘people-power’.

                    But who were the people to whom the power belonged?
                    Was it all the people – all duly qualified citizens?
                    Or only some of the people – the ‘masses’?

                    The Greek word demos could mean either. There’s a theory that the word demokratia was coined by democracy’s enemies, members of the rich and aristocratic elite who did not like being outvoted by the common herd, their social and economic inferiors. If this theory is right, democracy must originally have meant something like ‘mob rule’ or ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’.
                    By the time of Aristotle (fourth century BCE) there were hundreds of Greek democracies. Greece in those times was not a single political entity but rather a collection of some 1500 separate poleis or ‘cities’ scattered round the Mediterranean and Black Sea shores ‘like frogs around a pond’, as Plato once charmingly put it. Those cities that were not democracies were either oligarchies – where power was in the hands of the few richest citizens – or monarchies, called ‘tyrannies’ in cases where the sole ruler had usurped power by force rather than inheritance. Of the democracies, the oldest, the most stable, the most long-lived, but also the most radical, was Athens

                    The origin of the Athenian democracy of the fifth and fourth centuries can be traced back to Solon, who flourished in the years around 600
                    BCE. Solon was a poet and a wise statesman but not – contrary to later myth – a democrat. He did not believe in people-power as such.
                    But it was Solon’s constitutional reform package that laid the basis on which democracy could be pioneered almost a hundred years later by a progressive aristocrat called Cleisthenes. Cleisthenes was the son of an Athenian, but the grandson and namesake of a foreign Greek tyrant, the ruler of Sicyon in the Peloponnese. For a time he was also the brother-in-law of the Athenian tyrant, Peisistratus, who seized power three times before finally establishing a stable and apparently benevolent dictatorship. It was against the increasingly harsh rule of Peisistratus’s eldest son that Cleisthenes championed a radical political reform movement which in 508/7 ushered in the Athenian democratic constitution

                    Greek democracy and modern democracy
                    The architects of the first democracies of the modern era, postrevolutionary France and the United States, claimed a line of descent from classical Greek demokratia – ‘government of the people by the people for the people’, as Abraham Lincoln put it. But at this point it is crucial that we keep in mind the differences between our and the Greeks’ systems of democracy – three key differences in particular:
                    ofscale, of participation and of eligibility.

                    First, scale. There were no proper population censuses in ancient Athens, but the most educated modern guess puts the total population of fifth-century Athens, including its home territory of Attica, at around 250,000 – men, women and children, free and unfree, enfranchised and disenfranchised. Of those 250,000 some 30,000 on average were fully paid-up citizens – the adult males of Athenian birth and full status. Of those 30,000 perhaps 5000 might regularly attend one or more meetings of the popular Assembly, of which there were at least 40 a year in Aristotle’s day. 6000 citizens were selected to fill the annual panel of potential jurymen who would staff the popular jury courts (a typical size of jury was 501), as for the trial of Socrates.

                    The second key difference is the level of participation. Our democracy is representative – we choose politicians to rule for us. Athenian democracy was direct and in-your-face. To make it as participatory as possible, most officials and all jurymen were selected by the lot. This was thought to be the democratic way, since election favoured the rich, famous and powerful over the ordinary citizen. From the mid fifth century, office holders, jurymen, members of the city’s main administrative Council of 500, and even Assembly attenders were paid a small sum from public funds to compensate them for time spent on political service away from field or workshop.

                    The third key difference is eligibility. Only adult male citizens need apply for the privileges and duties of democratic government, and a birth criterion of double descent – from an Athenian mother as well as father – was strictly insisted upon. Women, even Athenian women, were totally excluded: this was a men’s club. Foreigners – and especially unfree slave foreigners – were excluded formally and rigorously. The citizen body was a closed political elite

                    As you see Mr Stefov when compared the ancient Greek democracy and the moderns democracies must keep in your mind the three scales.

                    You said something about the Phoenicians As I know the form of rule wan not the democracy but the oligarchy and some claim the aristocracy. Non body is accurate as about the rule system.
                    How you are sure for this?
                    Aristotle in his Politics defined the democratic citizen as the man ‘who has a share in legal judgment and office’. Maybe is time everyone to read the Aristotle as the Great Alexander had took a lot of lessons as about the democracy

                    Reference:
                    The Democratic Experiment (Paul Cartledge)

                    So the claims of the Mr Stefov as about Geometry, Alphabete and Democracy are inaccurate and un-historical

                    By Akritas

                    Posted in Big Risto Stefov Lies | Leave a Comment »


                    BIG Risto Stefov Lie # 8,”Tito created the Macedonian Nation”
                    March 14, 2007

                    This article is an answer to the article entitled BIG Greek Lie # 8 by Mr Risto Stefov

                    The truth is Tito did not create the Macedonian nation. Tito recognized and accepted the existence of a Macedonian ethnicity within his own country, Yugoslavia by adding Bulgarians and Serbians Macedonians.

                    I agree with the not creation. Your nation was before Tito. But not with your meaning that you want to show as via your un-historical articles.

                    Tito made his policy. And the policy was the creation of the Balkan League. To succeded this must broke up any connections with the monarchfasim (as called it). The two biggest enemy were the Serbs and the Greeks. He had Succeeded only the first.

                    On August 2, 1945 general Vukmanovic, (one for the leaders of the Balkan League and right hand of Tito) declared in a speech in front of a crowd in Skopje:
                    “Comrades, you know very well that there is a part of the Macedonia npeople which is still enslaved [sic]. We must openly state this case.
                    We are not the only ones to do this; there are tens of thousands of Macedonian men and women who suffer and mourn today under the yoke of the Greek monarcho-fascist bands.”[Bulletin(Skopje) Aug 10,1945]

                    Who was this General? Certainly not a Macedonian. Explain to your people who is that man.

                    Why in your country until 1992 the school books show the name People Republic of Macedonian when in the Serbian Republic in the related book the kids teached the Vardaska Banovina?

                    The Greeks communists thought that with the help of Commitern would be create a new state under the Marshal commanders. In your mentioned link you have a lot of documents by the Communist newspaper Rizospastes.

                    Why do you love these guys to much?

                    Why Markos Vafiadis(Genrerala Marcosa) with Tito in your country are
                    the only given foreign names in the streets e.t.c ?

                    The next foreigners will be the Mathew Nimitz as the other US UNenvoy

                    Of course Mr Risto Stefov never answered in my questions. Not only mine but and from others Greeks in the mak.forum

                    By Akritas

                    Posted in Big Risto Stefov Lies | Leave a Comment »


                    The BIG Stefov Lies # 17: “Ancient Macedonians were not Greeks
                    March 14, 2007

                    This is a response to the new propagandistic article, recently posted in http://maknews.com/html/articles/stefov/stefov102.html , which as usual tries to misinform readers and falsificate history.



                    Quote:

                    Modern Greece is a modern creation, a Great Power concoction. Britain and France in the early 19th century desperately needed an ally in the Balkans to protect their precious interests from Russia. Greece was created to prevent Russia from accessing Mediterranean waters, from spoiling Britain’s back yard.

                    The author obviously is misinformed. The truth is that Greece is the birth-place of the Western Civilisation and the years of the European Enlightement have inspired a wave of sympathy , for the sufferings of Greeks under the Ottoman Empire’s boot . They have also created a new word for this. The word PHILELLENES , and PHILELLENISM . As the Ottoman Empire was slowly slipping into the state of the “Sick Man Of the East” , the need to free the land where Democracy was invented , became greater and greater .

                    The authors estimation that the free Greek state would function as any kind of an ally to the great powers France and England ( here the author simple forgets even to mention the Austrian-Hungarian Empire who was much more close than France and England to the Ottoman Empire and Greece , its not to his convinience ) , is simply a wishful thinking if not an object of laughing .

                    The Greek state that was freed was nothing much than a poor , unorganised
                    country. The proof lies in that it took Grece a 100 years to become worthy of fighting a war against Turkey and freeing Greek lands under Turkish oppression.



                    Quote:

                    Macedonia’s partition and Greece’s gain have nothing to do with “historical rights” but plenty to do with loyalty to an ally. Greece did its job well in serving as a “guard dog” for Britain so it was rewarded with Macedonian lands. The rest are lies to keep the innocent and unaware
                    tangled in arguments from which there is no escape.

                    Macedonias partition was a scheme of the Great Powers of the time, who did not want a very strong Greek state and a compromise arise between them and the Russians who have helped greatly in creating Bulgaria .

                    So to Greece went 51% of the geographical area of Macedonia, due to respect of Greek History , 14% went to Bulgaria , because the population there were of Bulgarian origin ( Macedonia of Pirin ) and the rest went to Yugoslavia , because of the Slavic population there.

                    The author, is tragically poorly informed , or he forgets to mention that Greece and Serbia were on the victors side in WWI and Bulgaria , and Turkey , on the defeated side . So IF the British were to reward Greece for beeing victorious would have had done much better. But they didnt…..



                    Quote:

                    If you don’t believe me ask yourself these questions;

                    1. How could the ancient Macedonians die off to the last one making them
                    extinct and the so-called ancient “Greeks” survive?


                    The truth is miles away from the author’s estimations. Ancient Macedonians had fused with the rest of Hellenes, as even the vast majority of modern historians acknowledge, CENTURIES before the arrival of the slavs in Balkans. On the other hand, it is easily refuted as entirely absurb and an insult to…everybody’s intelligence, the claim of the author and the inhabitants of his ‘artificially invented’ country that ancient Macedonians didnt fuse with the southern Greeks, from the moment, since at least Alexander’s time both spoke and understood a common language (Greek), both worshipped the same gods and shared a ‘Hellenistic’ culture. Both became an integral part of the Roman and later Byzantine Empire, both became the defining culture of the Byzantine Empire. Both had embraced Christianity and determined the characteristics of the Orthodox faith and finally consider eachother as ‘kinsmen’.



                    Quote:

                    How can all the modern Macedonians be “Slavs” that came to the Balkans during the 6th century AD and all the modern Greeks be “Hellenes” direct descendants from the ancient “Greeks”?

                    The explanation is quite simple but seems too difficult for the author. Hellenes speak and read the same language that their ansestors used . It has been also been proved by linguists. A modern greek can easily read an ancient Macedonian inscription such as Pella Katadesmos, for the simple reason…they both speak essentially the same language. On the contrary, the Slavic inhabitants of FYROM that are descendants of the Slavic tribes which arrived in the area around the 6th century, according to internationally acknowledged historians and linguists around the world, speak a slavic language, similar to Bulgarian and…they cant read an ancient macedonian insciption for the simple reason, they dont speak Greek!!



                    Quote:

                    2. Didn’t Greece in 1912, 1913 invade and occupy a fully populated Macedonia? What happened to those Macedonians? Did they turn into “Greeks” overnight? (Yes they did! In 1928 Greece declared to the world that it had a 98% “pure Greek” homogenous population).
                    3. How has Greece maintained all its territories “pure Greek” with a 2, 300 year old open border?

                    The propagandists of FYROM simply ignore the fact that Nobody has invaded Macedonia in 1913 but instead during the first Balkan war, the Balkan coalition between Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece and Montenegro INVADED OTTOMAN EMPIRE, for the liberation of the Bulgarians, Greek and Serbs who lived there and unfortunately for the propagandists of FYROM, there was NEVER, back then, ANY ethnicity called Macedonians.

                    The movement for independent Macedonia, which started far earlier (at the end of the 19th century) had an UNDISPUTED BULGARIAN CHARACTER and this fact is described by any contemporary (of the time) observer, historian, diplomat, nomatter what the skopjan propagandists claim. There is no need to rewrite history – it’s well described in so many books. There are many examples of 1 nation living in 2 different states. Furthermore, the geographical region called Macedonia had a rather mixed population at that time because of which the idea for independent Macedonia was more attractive for the local population than the idea for union with Bulgaria. The fact that the uprising in 1903 was a Bulgarian one and the fact that IMRO was an organization founded by BULGARIANS are descibed in all books (from that time and even in all books pre-1945). But the majority of these people that inhabited Macedonia , had a Greek consiousness which made them GREEKS . So, they DID NOT TURN Greeks …THEY WERE GREEKS!



                    Quote:

                    4. How is it possible in this day and age for Greece, a “newly created” state to be allowed to have 2,400 year old inheritance rights (without a shred of evidence to prove it) and evict Macedonians from their lands on which they lived for more than 1,500 years?

                    The author obviously is lacking any seriousness here. NO SHRED OF EVIDENCE??? What type of evidence does the author want ??
                    Isnt the language a strong evidence?? The author, is trying in vain. From one hand , is asking what are the evidences that Greeks have inheritance rights and on the other hand he refuted himself by reaching the “easy conclusion” that Macedonias are living in Macedonia 1500 years … of course someone would ask…which Macedonians ?? The Macedonians that spoke Greek, worshiped Greek Gods , participated in the Olympic games which were GREEK GAMES for GREEK??? Or any other Slav, Turk , Vlach ,Gypsy , who acquired the name ‘Macedonian’, and this is considered by the author
                    "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                    GOTSE DELCEV

                    Comment

                    • George S.
                      Senior Member
                      • Aug 2009
                      • 10116

                      Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian history

                      in Articles, FYROM Propaganda, Skopjan Propaganda / by Admin / on October 29, 2008 at 1:48 am /

















                      amchronlogo Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian history





                      Australian Macedonian Advisory Council

                      October 29, 2008






                      Dear Editors,I feel obliged to write to you in order to express my deepest concern for the deliberate manipulation of well-evidenced historical events which is clearly reflected in the article “Most modern Greeks today believe the Ancient Macedonians were Greek” written by Mr. Risto Stefov. The specific article is full of unfounded claims, an enmity addressed against Greek people and sophisticated misrepresentations of the ancient Greek history with its main aim to deceive the unsuspected reader by attempting to present false claims, disguised to sound truthful.

                      Before proceeding through a point by point refutation of the baseless claims presented in article in question, I would like to point out that the title of the article is misleading. Certainly it´s not “Most modern Greeks” who accept the fact that ancient Macedonians were Greek but instead it´s the vast majority of the world today, including the core of the contemporary modern historians who accept it as a fact.

                      To rephrase the author´s initial question…Why is it so important in general for the Slavic element of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) which Mr. Stefov belongs, to believe that the ancient Macedonians were not Greek?

                      The answer is simple and plain. Because somehow they live under a misguided notion. Particularly, they believe that by disassociating Greeks from ancient Macedonians, this will mean in their illusionary point of view, they, the descendants of the Slavic and Bulgar tribes that entered the Balkan peninsula in the 6th and 7th centuries, are the historical heirs and descendants of the ancient Macedonians who lived a thousand or more years earlier and who were Greeks by their own testimonies. One can hardly go further in Orwellian double-speak. This absurd notion supported increasingly among the Slavs of FYROM, makes as much sense as asserting that if someone manages to prove a car´s color is not white, this would surely mean it is black!

                      Furthermore Mr. Stefov embarks on an clumsy effort to spread mendacious disinformation as regards to the events of the early 20th century. Incorrectly he states “Didn´t Greece in 1912, 1913 invade and occupy a fully populated Macedonia?” while the truth is that nobody has invaded Macedonia in 1913 but instead during the first Balkan war, the Balkan coalition between Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece invaded Ottoman Empire, for the liberation of the Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbs who lived there. Sadly for the author´s empty claims there was not back then, any ethnicity called ´Macedonian´. The term was used merely as a geographical indicator.

                      To quote some accounts of contemporary self-witnesses that shatters Mr. Stefov´s unfounded claims and deliberate misinformation:

                      John Foster Fraser in his “Pictures from the Balkans” verifies: “But who are the Macedonians [5]? You will find Bulgarians and Turks who call themselves Macedonians, you find Greek Macedonians, there are Serbian Macedonians, and it is possible to find Rumanian Macedonians. You will NOT, however, find a single Christian Macedonian who is not a Serbian, a Bulgarian, a Greek, or a Rumanian. They all curse the Turk, and they love Macedonia. But it is Greek Macedonia, or Bulgarian Macedonia, and their eyes flame with passion, whilst their fingers seek the triggers of their guns”. He further adds “I have some hope that in years to come the inhabitants will think less of their Turkish, Bulgarian or Greek Origin and a great deal more with the fact that they are all Macedonians”[2].

                      Edmund Spencer in his “Travels in European Turkey, in 1850…”writes “The population of Uskioub [Note: Modern Skopje], consisting of Arnouts, Jews, Armenians, Zinzars, Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbians, amounts to upwards of twelve thousand” [3]. Again another clear evidence there was no “Macedonian” ethnicity back then but instead it´s a modern “invention”.

                      Additionally, John Van Antwerp Fine gives us a realistic portrait of the situation in the Macedonian region by writing: “Until the late nineteenth century both outside observers and those Bulgaro-Macedonians who had an ethnic consciousness believed that their group, which is NOW two separate nationalities, comprised a SINGLE people, THE BULGARIANS [4]. Thus the reader should IGNORE references to ethnic Macedonians in the Middle Ages which appear in some modern works. In the Middle Ages and into the nineteenth century, the term ´Macedonian´ was used ENTIRELY in reference to a geographical region. Anyone who lived within its confines, regardless of nationality could be called a Macedonian.”.

                      Furthermore, Arthur Douglas Howden Smith in 1908 adds: “It should be remembered, to begin with, that there is NO Macedonian race, as a distinct type [5]. Macedonians may belong to any of the races of Eastern Europe or Western Asia, as, indeed, they do. A Macedonian Bulgar is just the same as a Bulgar of Bulgaria proper, the old principality, that in October, 1908, at Tirnova, was proclaimed independent of Turkey. He looks the same, talks the same, and very largely, thinks the same way. IN SHORT HE IS OF THE SAME STOCK. There is no difference, whatsoever, between the two branches of the race, except that the Macedonian Bulgars, as a result of their position under the Turkish government, have less culture and education than their northern brethren.”

                      To help the readers having a more informative view over the issue on stake, I urge them to take a look in the following link. It contains a vast number of excerpts taken by 90 neutral sources, written by travelers, historians, diplomats related to the subject which put an end to the unfounded claims over a so-called “Macedonian “Ethnicity back then. Mr. Stefov, conveniently for his agenda, chooses to ignore all the overwhelming evidence.


















                      http://history-of-macedonia.com/2008...-in-fyrom/Lets return back to the core issue of Mr. Stefov´s article. Namely the ethnicity of Ancient Macedonians. Of course there is no issue at all, whether the modern Slavs







                      descendants of the Slavic tribes that invaded the Balkan peninsula centuries after the demise of the ancient Macedonian kingdom have any link with ancient Macedonians. Obviously as verified by any serious historian, they haven´t!!!


















                      1. The Ancient Macedonians spoke a dialect of the Greek language

                      Mr. Stefov incorrectly assumes that “This [Koine] was an international language which was used in the Macedonian court and by the Macedonian administration.”. This is simply fallacious and deserves an immediate rectification. Koine became the international language BECAUSE of Alexander´s campaign. Prior to Alexander´s campaign, ancient people like Illyrians, Persians, Paeonians, Indians, Carthaginians, Romans, Thracians, Egyptians, Dardanians did NOT speak Greek. Most of them begun to speak Greek (Koine) AFTER Alexander´s pan-Hellenic campaign to Asia. Therefore Mr. Stefov´s conclusions are entirely wrong since his own premises are erroneous in the first place.






                      The eminent linguist Olivier Masson states “For a long while Macedonian on mastics, which we know relatively well thanks to history, literary authors, and epigraphy, has played a considerable role in the discussion [6]. In our view the Greek character of most names is obvious and it is difficult to think of a Hellenization due to wholesale borrowing. ´Ptolemaios´ is attested as early as Homer, ´Ale3avdros´ occurs next to Mycenaean feminine a-re-ka-sa-da-ra- (´Alexandra´), ´Laagos´, then ´Lagos´, matches the Cyprian ´Lawagos´, etc. The small minority of names which do not look Greek, like ´Arridaios´ or ´Sabattaras´, may be due to a substratum or adstatum influences (as elsewhere in Greece). Macedonian may then be seen as a Greek dialect, characterized by its marginal position and by local pronunciations (like ´Berenika´ for ´Ferenika´, etc.). Yet in contrast with earlier views which made of it an Aeolic dialect (O.Hoffmann compared Thessalian) we must by now think of a link with North-West Greek (Locrian, Aetolian, Phocidian, Epirote). This view is supported by the recent discovery at Pella of a curse tablet (4th cent. BC) which may well be the first ´Macedonian´ text attested (provisional publication by E.Voutyras; cf. the Bulletin Epigraphique in Rev.Et.Grec.1994, no.413); the text includes an adverb ´opoka´ which is not Thessalian. We must wait for new discoveries, but we may tentatively conclude that Macedonian is a dialect related to North-West Greek.”












                      2. The ancient Macedonians prayed to the same Greek gods as the ancient Greeks.

                      The poorly-chosen argumentation reveals Mr.Stefov´s inconsistence with ancient history. His lack of evidence subsequently forces him to produce irrelevant anachronistic analogies with…Christianity even if it is more than obvious we are talking about issues having to do merely with classical ages. Mr. Stefov, for your discomfort, it is only Greeks which gave their deities the familiar Greek epithets, such as Agoraios, Basileus, Olympios, Hypsistos of Zeus, Basileia of Hera, Soter of Apollo, Hagemona and Soteira of Artemis, Boulaia of Hestia, etc and naturally Macedonians as being Greek themselves, were doing similarly which certainly is not the case for non-Greek people. Furthermore nowadays historians agree that Macedonians had the religious and cultural features of the rest Hellenic world.

                      The worship of the twelve Olympian gods in Macedonia is undoubted





                      and it is shown explicitly in the treaty between Philip V and Hannibal of Carthage “`In the presence of Zeus, Hera and Apollo …and in the presence of ALL THE GODS who possess Macedonia AND THE REST OF HELLAS” [7].




















                      3. The ancient Macedonians united the ancient Greek city states and spread the “Hellenic” language and culture to the known world.


                      Mr. Stefov adds further his own misguided perception which is the epitome of misinformation. He states “Macedonia fought and defeated the so called “Greeks” in battle and subjugated them from 338 BC until 206 BC when they were briefly liberated and again subjugated by the Romans”.






                      This is another terrible effort to create the wrong impression amongst the readers that “Macedonians fought Greeks in Chaeronea”. Contrarily, in Chaeronea the opposing sides were:











                      ξύμμαχα και υπήκοα


                      [allied and SUBJECTED]. One line of approach was direct annexation attempted disastrously by Perdiccas II and successfully by Philip.”Prof. Bosworth adds “Lyncestis probably co-operated with the Illyrian invaders as before in the war against Archelaus, the chaos in lower Macedon at the accession of Amyntas was an ideal time to avenge the annexation attempted by Perdiccas and probably by Archelaus”.

                      Essentially Mr. Stefov just managed with his above wrong assertion to dissolve his own self-made ´construction´ of ancient Macedonian history speaking about a “unified” Macedonian kingdom.

                      In relation to the spread of Greek language and culture declares quite amusingly that: “As for spreading the so-called “Hellenic” language and culture, there is no evidence that the Macedonians exclusively did this for the sole purpose of honoring the “Greeks”. The Macedonians gave the world what the Macedonians had and considered to be of value”.

                      I will briefly analyze the falsification of the author´s assertion, before presenting an enumeration of ancient sources [9] proving that Alexander launched a Pan-Hellenic campaign against Persia and through his conquests spread Hellenism in a vast colonizing wave throughout the Near East. Furthermore he created economically and culturally, a single world stretching from Greece to the Punjab in India with Greek (koine) as lingua franca. He built a network of almost thirty Greek cities throughout the empire
                      "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                      GOTSE DELCEV

                      Comment

                      • George S.
                        Senior Member
                        • Aug 2009
                        • 10116

                        Risto Stefov and the Polish Infopol Interview

                        Posted in the Macedonia Forum

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                        Comments

                        1 - 15 of 15 Comments Last updated Oct 17, 2009


                        Malenko


                        UK

                        #1 Oct 16, 2009


                        So what determines being Macedończykiem?

                        Risto Stefov - Macedonian journalist with roots in northern Greece, living in Canada. Author of numerous articles and several books on the Macedonian and Balkan. Leading portal dedicated www.maknews.com affairs of Macedonia and Macedonians, including the diaspora.

                        Macedonia, a country, the land defines the way they are Macedonians. Modern Macedonians are a mixture of all nations, including ancient Macedonians, who ever after the last phase of glacier osiedlały here.

                        For the sake of clarity, Macedonia and the Macedonians have no problem with defining their identity. This problem is Greece, entering the slushy ground of Hellenism, which has little in common. As a result of hostilities, after the Balkan wars of the years 1912 and 1913 Greece has acquired considerable tracts of territory inhabited by the Macedonians. Rather than assume the role of administrator, Greece simply trying to take over these territories by force wynarodowić and assimilate the local population, in practice, condemned to erase the identity of the Macedonian. Of course, many Macedonians opposed to assimilation, as a result were expelled and their property confiscated. That's why so many of us today live abroad. In Greece, lives a fairly large Macedonian minority, which requires only recognition of their own existence and respect due to her rights. Greece refuses, explaining that its territory is not dead, no minorities, while piling more problems.

                        http://www.infopol.lt/pl/naujienos/detail.php...
                        Risto Stefov Macedonian journalist.



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                        Dimitri from Athens


                        Syros, Greece

                        #2 Oct 16, 2009


                        Macedonian who?
                        Risto Stefov?
                        loool!

                        Enjoy!
                        "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                        GOTSE DELCEV

                        Comment

                        • George S.
                          Senior Member
                          • Aug 2009
                          • 10116

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                          The Macedonian Digest
                          "From the readers for the readers"
                          Edition 75 - March 2012

                          ======oOo======
                          Editor's Notes

                          Dear Readers,

                          In last month's Macedonian Digest (Edition 74 - February 2012) I included the story "The Greece/FYROM dispute
                          goes beyond what's in a name" by the National Post published on Dec. 12, 2011 at this
                          link; http://www.nationalpost.com/news/Gre...376/story.html writ
                          ten by Dimitris Azemopoulos, the Consul General of Greece in Toronto.

                          As a result of this I have had a couple of complaints. Both complainants were disgusted with the Greek attitude
                          towards the Macedonians and the lies and propaganda they use to support their position. Both complainants were
                          wondering why I would give this bigot the time of day and a platform on which to spread his lies.

                          In my defense; I published the article to let people know, to inform them of the on-going Greek attitude towards the
                          Macedonians. To show them the extent to which people like Dimitris Azemopoulos would go to support their position.
                          But then, as was pointed out to me, there is a downside to this. The downside is that I/ we give people like
                          Azemopoulos attention and a platform from which to further their attacks on the Macedonian people.

                          It was pointed out to me that if someone, who does not know the "real" Macedonian situation with Greece , happens
                          to read that article they may find its content convincing and take the Greek side. So why take chances? The Greeks
                          would never publicize anything that supports the Macedonian position so why publicize their position in our
                          publications?

                          It was also pointed out to me that, "if it becomes necessary to publicize anything contrary to the Macedonian position"
                          then our side of the argument should also be included in the publication.

                          For example when the Greeks say " Macedonia is Greek" we should include some facts as to how 51% of Macedonia
                          became Greek. I.e. that in 1912, 1913 Greece invaded, occupied and, with its partners Serbia and Bulgaria, brutally
                          partitioned Macedonia into three pieces against the will of the Macedonian people, who, only 10 years earlier in 1903
                          had risen against the Ottoman Empire in an attempt to free themselves and create their own independent
                          Macedonian state.

                          When the Greeks say "only pure Greeks" live in Greece then we should include some facts as to how the
                          Macedonian people living in Greek occupied Macedonia became Greeks literally over night. How many Macedonian
                          people the Greeks had to torture, murder and exile before scaring the rest into accepting an imposed identity? How
                          many villages were burned and how many people were buried in mass graves in order for Greece to be cleansed and
                          for everyone living in Greece to be "pure Greeks?"

                          I think you get the idea.

                          Risto...

                          Our Name is Macedonia



                          Feature Stories


                          AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT ANNOUNCES POLICY SHIFT
                          AND RECOGNISES MACEDONIAN COMMUNITY

                          13 February 2012

                          The Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) is pleased to announce that after a sustained
                          lobbying campaign, the Australian Government has final y withdrawn its discriminatory and racist "Slav Macedonian"
                          Directive which renamed the Macedonian community in 1994.

                          In a letter dated 9 January 2012 , the Acting Chief of Staff to the Minister for Foreign Affairs wrote:

                          "I can reaffirm that the `Slav Macedonian' Administrative Circular is no longer operative in the Department of Foreign
                          Affairs and Trade (DFAT). As is standard practice with inoperative Administrative Circulars, it has been cancelled and
                          the document archived. Similarly, DFAT has advised me that the `Slav Macedonian Directive' is not in use in other
                          agencies, including the Department of Immigration and Citizenship and the Australian Bureau of Statistics."

                          The Department of Immigration and Citizenship also confirmed this position in a subsequent letter to the AMHRC on
                          11 January 2012:

                          "As stated by...[the] acting Chief of Staff to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, I can confirm that this department does not
                          actively use the term `Slav-Macedonian'. For example, the Translating and Interpreting Service National now only
                          uses the term `Macedonian'. We acknowledge the concerns of the Macedonian Australian community in relation to
                          this matter."

                          This victory marks the end of a significant and long-running campaign by the AMHRC to gain governmental
                          acceptance of the Macedonian community's right to self-identification. The campaign began in 1994, and saw
                          hearings before the High Court of Australia, the Human Rights & Equal Opportunity Commission and the
                          Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade. Its culmination was recently reached after an intensive series
                          of exchanges, involving meetings and correspondence, with senior Cabinet Ministers (including the Prime Minister),
                          members of parliament from all political parties and various Government Departments.

                          The Australian Government's announcement of the official end to its offensive nomenclature policy marks a return to
                          the long successful policy of Multiculturalism, a position the AMHRC has long advocated. This is a victory that will be
                          beneficial to the maintenance of the human rights of all Australians.

                          Whilst the AMHRC is pleased with the Australian Government's current shift in policy toward the Macedonian
                          Community, it now reiterates its call upon the Government to take the next logical step and recognize the Republic of
                          Macedonia under its official and democratically chosen name.

                          Established in 1984, the Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) is a non-governmental
                          organization that informs and advocates before international institutions, governments and broader communities
                          about combating racism and promoting human rights. Our aspiration is to ensure that Macedonian communities and
                          other excluded groups throughout the world, are recognized, respected and afforded equitable treatment. For more
                          information please visit www.macedonianhr.org.au, email [email protected] or via +61 3 9329 8960.

                          For more information please click the following
                          link: http://macedonianhr.org.au/wip/index...an-government-
                          announces-policy-shift-and-recognises-macedonian-community&catid=34:-amhrccat&Itemid=50

                          AUSTRALIAN MACEDONIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE (AMHRC)
                          Suite 106, Level 1,
                          55 Flemington Rd ,
                          North Melbourne VIC 3051, Australia
                          Tel/Fax: +61 3 9329 8960
                          Email:[email protected]
                          Visit our website: www.macedonianhr.org.au


                          U.S., Macedonian troops to take part in joint trainings


                          Skopje, 15 February 2012 (MIA) - Opportunities for advancing army cooperation between the United States and
                          Macedonia through joint trainings and by using the Krivolak training polygon were discussed on Wednesday at a
                          meeting between U.S. Army Europe (USAREUR) Commander, Lieutenant General Mark Hertling and his host, ARM
                          Chief of Staff, Major-General Goranco Koteski and Minister of Defense Fatmir Besimi.

                          "Later in the day, I will have the chance to visit Krivolak and to see the military training polygons in Macedonia . We
                          will be able to exchange training staff at training polygons in Macedonia and in Germany and soldiers will attend joint
                          trainings, said Hertling who is paying a two-day official visit to Macedonia .

                          Major-General Koteski stated that Macedonian troops would take part at joint exercises and trainings within the
                          USAREUR Command in Germany .

                          "I've offered our training polygon in Krivolak with all of its possibilities and capacities and it can become one of the
                          training polygons not only for troops from regional countries, but also for units due to be sent to peacekeeping
                          missions. We want to strengthen our defense cooperation and the strategic partnership between ARM and the
                          USAREUR Command as well as the strategic partnership between Macedonia and the U.S. , Macedonia 's Chief of
                          Staff stressed.
                          Interlocutors also discussed exchange of experiences acquired in peace missions and joint deployment in such
                          missions. Koteski also presented ARM's priorities in 2012 and issues related to the implementation of army's new
                          structure.

                          The top U.S. military official said he was pleased to be here since he had had the opportunity to serve together with
                          Macedonian troops in Iraq , while on his recent visit to Afghanistan he had seen that Macedonian troops were doing
                          an excellent job by securing peace.
                          In the course of the visit, Hertling will also visit the VING (Aviation Reconnaissance Assault Group) and Krivolak,
                          where members of ARM's Special Operations Regiment will conduct a drill.

                          In addition, the U.S. General will visit military academy "Mihajlo Apostolski", where he is to deliver a lecture on topic
                          "Military Profession"


                          UN EXPERT RECOMMENDS BULGARIA RECOGNISE
                          ITS MACEDONIAN MINORITY
                          15 February 2012

                          Blagoevgrad/Gorna Dzumaja (Bulgaria), Melbourne (Australia) and Toronto (Canada)

                          OMO "Ilinden" PIRIN, the political party of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, together with the Australian
                          Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) and Macedonian Human Rights Movement International (MHRMI)
                          welcome the recent release of the report of the United Nations Independent Expert on Minority Issues on the situation
                          in Bulgaria.

                          The report was made public on 3 January 2012 by the newly appointed UN Independent Expert, Ms. Rita Izsak and
                          follows the visit to Bulgaria in July 2011 of her predecessor, Ms Gay McGougall. During the visit to Bulgaria , the
                          Independent Expert met with representatives of the Macedonian minority in the country. The delegation comprised of:
                          Stojko Stojkov, Co-President of OMO "Ilinden" PIRIN and Stahil Tupalski, Central Council Member of OMO "Ilinden"
                          PIRIN; Stojan Gerasimov from the Society of Repressed Macedonians; and Georgi Hristov, the Chief Editor of the
                          pro-Macedonian newspaper, Narodna Volja. The meeting gave the Macedonian organizations the opportunity to
                          provide the Independent Expert with a first hand, documented account of the problems facing the Macedonian
                          population in Bulgaria .

                          The post-visit report made a number of observations in relation to the situation of minorities in Bulgaria . In
                          paragraphs 66-67, devoted to the Macedonian minority, the Independent Expert noted that:

                          "66. Article 54 of the Bulgarian Constitution states that "everyone shal have the right to avail himself of the national
                          and universal human cultural values and to develop his own culture in accordance with his ethnic self-identification,
                          which shal be recognized and guaranteed by the law." However, the Government denies the existence of an ethnic
                          Macedonian minority, and does not recognize the Pomaks (considered as Bulgarian-speaking Muslims by the
                          Government) as a distinct minority - claiming that both groups are in fact ethnic Bulgarians. Representatives of those

                          who self-identify as ethnic Macedonians and as Pomaks claim that their minority rights are consequently violated.

                          67. Ethnic Macedonians consider it of crucial importance that their ethnic identity and distinctiveness be officially
                          recognized. Community representatives strongly dispute census findings reflecting very low and declining numbers of
                          Macedonians, and claim that the true population is many times higher. The Macedonian language is not recognized
                          or taught in schools and Macedonians are not represented on the National Council for Cooperation on Ethnic and
                          Integration Issues.

                          Most significantly though, the Independent Expert made a number of significant recommendations in relation to the
                          recognition of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria .

                          In relation to respect for self-identification the Independent Expert recommended that:

                          "93. In accordance with its Constitutional provisions to respect the right to ethnic self-identification, the Government
                          should ensure and protect this right, as well as the rights to freedom of expression and freedom of association of
                          members of the Macedonian and Pomak minorities.

                          94. Policies relating to the recognition and rights of minority groups must be assessed in relation to the State's
                          obligations under international human rights law. Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
                          states that "in those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities
                          shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to
                          profess and practise their own religion, or to use their own language." The question of the existence of minorities is
                          addressed by the Human Rights Committee in its general comment No. 23 (1994) on the rights of minorities. Article
                          5.2 states that "the existence of an ethnic, religious or linguistic minority in a given State party does not depend upon
                          a decision by that State party but requires to be established by objective criteria."

                          95. With regard to identification with a particular racial or ethnic group, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial
                          Discrimination has established in its general recommendation No. 8 (1990) on article 1 of the Convention that "such
                          identification shall, if no justification exists to the contrary, be based upon self-identification by the individual
                          concerned." The right of individuals to freely identify as belonging to an ethnic, religious or linguistic group is therefore
                          established in international law. Domestic law should recognize such rights and ensure that no individual or group
                          suffers from any disadvantage or discriminatory treatment on the basis of their freely chosen identity as belonging (or
                          not) to an ethnic, religious, linguistic or any other group.

                          On Bulgaria 's refusal to abide by judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, the views of the Independent
                          Expert were quite explicit:

                          96. Bulgaria should comply fully with the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) relating to
                          persons belonging to such communities and implement its rulings without further delay. Associations should be
                          allowed to register and function without impediment, use their chosen names and express their ethnic identities
                          freely. Associations that have been denied in the past should promptly be given official registration.

                          The Independent Expert also recommended the introduction of the Macedonian language to the Bulgarian education
                          system:

                          "97. The Government's position not to al ow the use of mother tongue languages as the language of instruction in
                          schools, particularly in regions where minorities are a majority or constitute a large percentage of the population, is a
                          concern for minorities, including the Roma, Turkish Muslims and Macedonians. Bilingual education commencing in
                          the early years of schooling would enable children to become proficient in their mother tongue as well as in Bulgarian.
                          Furthermore, it would enable them to maintain their ethnic and linguistic identity and help minority pupils to achieve
                          positive educational outcomes. The Government is urged to consider introducing bilingual education and to ratify the
                          European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages"

                          OMO "Ilinden" PIRIN, the political party of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, together with the Australian
                          Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) and Macedonian Human Rights Movement International (MHRMI)
                          demands that the Bulgarian Government to take note of the report of the UN Independent Expert on Minority Issues
                          and implement, in full and without delay, each of the recommendations contained in the report.

                          The full report can be downloaded here:


                          __________


                          OMO "Ilinden" PIRIN is a political party supporting the rights of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria . It has been
                          banned since 2000, despite a 2005 European Court of Human Rights Judgement ruling that the decision was a
                          violation of the Euroepan Convention on Human Rights. For more information please visit www.omoilindenpirin.org.

                          Established in 1984 the Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) is a non governmental
                          organization that advocates before governments, international institutions and broader communities about combating
                          discrimination and promoting basic human rights. Our aspiration is to ensure that Macedonian communities and other
                          excluded groups throughout the world are recognized, respected and afforded equitable treatment. For more
                          information please visit www.macedonianhr.org.au , or contact AMHRC by email [email protected] or on
                          +61 3 93298960.

                          Macedonian Human Rights Movement International (MHRMI) has been active on human and national rights issues
                          for Macedonians and other oppressed peoples since 1986. For more information: www.mhrmi.org, twitter.com/mhrmi,
                          facebook.com/mhrmi, [email protected],+1 416-850-7125.

                          AUSTRALIAN MACEDONIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE (AMHRC)
                          Suite 106, Level 1,
                          55 Flemington Rd ,
                          North Melbourne VIC 3051, Australia
                          Tel/Fax: +61 3 9329 8960
                          Email:[email protected]
                          Visit our website: www.macedonianhr.org.au

                          Not another BIG Greek Lie?

                          Cookie Drive for Greece
                          Monday, 13 February 2012



                          It is that time again, for Macedonians to be good Christians and turn our other cheek so our southern neighbor can
                          slap away.

                          Sad news out of Greece flooded news channels world-wide... "Greeks would no longer be able to afford coffee" is
                          one of the most common headlines. This is it, this is our chance to show our neighbor what it means to be a good
                          neighbor!

                          To this end, starting today, MINA wil engage in a " Cookie Drive " where we wil ask for donations from Macedonians
                          worldwide. The money will be used to buy cookies for Greeks.

                          Our motto is "if they don't have money for coffee, they should have for cookies".

                          The Lord knows Macedonia owes Greece . Thanks to Greek hysteria, the entire world knows of Macedonia . We
                          received the best commercial worldwide, and never paid a cent for it. Athens funded each marketing campaign. Not
                          just that Athens refused to ask for a cent, they even made capital investments in Macedonia . For 20 years the Greek
                          Government unselfishly pumped Macedonian patriotism and nationalism by negating our name and the Macedonians
                          who live in Greece .

                          Albania has recently started selling their citizenships for 100,000 Euros investment. Montenegro is the regional
                          champion in this. Greece can join, except it wouldn't be able to charge 100,000 euros for Elleniki one. Start small,
                          charge for a cookie stand and issue a passport.

                          I've said this before, I will say it again. You don't want to have a poor neighbor. The sirtaki dance is too close to our
                          borders. As if that isn't bad enough, Greece 's saviors in Skopje are somewhat quiet lately. Either payments are not
                          arriving on time, or the snow has gotten too deep, something is up.

                          In my attempts to help, I've sent a letter to Karamanlis, to Bakoyannis, it seems I must do the same with Papademos.
                          I don't blame Karamanlis and Bakoyannis for not responding, they were on their way out. In the letters I specifically

                          stated they were too busy with Macedonia and instead should work on creating some sort of Economic model for
                          their country.

                          I gave them, free of charge the best business model Greece could possibly adopt. Hire all Greeks to manufacture
                          American flags and then... sell!

                          Greeks would make US flags and then export them where there is a huge demand: to Palestine and the Middle East
                          etc where they are burned on a daily basis.

                          Macedonians could have pounced on this as well. Manufacture German, French, Dutch flags and sell them in Greece
                          . There is a huge demand for them in Athens and elsewhere.
                          Here you can see why we must help Greece and save them from the terrible, terrible Europeans, particularly the
                          Germans and French who have attacked the Greek people by pumping billions of euros for 50 years so the Greek
                          Government can issue two additional salaries (13th and 14th) to employees who showed up on time. They also got
                          bonuses for Easter and Christmas.

                          Now there is a talk of kicking Greece out of the Euro, apparently the money printing machines in Brussels are
                          showing signs of wear and tear. The Dutch Prime Minister already `quietly' announced steps were being taken to
                          shove Greece outside the eurozone and balance the shockwave it may cause on the markets. The word `kick' implied
                          a kick, so shove sounded much better.

                          The Europeans were great in the past. Greece enjoyed the relationship and the perpetual flow of money. They were
                          allies, friends, partners... Today the Greek people and media referred to the same Europeans as barbarians for not
                          feeding Greece forever.

                          The Europeans tried to explain: You need to produce, create something, you can't spend your existence away.

                          What Greece needs is another Prince Otto.


                          From the International Scene

                          Once Classified Report Sheds Light on CIA Estimates
                          of Cold War Yugoslavia
                          January 24, 2012
                          By Chris Deliso

                          yugoslavia/
                          A brief analysis of a once top-secret CIA report, written in 1949, provides a glimpse of US understanding of
                          communist Yugoslavia at a pivotal moment in the Cold War- after Tito's famous break with Stalin the year before.
                          In the broad sweep of contemporary history, the views expressed therein can be assessed favorably as indicating an
                          accurate judgment of the situation at the time.The report (.PDF), dated June 20, 1949 is titled Estimate of the
                          Yugoslav Regime's Ability to Resist Soviet Pressure During 1949. Unfortunately, there are no references to sources,
                          methods or US capabilities that went into crafting the report. However, those seeking in-depth reading on the
                          American views at the time and larger context can read Coleman Armstrong Mehta's lengthy thesis (.PDF) on CIA
                          assessments from 1948-1950.
                          The 12-page estimate highlights seven key findings regarding Yugoslav security, economy and political stability. It
                          was published for internal use only and addressed to the intelligence heads of the army, navy and air force, and the
                          Joint Staff's Deputy Director for Intelligence, the Special Assistance to the Secretary of State for Research and
                          Intel igence, the Director of Security and Intel igence of the Atomic Energy Commission, as wel as the CIA's
                          Assistant Director for Collection and Dissemination. In true Cold War style, there is also a `burn after reading'
                          suggestion.
                          Security Findings
                          Tito's break with Stalin occurred in summer 1948 and was due in part to dissimilar views on the nature of a socialist
                          state, doubts on the transposability of certain Soviet economic models, and not least, the proud Tito's disinterest in
                          looking to Moscow as the seat of supreme leadership.
                          In this light, after the break and chill in relations (which would not thaw until Stalin's death), there were concerns
                          about how the Soviet strongman might act towards Yugoslavia . The most important short-term conclusion of this

                          report was that the Soviets, and satellite states, were not expected by the CIA to engage in any direct military action
                          against Yugoslavia during 1949, but that "border incidents against Yugoslavia will probably increase."
                          The CIA also expected "a more hostile, but probably ineffective propaganda campaign" against the Yugoslavs, and
                          added by stating that "no large-scale guerril a warfare" would be likely to occur in 1949. In conclusion, the CIA
                          expected that Tito's regime "would meet no insurmountable obstacle during 1949."
                          This conclusion is reached following an examination of the perceived three courses of action Stalin could follow,
                          should he wish to topple the new Yugoslav regime. These were: use of satellite states in direct war; a Soviet invasion;
                          or support for "organized guerrilla warfare," which would constitute a "war of attrition." The third was considered the
                          most serious possibility, though still not likely.
                          In this context, it is striking to note that the eventual dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s occurred with wars that
                          began with (or featured aspects of) guerrilla fighting, particularly in the case of Kosovo. It was only the uncharted
                          waters of the new, post-Cold War environment that made option one (in the modern example, aerial bombardment by
                          NATO) even conceivable.
                          The possibility of an attack on Yugoslavia by neighboring states was dismissed by the CIA, as the Yugoslav Army
                          was "the second-largest and second-most competent in Eastern Europe," and could "defeat any combination of
                          bordering satel ite armies." And the assessment also noted that a direct Soviet invasion would not succeed; "prior to
                          any direct attack upon it, the Yugoslav Army would probably have from thirty to sixty days to regroup in the
                          mountainous region south of the Sava and Danube rivers, thus preventing its annihilation by the USSR forces." It was
                          probably the intention of the authors to imply that Soviet commanders understood this as well, though it is not
                          explicitly stated.
                          In 1949, the CIA estimated that Stalin would not support guerrilla fighting as it would be taken as a declaration of war
                          by Tito. Quite interestingly, the report suggests that Tito would take "vigorous counter-measures" against any threat
                          to his rule, including sponsoring guerril a wars in Albania and Bulgaria, which would create "seriously difficulties, and
                          especially for the "insecure Hoxha Government in Albania."
                          Tito's capability to withstand less dramatic, but equally hostile efforts from the Soviets was also considered in the
                          report. The Soviets could hypothetically "infiltrate" smal anti-Tito "bands" in neighboring states in order to
                          "disseminate anti-Tito propaganda, enlist recruits, incite local insurrections, perform acts of sabotage, disrupt
                          communications, and prepare the way for assassination of Tito and his aides."
                          To this robust list of alleged capabilities, it was posited that arms, supplies and propaganda leaflets could also be
                          dropped in by Soviet aircraft. Much from this menu of sabotage and guerrilla activities listed had in fact been used by
                          Tito's Partisans successful y against the Nazis.
                          Perceptions of the Communist Threat: Coloring Views of Macedonian Secessionism
                          Looking back, probably the most important theme conveyed in the CIA report seems to be that in 1949 the US
                          understood all resistance or possible resistance to Tito in some relationship to Communism- even the ethnic and
                          nationalist threats. This view would color the US perception of these groups for decades, leaving it from the 1960s to
                          experts from ostensibly unrelated fields, like sociologists (something that today would be called `interdisciplinary'
                          input) to identify the ethnic and nationalist character of the opposition to Tito, that would outlive the dictator and re-
                          emerge in dramatic fashion a decade after his death.
                          Rather, the 1949 report states that the primary danger of minorities in Yugoslavia was that these groups could
                          allegedly be propagandized by the Soviets, "to overthrow the Tito regime in return for promised preferential
                          treatment." In other words, secessionist nationalist would somehow prefer client-state status under hardcore
                          communism with a nationalist veneer to Tito's light communism, which also al owed a symbolic amount of
                          nationalism.
                          The once top-secret report notes that "certain minority groups" in Macedonia , Montenegro and other Yugoslav
                          republics might aspire to overthrow Tito's regime. The Macedonians are specifical y named, though others, such as
                          Albanians, Croats and Serbs, are not. In this light, one of the more intriguing elements of the report is the estimate
                          that "the proclamation of an `independent Macedonia ' would have little success in gaining the support of any
                          significant number of Yugoslav Macedonians."
                          The CIA concluded, however, that such a proclamation was unlikely to be made, in the immediate future at least. It
                          does not expand on where such a proclamation could be expected to come from, even if it did- from an internal
                          Macedonian group, or from one in Bulgaria or Greece . The report also does not detail why Macedonians would not
                          support the creation of an independent state, which leaves in doubt the reason for why it was seen as unlikely.
                          The CIA report also comes to a chillingly prescient conclusion: "if seriously threatened at any time in 1949 by the
                          formation of a Macedonian state, Tito could engineer mass deportations of unreliable Macedonians to other areas in
                          Yugoslavia . He could also cut off Yugoslav aid to the Greek guerrillas and might even come to some understanding
                          with the Greek National Government." The final two of these policies did occur in precise form as predicted, while the
                          first, `mass deportations,' was actually being done by the Greek Right, and accepted by Tito.
                          Looking at the situation through the lens of the communist threat also reveals why the CIA report dismissed any
                          major support for a Macedonian state, from another point of view: it assessed that the Soviets' image had been losing
                          credibility in general among the Yugoslav public. It implies that if the nationalist-based secessionist threat was indeed
                          fundamentally inspired by communists, perception damage suffered by the latter would adversely affect enthusiasm

                          for the former. Of course, the historic relationship between national liberation and communist parties in this case is
                          very complex and contentious.
                          The 1949 report notes that "since the beginning of the year, Yugoslav-Soviet relations have increased in hostility." Yet
                          despite extensive Cominform propaganda campaigns, the Soviet rhetoric was perceived as appearing more "hol ow
                          and ineffective" to the Yugoslav audience. In fact, it was argued that Soviet propaganda, ironically enough, had the
                          effect of "ral ying the extensive non-Communist population to Tito's camp."
                          Internal Communist Threats to Tito, and Secret Police Countermeasures
                          The CIA report estimates that, along with nationalist secessionists, Tito was also confronted with a potential threat
                          from approximately 8,000 enemies within (2 percent of the party's total membership)- most of whom, once again,
                          exemplified the `Communist threat.' These were comprised of: "old-line" Communists with experience in Russia,
                          sympathetic to the Kremlin; Partisan fighters dissatisfied with their post-war rewards/jobs; and Communists who had
                          fled (Royalist) Yugoslavia as dissident refugees before WWII, and who were repatriated after it, and thus had not
                          participated in the Partisan resistance and lacked any loyalty to Tito.
                          The report goes on to reveal that such disenchanted elements "are allegedly attempting to organize active opposition
                          to the Tito regime by concentrating on wresting control away from the army." Tito's countermeasures were said to
                          include retiring disloyal persons "as a group" and "replacing known unreliables with young stalwarts."
                          Intriguingly, the report adds that the UDB secret service played an instrumental role in preserving Tito's authority, and
                          that it in fact used some of the same tactics that were perceived as potentially being used against the regime. UDB
                          members were "considered loyal and wil provide stern counteraction to any campaign to infiltrate Cominform agents
                          extensively, perpetrate widespread acts of sabotage, foment disturbances or insurrections, or organize assassination
                          plots."
                          In regards to any Soviet attempts to use proxy guerrilla groups from satellite states, the report also confirmed that
                          "Tito can thwart the potential threat of such groups through his security police." Throughout the Cold War, the UDB
                          would gain a fearsome reputation for its efficient activities against perceived enemies of the state, both at home and
                          in the extensive Yugoslav diaspora communities around the world.
                          Economic Issues and Military Assistance Projections
                          The CIA report, which concludes with a detailed assessment of the Yugoslav economy, also drew conclusions
                          regarding Yugoslav economy and trade, noting that while the Soviets might entertain a strategy to force the collapse
                          of the Yugoslav economy, any such attempt would fail due to "prevailing internal and external conditions."
                          The report assessed that in any case the Soviets would not apply economic sanctions against Yugoslavia in 1949, as
                          this would adversely affect their own imports of "strategic metals" from the country. In any case, sanctions would not
                          "impair seriously" Yugoslavia 's general economy even if they were applied. The report noted that in the three years
                          since 1946, Yugoslavia 's economy was rebuilding, and that grain production had approached pre-war levels, as had
                          that of steel, non-ferrous metals, electricity, textiles and timber, with food shortages expected to be alleviated during
                          1949.
                          More negatively, however, Tito's `Five-Year Plan' for industrial expansion was viewed as "unrealistic," with a lack of
                          capital, Western technical assistance and trained workers hindering it, while gold reserves were low. An appetite for
                          Western loans was noted as something expected to be increasing in the coming period.
                          Finally, should an emergency situation arise due to Soviet military attack, the report concludes that Western aid might
                          be required. However, any military equipment for Yugoslavia would ideally be better provided by the West, the CIA
                          believed, than "the means for production of such equipment." It is not clear from this whether the report's authors
                          were making a case for efficiency, or outlining a long-term goal of preventing a competitive Yugoslav arms
                          manufacture industry.
                          A Portrait of Tito
                          The CIA report also discusses Tito as a leader, though indirectly and partially. It is revealing in that its estimation of
                          him was essentially accurate and held true far beyond 1949- thus showing that the aspiring leader would not
                          significantly change his leadership style or chosen overarching Cold War role into the future. This assessment no
                          doubt helped the Americans to predict the limitations of behavior and outlook of what would turn out to be an
                          autocratic rule for decades, until Tito's death in 1980.
                          In his life, Tito would become known for craftily playing "both sides," trying to highlight his country's advantages of
                          being somewhere between both East and West, which would mature into the non-aligned movement. According to
                          the 1949 report, he is "confident of Western determination to maintain him as a constant irritant to the Kremlin."
                          This status, it was argued, meant also that Tito could feel assured of continued economic assistance from the West
                          and steady imports of needed Western industrial goods. However, "fol owing a policy of self-protection and economic
                          self-interest, he will continue to trade with the East in certain strategic items," it was added.



                          After Macedonia's Islamist Protest, Investigators
                          Search for Significance amidst Confusing Array of
                          Motives and Clues
                          February 13, 2012
                          By Chris Deliso

                          significance-amidst-confusing-array-of-motives-and-clues/
                          Although local and international media have depicted last month's Islamic protest and church attacks in Macedonia
                          as manifestations of inter-ethnic and inter-religious polarity, these events actually derived from internal power
                          struggles between the country's diverse Muslim parties and interests, Balkanalysis.com can report. However, the
                          inevitable impulse towards mediation and political settlement may make the incorrect depiction a fait accompli in
                          future.
                          At the same time, new information corroborating seven years of field research indicates that this internal turmoil is
                          allowing rhetorical, financial and logistical opportunities for a small number of people who are truly dangerous, and
                          directed from outside the country. Events and processes scheduled for the next couple years, such as a national
                          census and local elections may act as triggers for further infighting, protests and divisiveness.
                          What Happened in Brief
                          In late January 2012, Macedonia received brief but intense international media attention following an unprecedented
                          large-scale Islamic protest in the southwestern lake town of Struga , and attacks against churches, other structures
                          and people. The official cause of the protest, allegedly, was the Vevchani Carnival's caricature of Islam. (Eye-opening
                          videos of the protest, in which Islamic and Albanian flags were waved amid cries of Allahu Akbar, abound on
                          Youtube). However, the international media coverage of it all was simplistic and lacked proper context- thus
                          improving neither reader understanding nor national and regional security.
                          First, it should be said that as of February 2012 there is no reason why Macedonia 's different local populations
                          should not be able to co-exist as they always have, and without any outside interference. Unfortunately, it appears
                          that various interests representing different centers of power - some visible, others less so - would like to use the
                          recent incidents for their own varied yet overlapping goals. And, despite that the political leaders have now agreed to
                          work together, these goals do not involve the greater public good.
                          Odd Timing, a Lack of Spontaneity, and the Media
                          Until this year, no one had ever seriously criticized the Vevchani Carnival, held every 13-14 January for roughly the
                          last 1,400 years. The statistical chances of two protests from different parties, occurring within nine days of each
                          other would thus seem rather low. Yet this is what happened, when first the Greek government in a note, and then
                          the local Islamist community in force, lashed out at the carnival, on 19 January and 28 January respectively.
                          The carnival is a major winter cultural event in Macedonia that is regularly attended by international ambassadors and
                          officials as well as by tourists local and foreign. Development in this eternally peaceful Macedonian Orthodox village
                          has been supported by the US , EU and World Bank, and it has a thriving sustainable tourism industry and welcoming
                          atmosphere. Those who showed up at the later Struga protests (Muslims from that town and the villages neighboring
                          Vevchani) have known all their lives that the carnival and the Vevchani locals are entirely harmless; anyone who
                          knows both populations immediately understands this. Yet the protesters have very disingenuously sought to portray
                          things otherwise.
                          An awareness of what is customary in local reality possibly can explain why the Muslims did not react immediately.
                          When Muslim rioting and protests have occurred in Europe , as after the Paris youth deaths or after the Danish
                          cartoon controversy, it has usually been fairly spontaneous. The recent protest in Macedonia was anything but- it was
                          well-organized, supported by local officials, and took place a full two weeks after the carnival. It was another example
                          of the truism that in Macedonia , nothing happens by accident.
                          What did transpire in the interim, however, was an indignant protest statement on 19 January from the Greek foreign
                          ministry regarding the same carnival, which had featured a ceremonial funeral float for the country- a gag targeting
                          Greece's current financial problems, and not symbolic of any real il -will against the country. And when examined
                          more closely, it seems clear that the skit was actually designed for internal consumption, as it included a mock
                          Orthodox death notice that listed among the supposed bereaved, Macedonian public figures who have over the years
                          been identified with a "pro-Greek" position.
                          The rationale behind the official Greek reaction can be understood in two ways. First, it offered an easy opportunity to
                          temporarily distract Greek citizens from worsening internal political and economic problems. Second, Greek
                          diplomacy is currently concerned that the negative (albeit merely symbolic) ruling of the International Court of Justice
                          in December 2011 will result in increasing international pressure to resolve the name issue. Therefore, the Greek
                          MFA is seeking to take advantage of any trifling matter that can be depicted as a sign of `provocation' from the
                          Macedonian side. Athens thus seems to think it can stall for time or endlessly defer the process through pointing out
                          alleged cases of Macedonian `provocations.'

                          It is also possible that diplomats in Athens were unnecessarily angered because they are unfamiliar with the event,
                          and thus took it much more seriously than they should have. For example, burning all the masks at the end of the
                          carnival is a traditional ritual, not a singular provocation against anyone or anything.
                          It is very interesting to note that there was no initial uproar from Muslims after the carnival, and the usual news wraps-
                          ups devoting most of their attention to the Greek sketch. It was only on 28 January that Muslims in the Struga area
                          took to the street to protest. In a telephone interview for Skopje 's Sitel TV conducted a few days after the protest,
                          Struga Mayor Ramiz Merko evaded the question when asked why the Muslims did not seem to have a problem with
                          Vevchani until after the Greeks did. However, the interviewer did not push the issue and this vital question has still
                          not been answered.
                          A question that still remains, therefore, is whether the Muslims acted completely independently, or played off of the
                          Greek involvement with a `copycat' - but much more serious - protest, or if the two sides could even have been
                          coordinating activities due to a common interest in obstructing the country's progress. We have absolutely no opinion
                          or information regarding this possibility, and only mention it because it is one of the hypothetical possibilities being
                          weighed now by investigators. However, it does seem plausible that without the Greek protest over Vevchani (an
                          example of the more aggressive Greek policy since the Hague ruling), the Muslims would not have gotten the idea to
                          protest. It is thus possible that this whole incident was entirely avoidable and in a way accidental.
                          Macedonian officials were further concerned by very damaging and inaccurate news articles, such as an Associated
                          Press piece of 30 January and another of 31 January that soon had around 160 Google News citations, including
                          several US newspapers and even TV networks. Like a similar Reuters report on the same day, these articles
                          depicted the incident as an inter-ethnic one, mentioning the 2001 conflict in the same breath as recent events. The
                          articles take for granted a direct causal connection between the carnival and the protest (although as we have seen, it
                          was not spontaneous) and also make erroneous claims regarding the demographic breakdown and population figures
                          for Muslims in the country.
                          These articles also provide a distorted selection of quotes from local Muslim leaders and politicians, ignoring those
                          characterized by rough language, and instead transmitting the more politically-correct comments out of the vast
                          totality of commentary made for local media during the crisis period. The second piece provocatively states that
                          Muslims "accuse the [Christian] majority of stoking hatred," ominously adding that "ethnic tension has been
                          simmering in this small Balkan country since the end of an armed rebellion in 2001."
                          These implications portray the whole issue in a completely incorrect light and exaggerate the supposed demise of
                          inter-ethnic relations. It is unclear whether this sensationalism can be attributed to bad writing or to an uninformed
                          editor. But it cannot be due to an uninformed author, as at least the AP work was written by longtime local
                          correspondent Konstantin Testorides, who is presumably better informed about local realities. (Mr Testorides did not
                          reply to an email request for clarification from Balkanalysis.com).
                          Motive: Political and Economic Control of Struga
                          Understanding the recent events in Macedonia depends on an understanding of the unique structure of local power-
                          something that the international media has ignored completely. The public figure most associated with supporting the
                          Islamic protest is Struga Mayor Ramiz Merko, who gave permission for it to be held and who has been very vocal in
                          this and in several previous cases of supporting Islamist projects. Although Reuters quoted Merko as saying "we
                          should avoid further incidents and not be influenced by politics," the Struga mayor has from the beginning sought to
                          manipulate the incidents to increase his political prestige.
                          This representative of the ethnic Albanian governing coalition member, DUI, has been elected twice, in 2005 and
                          2009, but it is believed that he will not be the party's candidate in the 2013 election. This may be partly because he
                          angered party leader Ali Ahmeti by publicly threatening to run with rival ethnic Albanian parties in the 2009 race.
                          Since leading the NLA paramilitary force in 2001, Ahmeti has kept an ironclad grip on party power. For party
                          members, it is better to remain on his good side.
                          Although a lot can happen between now and the elections, informed sources believe that DUI's next mayoral
                          candidate wil be Artim Labunisti, a doctor and descendent of an established, `old' Struga family. They expect that he
                          could even have crossover appeal with Macedonian voters, something that would be highly unusual for an Albanian
                          party's candidate.
                          A local from the Macedonian Muslim vil age of Labunista praised this idea, tel ing Balkanalysis.com that the doctor's
                          grandfather, Murat Labunisti, "was highly respected in our village, and had studied in France ." (In fact, the name of
                          the vil age's elementary school has been changed from `Josip Broz Tito' to `Murat Labunisti'). Other sources indicate
                          that this candidate was discussed favorably in an internal DUI meeting approximately three months ago.
                          In the purely politico-economic sense, Struga today is somewhat reminiscent of Atlantic City in the 1920s. Being the
                          mayor of a large municipality such as this puts an individual and party in a position to hand out jobs, favors, contracts
                          and tenders- and, of course, a chance to profit from this interaction. Controlling this machinery not only means
                          controlling cash; it also means the ability to continue deferring non-financial personal debts accrued to a varied group
                          of `creditors.' If one is the mayor of such a place, it is thus best to stay so for as long as possible.
                          Presuming that Merko will not run with DUI, he could conceivably reach out to another Albanian party, such as the
                          New Democracy of Imer Selmani, or run as an independent. However, running against a strongly supported local
                          candidate would jack up the price of votes from local businessmen, and significant collateral would have to be
                          brought to the table in order to buy them. At very least we can say that the political situation in Struga is fluid.









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                          "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                          GOTSE DELCEV

                          Comment

                          • George S.
                            Senior Member
                            • Aug 2009
                            • 10116

                            A Century of Silence – Chapter 4 –Part 14
                            By Stoian Kochov
                            Translated and edited by Risto Stefov
                            [email protected]
                            July 19, 2015

                            If there was any justice in that world it was for the strong. In other words there was only justice for those who willed power and in this case it was the communists. There was no fairness… only strength… and that’s what mattered then and nothing else. The same is true today… So, were our strategists in the CPM, NOF and AFZH not aware of what had already been decided by the Great Powers and by Macedonia’s neighbours when they went looking for an alternate solution for us Macedonians?! Why did these organizations wait for others, outsiders, to create a future for us? Were they not capable? If not then why did they accept to lead us? Why did they play a role in turning us into victims of the CPG? On top of that, why did they allow the history of this war to be falsified and for the truth and our future to be erased?

                            In the half century or so that has passed since the war ended many so-called intellectuals, if we can call them that, have been engaged in discussions about this war, both in political and general forums, but all they have done is apologize for the political powers, sometimes putting their own intellectual creed in question. Some were lost in the daily political waters in which they lost their intellectual virtues in favour of demagogy. But there were also those groups which worked in accordance with the needs of their clients and their lucrative goals and needs. From time to time these groups affirmed and praised some ideas and in different situations they were its fiercest critics. These groups, filled with unfulfilled ambitions, actively participated in the division of political power but because of their own failures were constantly filled with anger, jealousy and nihilism.

                            And how did the communists in Bureli solve and bury the Macedonian Question?

                            Let me say that they did it in the presence of the highest CPG communist leadership, in front of Grigori Petrov, a high representative of the USSR and member of the Information Bureau, in front of DAG General Headquarters staff and all the fighters (Greeks and Macedonians) who bled for four years fighting in the Greek Civil War. They did it in front of members of NOF and AFZH and in front of a number of senior representatives belonging to the Communist Party of Albania.

                            Was this then a strategy to drive the Macedonians out of Greece?!” I asked.

                            Unexpectedly Krapov looked at me and said: “Yes! Yes, but that was not all. That was not the end!”

                            “Here is a chronology of events,”,I said.

                            “Two days after being placed in the camps in Albania, the NOF and AFZH Macedonian leaders were labeled Tito and Kolishevski’s bandits. All of us DAG fighters were stunned by the news. We knew nothing about this during the course of the war.”

                            Krapov interrupted and said: “Well, this is how the communist system worked. It worked conspiratorially, secretly! Do you understand?”

                            “If that were so,” I said “why then did they all pretend to be naïve?! False heroes and victims… The Macedonians have no one to blame but themselves. They decided to become servents of the strategic policy implemented in Yugoslavia and wanted to have influence over the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia.

                            The moment we arrived at the camps, security organs under the leadership of General Dimitrios Vlandas and Periklis Mirovlitis, the officers in charge of intelligence activities at the DAG General Headquarters in Bureli Camp, began searching all the camps looking to capture and arrest Tito’s agents.

                            From October 1st to October 5th, 1949, arrested were:

                            1. Paskal Mitrevski, president of NOF. And as I have said before, NOF and AFZH were established in the CPM Central Committee Headquarters in Skopje on April 23, 1945. All NOF and AFZH members were selected by Mitrevski’s design. Mitrevski did that after he returned from Belgrade where he stayed for several months and received instructions from CPY Central Committee authorized personnel. He chose the following people: Pavle Rakovski, Mincho Fotev, Vera - Evdokia Baleva, Urania Urukova, Tashko Hadzhianev, Lazar Poplazarov, Hristo Kolentsev, Lambro Cholakov, Mihail Maliov and Themistoklis Leokratis.

                            The next day, October 3, 1949, the above mentioned people were arrested and placed in a joint jail cell. There they asked each other why they had been detained. They had never done anything that would be hostile towards the CPG? They had always acted on CPG orders, which included organizing the Macedonian people and getting them to fight for the CPG and for world freedom en masse? They pushed the Macedonian peasants to give everything they had for this holy struggle? They had even agreed to evacuate their children so that the women could enter the ranks of DAG? They were completely puzzled by the actions that the CPG took.

                            The CPG was the stepmother who they earnestly loved!

                            Like Umbero Eko once said: ‘I now began to believe that the whole world was a secret, a harmless secret, which became a horror when I attempted to interpret it as well-hidden truth’…”

                            Krapov interrupted me again and said: “The Macedonian communists from NOF and AFZH are now saying that they loved the CPG like it was their Party, and as such throughout the entire course of the war they preached its politics to the Macedonian people. They sincerely loved the CPG like a stepmother.”

                            I looked at Krapov and said: “Were these people trying to be naïve on purpose or were they truly subjects of the CPY and the CPG?! If the Macedonians from NOF and AFZH did not do what they were told to do by the CPY and CPG or as they said: ‘We only acted on the orders of the CPG when our assignment was to mass organize the Macedonian people in the struggle’, we would not have been expelled from our homeland! And as Jean Jacques Rousseau, a French philosopher, once said: ‘There is no madness from which a person cannot escape, except from vanity.’

                            But what do statements like these, made by Vera and the others, tell us? They tell us that there was a strand of self-defeat amongst our Macedonian communists. In other words, the people of NOF and AFZH worked for strangers, for the designers of the war who planned to rid of us from our homeland. And as it turned out it was all done against the interests of the Macedonian people!

                            Now they were pretending to be naïve and fear made them wonder: ‘What will become of us?...’ Fear and horror preoccupied the leaders of NOF and AFZH as they sat in the jail.

                            The next day, October 4, 1949, General Vlandas lookеd at them angrily and said: ‘Write down about Tito and Kolishevski’s band!’

                            He wanted a statement from each one of them so he said: ‘Write, write about your dirty deeds.’ And as such each of the detainees was obliged to give a statement.

                            A great gathering involving all the DAG fighters was called for October 7, 1949. More than 3,000 people showed up. Among them were members of the CPG Politburo, members of DAG General Staff, CPG General Secretary Nikos Zahariadis, Foreign Minister of the Provisional Government Petros Rosos and members of General Headquarters. Included among the top officials and Politburo members were Vassilis Brdzhiotas, Michos Vlandas, Georgios Gusias and Periklis Mirovlitis (who later published a book in Poland entitled “Tito and his clique’s betrayal of Greece”.)

                            CPG General Secretary Nikos Zahariadis delivered a bitter speech. A few years later Zahariadis hung himself in a prison cell in the city Surgun in Siberia.

                            For the benefit of everyone, among other things, Nikos Zahariadis said: ‘During our holy war all these people here were under CPY influence and played a treacherous role… there is no place for traitors in our ranks.’

                            If we further analyze these allegations we will find that there were dirty foreign political games played over the Macedonian people.

                            First, the Ideological activism carried out by NOF and AFZH in order to get the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia, during the years 1945 to 1949, to massively rise and fight was a Yugoslav initiative.

                            Then we hear from Vera, leader of the AFZH organization, telling Zahariadis that: ‘The Communist Party of Greece is my Party!’

                            So what exactly was NOF and AFZH’s ideological conception, in comparison to that of the CPG, if all the time they made compromises to it?

                            When we, the Macedonian fighters of DAG, first heard of this, that these people were Tito’s agents, we stood there with our mouths open, we were in shock. It was even more shocking that the CPG made them responsible for us Macedonians and before each battle they assured us that our death for this struggle was sacred because the Macedonian people would live free.

                            In other words, if we want to look for the root of this evil in all this then we will be faced with two questions… to which we should seek answers.

                            1. How and why did Tito and the CPY activate the Macedonian syndrome and push the Macedonian people on the ideological red gallows in 1945 to 1949?!

                            2. How did Zhariadis and the CPG manipulate Macedonian people through the hell of the red gallows?!

                            ***

                            At the conclusion of the indictments; the security authorities immediately jailed the NOF and AFZH leaders in the Bureli jail where they remained until December 1949.

                            Then, between December 15 and 16, 1949, they were loaded on the ship Michurin and shipped from Albania to the USSR. Following a ruling from the USSR Supreme Court they were then sent to Siberia to serve their sentences in the Siberian camps.

                            At the same time, the villages in our homeland were turned into a wasteland as the population was expelled and found itself roaming the world.

                            Think about this. Think how well-planned and executed this matrix of genocide was over the Macedonian population. You can clearly see it as it happened to those who were convicted. They had no clue what was happening to them; they had no idea that this was perpetrated by both the CPY and the CPG.”

                            Krapov turned to me and again said: “Well, this is how the communist system operated. Secretly! Strictly secretly! Do you understand now? By this means everything that happened to us and our leadership was designed to have two versions.”

                            No sooner had he finished talking than Krapov again went into one of his trances, preoccupied with his thoughts no doubt, trying to make sense of things. Then suddenly he looked at me and said: “Regarding Vera, leader of the organization AFZH and her relationship with Zahariadis; Vera paid careful attention to Zahariadis and idolized him but with caution. Zahariadis, on the other hand, also paid careful attention to Vera but with a dose of compassion like a good and conscientious friend. But now he could not wait to accuse her of having done cruel things and put her in jail.

                            At every encounter and every time he parted with the leaders of NOF and AFZH, Zahariadis always left with an ironic malice,” concluded Krapov.

                            In reply I said to Krapov: “Why then did they all pretend to be naïve, was that not hypocritical?”

                            Krapov thought for a moment and said: “A person does not need to be very smart to understand that the Macedonian Communists, the stigmatized ones, always pretended to be very naïve but, nonetheless, indirectly they were responsible for the organized genocide against us. How can they have been both guilty and brave when, together with Zahariadis, they played naïve; they all did the same thing, both the accused and the accusers, they were led by Zahariadis who a few years later hung himself in prison. Those on our side meanwhile, while serving their sentences in Alma Ata, went before Khrushchev asking him for a visa to return to Yugoslavia and told Khrushchev that they were Yugoslav Communists!

                            What kind of perfidious games were they all playing? Yugoslav Communists?! There had to be some sort of agreement between Tito and the CPY/CPM on one side and Zahariadis and the CPG on the other. The situation they were in was well-known after the Second World War,” concluded Krapov.

                            Now let us look at some facts and arguments.

                            1. The Yalta Conference lasted from February 4th to 11th, 1945. It was attended by the leaders Churchill, Stalin and Roosevelt, in the presence of their ministers of external affairs. Greece was placed under the British and American sphere of influence. Stalin gave them this guarantee in Yalta, which means that no socialist system would be allowed to take root in Greece, not even with a Civil War. So, what was the civil war all about then; if not to ethnically cleanse the Macedonian population in Greek occupied Macedonia? The Greek Civil War was started to legalize this process in order to get rid of the Macedonians from Greece and to make more space for the Turkish colonists and settlers from Asia Minor who were already settled in Macedonia.

                            2. At the same time, let us look at how the British and the Americans viewed the situation in Greece with regards to the Macedonians.

                            British Ambassador to Athens, Mr. R.A. Leeper, back in November 1944, toyed with the idea of displacing 120,000 Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia and moving them north of the Greek border. Mr. Leeper suggested this to Mr. Eden, then UK Foreign Minister, in a letter dated November 24, 1944 in which, among other things, he wrote ‘… and since the amputation of the Slav areas in Western Macedonia and their annexation to a Slav Federation is a practical impossibility and would also be economically disastrous for Greece, it would follow that, difficult as it may be, a home must be found for perhaps 120,000 Slav Macedonians north of the Greek frontiers of 1941.’ (5a) (See: FO 371/43649 XP 00201 R 20431/1009/67.)

                            Yes. During the war and during the half century after the war we never asked: ‘Why did Britain and the United States support the Greek injustices perpetrated against Macedonia and the Macedonian people?’

                            3. Marshal Tito, in an interview with ‘ The New York Times’ in Moscow on April 26, 1945, among other things, said: ‘If the Macedonians in Greece express a desire to unite with other Macedonians, Yugoslavia will respect their wishes.’

                            4. Perfidious games played by Zahariadis and Tito with regards to starting the Greek Civil War.

                            (Moscow – Belgrade - the CPG)

                            (The following facts reveal key moments in NOF’s history - from the military archives: USSR, Yugoslavia and the CPG)

                            March 20, 1946 - Zahariadis left Athens and went to Prague. He used this trip as an opportunity to discuss his armed struggle in Greece with the communist party leaders and to seek assistance from them. But, as it turned out, he received silence or advice that it was a bad idea to start a war at this point in time and that such a move would be foolish. The most notable leaders, including Torez of France and Toliati of Italy, told him that it was ‘dangerous to resort to arms’ at this point in time. Georgi Dimitrov asserted that ‘the international situation does not allow an outbreak of a new armed conflict, especially one that would directly interfere in the affairs of the Western allies in the Balkans’.

                            All those leaders knew very well that Zahariadis had returned to Athens in May 1945, after being imprisoned in the Dachau Camp in Germany for nine years, which had left a strong impression on him and gave him a new attitude towards the world. He returned to Greece on a British plane and, immediately after returning, took up his former duties as CPG Secretary General and began to work.



                            ЕДНОВЕКОВНО МОЛЧЕЊЕ (1913 - 2013) - Глава 4 - 14

                            Стојан Кочов
                            Тогаш постоеше како правда на моќникот (КПГ). Значи, правдата не е во правилноста, туку во моќта. Кој е моќен, тој е праведен (тоа многу важело и за комунистите). И денес обратното не важи... Зарем толку не беа упатени овие наши стратези (КПМ, НОФ и АФЖ) дека Големите сили и нашите соседи однапред имале алтернативно решение за нас Македонците!!? Ние Македонците (преку организацијата НОФ, АФЖ и НОМС) не ја креиравме и не ја создававме иднината, туку ја чекавме. Зошто? Затоа што владееше фатална дезорганизираност на македонските позиции и така Македонците под Грција станаа невини жртви на КПГ. По Граѓанската војна дозволивме да ни биде избришано минатото, обезличена сегашноста и да не бидеме присутни во иднината.

                            Во овој полувековен период, токму од такви таканаречени ангажирани интелектуалци (ако може така да се наречат) кои не само што учествувале (или сè уште учествуваат) во политичкиот живот и во поделбата на политичката моќ, туку и како апологети (има и такви) го ставаат на коцка и сопственото интелектуално кредо. Некои од нив толку многу се губат во политичките води (на дневната политика) што интелектуалната доблест ја користат само како демагошка вештина. Но, има и една друга група која работи зависно од потребата на нарачателот и сопствените лукративни цели и потреби можеа (можат) во еден период да афирмираат и да фалат едни идеи и факти, за во друга ситуација да бидат најжестоки нејзини критичари. Оваа група (лажни херои и жртви) западна во ќорсокакот на своите неостварени амбиции да учествува активно во делбата на политичката моќ, но поради сопствениот неуспех, константно се исполнети со гнев, завидливост и нихилизам.

                            КАКО КОМУНИСТИТЕ ВО “БУРЕЛИ” ГО РЕШИJА И ГО ПОГРЕБАА МАКЕДОНСКОТО ПРАШАЊЕ:

                            Пред наjвисокото комунистичко раководство на КПГ, високиот преставник на СССР Григори Петров, член на Информативното биро, Главниот штаб На ДАГ и сите борците (Грци и Македонци) кои крварваревме четири години во Граѓанската воjна, нофитите и афежитките и високи преставници на КП на Албаниjа.

                            Дали ова: СТРАТЕГИJАТА БЕШЕ ОДМАЗДА ЗА ПРОТЕРУВАЊЕ НА МАКЕДОНЦИТЕ ПОД ГРЦИJА!? -Крапов вели ДА!- но таа не заврши!

                            Хронологиjа на настаните:

                            Само два дена по логорувањето, македонските раководители на НОФ и АФЖ, од раководството КПГ, прогласени за банда на “ТИТО И КОЛИШЕВСКИ”. Сите ние борците на ДАГ,останавме вчудоневидени, но зошто во текот на воjната незнаевме ништо?

                            Крапов ми вели: Е,таков е комунистичкиот систем. Работи многу CONSPIRATIVUS (Таjно, строго поверливо!). Конспиративно! Разбра? - ми вели.
                            Му одговорив со не. И му велам: Ама тогаш зошто сите се прават наjивни!? Лажни херои и жртви. На Македонците не им е виновен никоj. Тие сами прифатиjа да и бидат слуги на стратешката политика што jа спроведуваше Jугославиjа, која сакаше да има влиjание и над Македонците во Егеjска Македониjа.

                            Веднаш по логорувањето, органите за безбедност под раководство на генералот Димитриос Вландас и офицерот на разузнавачката деjност Периклис Мировлитис при ГШ на ДАГ во логорот “Бурели”, и останатите логори, стапиjа во акциjа по сите логори за фаќање на “Титовите агенти”.

                            Крапов ми вели: Знаеш нам Македонците кога ни беше јасно? Кога морковот беше при крај и се наѕираше стапот.

                            Тогаш пред сите Македонци и светот, знаеш што се случи?

                            Од 1-5 октомври 1949 година, беа арестовани:

                            1. Паскал Митревски, претседател на организациjа НОФ - формирана во седиштето на ЦК на КПМ, во Скопjе на 23 април 1945 година. Сите избрани членови во НОФ и АФЖ, беа избрани со кооптациjа (назначени од Митревски). Тоа го сторил по враќањето од Белград, каде престоjувал повеќе месеци и добивал инструкции од овластени лица на ЦК КПJ и токму тогаш беа изабрани следниве членови:

                            Павле Раковски, Минчо Фотев, Вера - Евдокиjа Балева, Ураниjа Урукова, Ташко Хаџиjанев, Лазар Поплазаров, Христо Колицев, Ламбро Чолаков, Михаил Маљов и Темистоклис Леократис.

                            Следниот ден, на 3 октомври 1949 година уапсените се наjдоа во заедничка просториjа и се прашуваа: “Но, зошто? Зарем ние сме воделе неприjателска деjност против нашата партиjа КПГ?

                            Ние постапувме само по наредба на КПГ со задача за што помасовно да го орагнизираме Македонскиот народ во борбата за света слобода. Ние ги теравме македонските селани да дадат сè за светата борба. Ние се сложивме да ги евакуираме и своите деца за да и жените влезат во борбрните редови на ДАГ.”

                            КПГ - МАЌЕАТА ШТО ИСКРЕНО JА САКАВМЕ

                            “Сега почнав да верувам дека сиот свет е таjна, нештетна таjна, коjа станува ужасна од нашите обиди да jа интерпретираме како тешко скриена вистина” Умберто Еко.

                            Крапов ми вели: Македонските комунисти нофити и афежити сега велат дека jа сакаат КПГ како нивна партиjа и така низ целиот тек на воjната му jа проповедаа на македонскиот народ, политиката на КПГ, но таа се покажа; како маќеа што искрено jа сакаа.

                            Дали овие наши луѓе изигруваа наивни или навистина беа и останаа поданици на КПГ и КПJ!? Ако тоа него правеа тоа, овие Македонци од НОФ и од АФЖ како што сега изjавуваат дека: “Ние постапувме само по наредба на КПГ за задача што по масовно да го орагнизираме Македонскиот народ во борбата”, македонскиот народ ќе си останеше на своjата вековна прадедова земjа!

                            “Нема лудило од кое човек не може да се извлече, освен од суетата” Жан Жак Русо (Француски филозов).

                            Но, со овие изjави на Вера и другите, тоа на што покажува? Покажува дека каj нашите Македонски- комунисти имало некоа жичка на САМОБИЧУВАЊЕ. Значи, НОФитите и Афежитите, попрво работеле за тугинците (Проектантите на воjната) кои планираа да не ископачат од нашите родни места и на сето тоа што беше против интересите на Македонскиот народ!

                            А сега, изигруваат наивни и стравот ги тера да размислуваат: Што може да стане со нас?...

                            Страв и ужас, каj уапсените нофити и афежити.

                            Другиот ден, на 4 октомври 1949 година, генералот Вландас луто ги погледнува и им вели: “Пишуваj за бандата на Тито и Колишевски!”.

                            Бара од сите нив изjава и на секого им вели: “Пишуваj, пишуваj за твоите гнасни дела.” Така, секои од уапсените, беше должен да даде изjава.

                            На 7 октомври 1949 година беше свикан голем собир на сите борци на ДАГ, а ги имаше повеќе од 3000. На истиот собир присуствуваа членовите на Политбирото на КПГ, членовите на ГШ на ДАГ, генералниот секретар на КПГ НИКОС ЗАХАРИJАДИС, министерот за надворешни работи на Привремената влада Петрос Росос, членовите на ГШ и Политбирото: Василис Брџиотас, Мичос Вландас, Георгиос Гусиjас Периклис Мировлитис (покасно во Полониjа издаде Книга: “Предавството на Тито и неговата клика во Грциjа.”

                            Жолчен говор одржа генералниот секретар на КПГ Никос Захариjадис, коj понеколку години покасно ќе се обеси во затворот во градот “Сургун” - Сибир.

                            Никос Захариjадис и за сите рече дека: “Во нашата света воjна; сите овие луѓе беа под големо Влиjание на КПJ и изиграа предавничка улога, а за предавници нема место во нашите редови.”

                            Што тоа значи ви политичка смисла т. е по моќта на туѓите валканите туѓи политики над Македонците и ги анализираме подлабоко ќе видиме дека:

                            “Идеолошкиот активизам над Македонците под Грциjа во годините (1945-1949) македонскиот народ масовно да се крени од страна на НОФ и АФЖ бил апологиjа на Jугословенството.

                            Впрочем, тоа го потврдува и лидерот на АФЖ - Вера пред Захариjадис вели: “Комунистичката Партиjа (КПГ) на Грциjа е моjа партиjа!”

                            Тогаш, каква беше идеолошката концепциjа на НОФ и АФЖ, за разлика од концепциjата на КПГ, па цело време се правеа компромиси со сопствените идеолошки концепти?

                            Ние, воjниците (Макдеонци) на ДАГ, кои прв пат за овие луѓе слушнавме дека се “Титови агенти” кои КПГ ги поставуваше како одговорни за нас Македонците и пред секоjа борба нè убедуваа дека нашето загинување за оваа борба е свето, затоа што македонскиот народ ќе живее на слобода останавме со отворена уста.

                            Значи, ако тргнеме во потрага по корените на злото се судруваме со две прашања, и тука треба да го бараме одговорт:

                            1. Како и зошто Тито (КПJ) го активира македонскиот синдром и ги турна Македонците во идеолошкото црвено губилиште (1945-1949)!?

                            2. Како Захариjадис (КПГ) ги манипулираше Македонците низ пеколот на црвеното губилиште!?

                            * * *

                            Заклучоците на обвинителниот акт. Органите на Државната безбедност веднаш ги уапсиjа НОФ-итите и АФЖ-итките и ги затвориjа во “Бурели” и таму останаа сè до декември 1949 година.

                            На 15-16 декември 1949 година,со бродот “Мичурин” од Албаниjа заминаа за СССР. По пресудата од Врховниот суд на СССР, беа упатени во сибирските логори.

                            Во тоj период, во родните села беше направен пустош, а населението истерано по светот.

                            Сега размислувам: Колку е била детално разработена матрицата за геноцид над македонското население. Тоа дури се гледа и во осудените, дека и тие навистина не знаеа што ни се случува од деjаниjата на КПГ и КПJ.

                            Крапов ми вели: Е, таков е комунистичкиот систем. Работи многу CONSPIRATIVUS (Таjно, строго поверливо!). Конспиративно!

                            Разбра, ми вели. Ете, на овоj чин сите настапиjа со своето лицемерство, наместо со ставот на лидерство и во аманет ни оставиjа, секоjа вистина да си има две верзии.

                            Крапов, преокупиран, со мислите за целиот тоj нивни однос продолжи: Каj нашата Вера лидер на македонската жена и Вождот - Захариjадис, беше следниот: Вера кон Захариjадис се однесуваше со внимање во кое имаше Идеолатриjа и претпазливост, а Захариjадис кон Вера исто така со внимање, но во него имаше доза на сожалување: ете, толку “добар и совесен другар”, а сега мора да jа осудува и да извршува такви сурови и неблагородни работи. Тоj секогаш при нивната разделба остануваше со иронична злоба. А тоа го правеше кон сите лидери на НОФ и АФЖ.

                            Му велам, ама тогаш зошто сите се прават наjивни и лицемерни!?

                            Крапов, се замисли и ми вели: Значи,човек не треба да биде многу умен да свати дека Македонците-комунисти (жигосаните) изиграват многу НАИВНИ, но и во целиот овоj организиран геноцид. Како можат да бидат и виновни и храбри, сите заедно со Захариjадис изигруваа НАИВНИ, затоа што тоа го правеа сите и обвинетите и обвинувачите на чело со Захариjадис, кои по неколку годни во затворот не издржа и се обеси, а овие нашите од НОФ и АФЖ во Алмата, пред Хрушчов барале виза за да се вратат во Jугославиjа, и му изjавиле “Товариш, Хрушчов, ми Jугосовенски комунисти!”

                            Каква перфидна играа сите, договорена помеѓу КПМ/КПJ Тито и КПГ Захариjадис?!

                            ПОЛИТИЧКА МАНИПУЛАЦИЈА НАД МАКЕДОНСКИОТ НАРОД ПОД ГРЦИЈА

                            Истражувањата покажаа дека, пропагандата од КПЈ/КПМ и КПГ не беше идеологија, тоа беше само ПОЛИТИЧКА МАНИПУЛАЦИЈА со македонскиот народ и тоа не се препозна на време за да се одминат нејзините погубни последици, но дури по завршувањето на Граѓанската војна се виде дека таа пропаганда беше политичка манипулација над македонскиот народ под Грција. А, сето ова добро го знаеја и КПЈ (ТИТО) и КПГ (ЗАХАРИЈАДИС) каква била ситуацијата по Втората светска војна. Ете што зборуваат следните:

                            ФАКТИ И АРГУМЕНТИ

                            1.Конференциjата на Jалта траела од 4 до 11 февруари 1945 година.

                            На неа присуствуваа претседателите Черчил, Сталин и Рузвелт, во присуство на министрите за надвореши работи. Грциjа е под сферата на влиjание на Англиjа и САД и договорот со Сталин на Jалта, беше гарант дека социjалистичкиот систем во Грциjа нема да се дозволи со Граѓанската воjна. Значи, остануваше да се изврши етничко чистење на Македонците и со тоа што повеќе меѓународно да се легализира донесеното инородно население-Просвигите од мала Азиjа.

                            2. Каков беше ставот на англискиот амбасадор во Атина. Но и ставот владите на Велика Британиjа и САД.

                            Господинот П.А. Липер, уште во ноември 1944 година се носеше со идеjата за раселување на 120.000 словенски Македонците под Грциjа, северно од грчката граница. Тоа му го предлагал на министерот за надворешни работи на Велика Британиjа Антони Идн во писмото од 24 ноември 1944 година со цел “Грциjа да нема какво било славjанско малцинство и заради тоа што ампутирањето на славjанската териториjа кон западна Македониjа и неjзиното анектирање во славjанската федерациjа е практично невозможно и би било истовремено економска катастрофа за Грциjа”. Види: ФО 371/43649 ХП 00201 Р. 20431/1009/67.

                            3. Маршал Тито jа даде за “Њуjорк таjмс” во Москва на 26 април 1945 година, ја даде следнава изјава:

                            “Ако Македонците од грчките области изразат желба да се обединат со другите Македонци, Jугославиjа ќе ги почитува нивните желби”.

                            4. Перфидните игри на Захариjадис и Тито за создавањето на Граѓанската воjна.

                            (Москва - Белград- КПГ)

                            (Следните факти се клучни моменти во целата историjа на НОФ - од воените архиви: СССР, Jгославиjа и КПГ)

                            На 20 март 1946 година Захариjадис jа напушти Атина и замина за Прага. Патувањето, едновремено, било искористено и за разговори со комунистичките лидери, од кои Захариjадис побарал подршка за вооружуваното деjствување од повеќе лидери на европските комунистички партии, но скоро од никого не добил одобрување, туку на тоа гледале како на незрел потез. Наjзначаjните лидери - Торез на Франциjа и Тољати на Италиjа му укажале “дека е опсано да се прибегнува кон оружjе.” Посебно Георги Димитров, му укажал дека “меѓународната ситуациjа не дозволува избувнување на нов вооружен конфликт, коj фактички би им овозмужил директно мешање на западните соjузници на БАЛКАНОТ” По посетата на Белград се состана со Тито коj му jа одобрил идеата и му jа дал подршката, но од Тито бил упатен Зхариjадис да jа посети Москва и од Сталин да бара одобрение за партизанско деjствувание во северна Грциjа. Тоа му го дозволуваше и договорот во Jалта. Да се буричка, а ништо да не може да се добие.


                            © 2015 Microsoft Terms Privacy & cookies Developers English (United States)
                            "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                            GOTSE DELCEV

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                            • George S.
                              Senior Member
                              • Aug 2009
                              • 10116

                              A Century of Silence – Chapter 4 –Part 13
                              By Stoian Kochov
                              Translated and edited by Risto Stefov
                              [email protected]
                              July 15, 2015

                              How can we have been so stupid as to think that we would receive ‘brotherly’ support from the very same people who invaded, occupied and portioned our Macedonia in 1913 and took it for themselves? Worse than that, why did we believe that the very people who had divided our Macedonia were now going to help us reunite it? Even worse than that, how could we have expected to unite our Macedonia after World War II ended? When the war was over, when everything had been decided and when the rest of the world was looking forward to living in peace?

                              How can we have been so naïve as to think that a government (Bulgarian, Yugoslav, or Greek) would be so stupid as to arm NOF or any other Macedonian liberation movement and freely give it part of its territory for which it had fought in 1913?

                              I know that any reasonable person would have said ‘no’ to fraternizing with our occupiers, especially with the so-called ‘fraternal, communist parties’ (CPY and CPG) because it was not in their interest to support us in the creation of a united and independent Macedonia separated from Greece and Yugoslavia. By fraternizing with them, they in fact prevented us from organizing and achieving our aims.

                              They wanted us to be part of them, especially during the Greek Civil War so that they could control our actions, just like they did with NOF. If we acted independently we were immediately labeled traitors. In the end the CPG labeled the NOF leaders traitors anyway and as such doomed them. The Greeks would have done anything, lie, tell us what we wanted to hear, etc., in order to keep us within reach.

                              For example, Stavros Karkaletsos, President of the Hellenic Centre for European and International Analysis, once said: ‘I, as a Greek, and many others here believe that the Communist Party of Greece at the time played an anti-Greek role. There was a statement made by Aris Velouhiotis, wartime leader of the Party during the Second World War, that Greece’s borders ended at Mount Olympus.’

                              Now, why would he say that when clearly it was against his own interests? It was pure propaganda, but for what reason?

                              Clearly he said it to placate the Macedonians or more precisely to attract the so-called Slavo-Macedonians on the communist side of the Greek Civil War and have them fight against the Greek army. And that’s exactly what happened. All kinds of things were promised but none materialized. It was as if the Greek communists had gotten amnesia because later none remembered or recalled what they had promised. It was a trick to attract the Macedonians to their side and have them fight against the Athens government. (See: “A century of persecution.”)

                              Such tricks were used against us by many Greeks including Zahariadis and Markos and also by members of the CPY/CPM, from 1943 to 1949, and especially by Tempo, Kolishevski, Uzunov and other Macedonians. We were also given a label, no doubt by the CPG, CPY/CPM, and we became known as the “Egeitsi” (Aegeans), a hurtful and offensive label for us because we were all patriotic Macedonians. It was scary indeed…” concluded Krapov, who went silent.

                              I watched the old man in wonderment as he pondered his next move, curious as to what he was going to say next. Then, without warning, he stood up, fixed his white hair with his palm and said: “We had a strange logic here in Kostur: If you were against them not even the river Belitsa could wash away your guilt because you were against the Bands who died protecting Kostur and your native land. Conversely, if you wholeheartedly were for the Communists then you not only advanced their ideas but you were also labeled Internationalist and an internationalist intellectual.

                              With such an internationalist orientation, a hundred years later, a person from Kostur will feel like a new man, not caring where he belongs while living outside of Kostur. Now scattered around the world, we feel spiritually depleted and go on with our cosmopolitan lives, living only with our memories... But for how many generations?! Will the next generation know or even care to know where it came from? Scary isn’t it?

                              It is incomprehensible even today that we (Macedonian fighters in the ranks of ELAS) actually participated in the destruction of the entire well-organized Kostur Region community when we attacked the 64 Macedonian villages with more than 9,800 armed Macedonian freedom fighters, who bravely stood on guard against Hellenism and protected our people from losing their identity and dignity. Instead of valourizing these fighters as the true guards of our identity and dignity, which in effect were a Macedonian national resistance, we placed a black mark on them and in our history labeled them with all sorts of ideological labels. But what is truly amazing, the very same people who we labeled ‘traitors and collaborators’ were not only good enough to fight in the new campaign, but left us with a new generation of fighters (all those who remained alive or their sons). Unfortunately, after they were disarmed they too were stuffed in the same trap as the rest of us; they too became the good sons of the Communist Party of Greece...

                              This phenomenon of freedom fighters, fighting exclusively for the Macedonian cause, appearing in Kostur and in other places in Macedonia at this time and under these circumstances, shows that there is still much respect for our people’s identity and dignity. We respect ourselves and who we are! Unfortunately we have not learned to avoid the traps set for us by outsiders. We have not learned to refrain from being drawn into the political games being played all around us. Believe me when I tell you this… We committed a great sin when we destroyed the Kostur freedom fighters.

                              Also let me tell you this. If nations in the world existed with roots extending to the very distant past, we would be amongst the first, if not the first to fit that profile. We are Macedonians and we one of the oldest nations in the world. And we still exist… It is a miracle. It is a sin to want to persecute and destroy a miracle… especially the Kostur freedom fighters…

                              It turned out that every ideology invariably leads to violence and radical thinking. And now this ideological intimacy with double standards turned the Macedonians away from their original objectives and gave them different visions and different yearnings. Of course that was expected with change; a new Party, a new world order… It was a big deal. But the greatest error we made was to surrender our people to strangers, to our historic enemies, under the belief that they would lead us to national freedom.

                              Throughout the entire period while the war was raging on, we Macedonians were under the spell of the CPY/CPM and the CPG. It was like we all had the same disease. Especially the Macedonians who were members in these parties and who not only wholeheartedly believed what the Parties preached to them but they excessively propagated their own illusions and were blind to the truth. They were the ones who created the atmosphere of lies which have now lasted more than half a century. They are the ones who covered up our failures and the destruction of the true Macedonian freedom fighters in Kostur. They are the ones who destroyed the Macedonian family and turned us all into world wanderers. They are the ones responsible for us losing our ancestral homes. The unprecedented genocide that befell us is on their hands…” concluded Krapov, sitting down, looking emotionally drained.

                              Alien ideological strategies and the disorganization of the Macedonian position

                              Krapov looked at me and said: “Tell me something about the Civil War. Was it true that more than 60% of the participants were Macedonians? What was the purpose of that war? Was its goal really to unite Macedonia?”

                              I don’t know why Krapov asked me again because I had answered these questions a little earlier in our conversation. At least I thought I had.

                              “No!” I said. “It was bait planted by the CPG, CPY/CPM” giving him a short answer.

                              Krapov looked confused as if wanting to say: “That’s all you have to say?”

                              Feeling awkward I began talking. I felt like I had to tell him everything I knew.

                              I said: “As history has shown, the Greek Civil War was filled with much cruelty against the Macedonian people living in Greek occupied Macedonia as this cruelty and deadly games were led and played by the then leaders of the Left, especially those of the CPG, the CPY headed by Tito. It was done for the benefit of their countries.

                              This many years later and after spending half a century feeling like prisoners, for us the Greek Civil War can be generally assessed as objective, but only if we analyze NOF and AFZH’s goals and results from a neutral standpoint, which will then show that it was a closed circle tragedy. And I will tell you why!

                              This phenomenon called the ‘Greek Civil War’ was not only pure genocide to ethnically cleanse Greek occupied Macedonia of its Macedonian population but it was a means of making it look legal and moral from the Greek side, which resulted in our silence for more than half a century. What did we want? We wanted our Macedonia, which was stolen from us, to be given back to us. We wanted to be Macedonians; exactly what we are! No more and no less! Were these not noble deeds? Why then did it turn out that we were the bad guys who had to suffer and keep silent about it for half a century?

                              NOF and AFZH’s objectives, which were then closely linked with the ideology of world globalization, were changed depending on which client and in whose hands NOF and AFZH’s fate belonged, the CPG or the CPY/CPM. As a result NOF and AFZH’s achievements were extremely disappointing. Not only did we lose many people, we lost our Macedonian primordial homeland forever. Not only were there no guarantees demanded by NOF and AFZH to ensure our postwar survival, but they also failed to stop the “Pedomazoma” from taking place, which was no less than political terror against the Macedonian children. Because no such guarantees were made, for our (self) sacrifices in the Greek Civil War, we were rewarded with a one way ticket out of our homeland.

                              The guilt is ours to bear…

                              After World War II ended it was more than clear that the Greek Civil War was started by the communist regime, or more precisely by Zahariadis, Tito and Stalin. But it became an interesting combination when demagogy and daily politics were merged in historiography where the dual historical reality was recklessly distorted in the belief that the Greek Civil War (1945 - 1949) was an epic, a historical event for us Macedonians. But if we analyze the facts, we will find that NOF and AFZH were preoccupied, according to some political plan, with using systematic propaganda in order to mobilize the Macedonian people, through lies and deceit, to join the war. The Macedonian people were never asked if they wanted a war, they were simply led to join this strange conflict with false promises. We Macedonians should also bear much of the guilt for allowing strangers to take our children away from us. This act alone sealed the fate of the Macedonian family in Greek occupied Macedonia forever. Is there anyone, any member of NOF and AFZH who can explain why it was necessary to have this war?

                              Much of our historiography today is artificially constructed to include Greek and foreign ideological determination: ELAS, EAM, Chetniks, martial institutions in Aegean Macedonia, etc. This brazenly falsified historiography is specifically designed to keep the Macedonian reader confused and in the dark regarding Macedonia’s history and the reality of this war. We were a small nation of people living in Greece and had no means of getting help from the outside, not even from Macedonians living in other countries… because it was a pointless war. We should have used our brains and hearts, our intellect to demonstrate to the world that we needed help, not arms. What did we expect would happen when we picked up guns and started shooting? How did we think the Greeks, even the whole world, were going to react to our armed aggression, especially after the war (WW II) had ended and people were looking forward to living in peace?

                              I am sorry to say this friend but we too are guilty of many sins…

                              Now let me ask you this: ‘By participating in this war did we cause the loss of our ethnic and historical status in Greek occupied Macedonia? Did we help the Greeks achieve their objectives to get rid of us once and for all?!’ Think about it! What did NOF and AFZH achieve by dragging us into a senseless war with no safeguards for our lives or future in our country? Very disappointing!

                              Passing through the phases of time, NOF and AFZH first served under the CPM/CPY and then under the CPG during which time many mistakes were made, which turned out to be detrimental to our people. Knowingly or unknowingly, what was done eventually led to our defeat and destruction. NOF and AFZH (CPM), by their own actions, proved that they were created without a clear political philosophy of their own, which was vital to the interests of the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia. This was confirmed not only by the outcome of events, but also by how Macedonians were treated. For example, while we were supposedly equals to the Greeks we were being referred to as ‘Slavo-Macedonians’; not what we wanted to be called but what the Greeks wanted to call us. We were referred to as ‘Slavo-Macedonians’ against our will, which left deep psychological wounds in the collective consciousness and souls of the Macedonian people living in Greek occupied Macedonia. What kind of equality was that? And why did NOF and AFZH not object to it? Probably the most painful thing to this day is the fact that even though we were led into oblivion and lost many lives and our homes, NOF, AFZH, CPM and the CNG fiercely defended their actions as justified. After the war many people thought that there was no justice in this world,” I said.

                              By now Krapov was no longer listening to me. He seemed as if he was deep in his own thoughts so I stopped talking.

                              FREE GREECE MILITARY NEWS: Greek Civil War ends on August 29/30, 1949.

                              DAG units have moved to Albania. They are being disarmed by Albanian authorities and placed in the Bureli and Elbasan camps. From October 1st to 5th, 1949 members of the Macedonian NOF and AFZH leadership, by order from the CPG and DAG General Headquarters, were being arrested under accusations from the CPG that they were Tito’s agents.

                              Greek Civil War brings Macedonian families countless tragedies

                              Krapov looked at me as if he wondered why I had stopped talking. This was my cue to continue, so I said:

                              “Five years of war, Macedonian families destroyed, homes abandoned, villages burned down… only churches remain standing… silent witnesses to a great tragedy... but do we Macedonians know any more than this about what happened, why it happened and who was behind this tragedy… this has been our fate! Unfortunately, the powers to be made sure that the time for finding the truth had stopped while our slavery continued… While the red storm was muted, the dirty slogans silenced… the call to escape intensified and we began to think dark thoughts… what had these ideological activists done to us? And then wondered: “Will we now lose our native hearth?!” This was genocide… and this is what the communists have done to us!



                              ЕДНОВЕКОВНО МОЛЧЕЊЕ (1913 - 2013) - Глава 4 - 13

                              Стојан Кочов

                              Да се бара логика во “братска”, подршка, по поделата на Македониjа (1913) и да се намамува Македонецот за “Обединета Македониjа”, по Втотарата светска воjна, со нашите горди идеолошки активисти, е триумф на “танцување во мрак”.

                              Зарем можеше некоj да смета дека (бугарската, jугословенска или грчката) власт била толку ступидна што би го вооружувала НОФ или кое било македонско ослободително движење, само и само да одвои дел од неjзината државна териториjа?

                              Знам дека, секоj разумен, ќе рече: Не! А тоа, се виде дека “братските, комунистички партии”: (jугословенската - КПJ и грчката- КПГ) не биле толку недоветни, да нè поддржуваат за да одделат дел од своjата проширена државна териториjа, со македонски дел.

                              Напротив, во таков случаj коjа било партиjа од наведените, а конкретно во Граѓанската воjна, НОФ и КПГ би биле прогласени за предавници, и како такви, осудени.

                              Пример: Ете што вели Гркот Ставрос Каркалецос, претседател на грчкиот центар за европски и меѓународни анализи: Jас како Грк, но и многу други овде, сметаме дека комунистичката партиjа на Грциjа тогаш одигра антигрчка улога, имаше изjава од воениот водач на партиjата во Втората светска воjна, Арис Велухjотис деке границите на Грциjа завршуваат каj Олимп.

                              Тоа е чиста пропаганда, но од кои причини?

                              За да привлече Славомакедонци во Граѓанската воjна против грчката воjска на страна на комунистите. И тоа се случи. Им беше ветено етничка замена на Славомакедонците кои живееа во Грциjа, но бргу го заборавиjа тоа грчките комунисти. Тоа беше ТРИК за да ги придобиjат на своjа страна против владата на Атина. (Види: “Еден век прогонство”.)

                              Таквите ТРИКОВИ доживеавме и од многу Грци; Захариjадис, Маркос, но и од многу членови на КПМ/КПJ, од 1943-1949 година, но посебно од Темпо, Колишевски, Узунов и многу други Македонци - викани “Егеjци”- со слава стекната (од КПМ/КПJ и КПГ), од jавањето на бесен коњ. Сите тие преку Идеолошка офанзива со своjот космополитизам или поданство (против македонската национална свест) страшно го разниша македонскиот староседелски корен; прво со свирепото погубување на комитите, а потоа и со поколението.

                              Крапов се крена, и со дланката си jа прочешла белата коса и ми вели:

                              “Чудна логика завладеа во Костурско од грчките и jугословенските комунист. Ако си против нив и ги штитиш комитите кои умираа за родната костурска грутка ни реката Белица не те пере. И обратно, ако си безрезервно за комунистите, тогаш не си само напреден и си со идеите на комунистите, добиваш и име на интернационале интелектуалец и интернационалист.

                              Со таквата интернационалистичка ориентираност на костурчанецот по сто години се игради нов човек, апатичен спрема тоа што му припаѓа, ама надвор од Костур. Сега раштркан по светот, духовно осиромашен и свесен замижува на сè. Како космополит живее со сеќавањата...”

                              Несфатливо е и ден-денес, како сме могле и самите (учесниците во редовите на ЕЛАС) да учествуваме во уништувањето на една компактна целина организирана од 64 костурски села, со повеќе од 9.800 вооружени македонски комити кои застанаа храбро и достоинствено против грцизмот и не сакаа да jа прифатат елинизациjата и да се откажат од националниот идентитет. Наместо да го валоризираме како национален отпор, во нашата историjа го оцрнавме преку сите можни идеолошки етикетирања. Но, што е за чудо, во новиот поход, пак масовно ги ангажираме (од сите тие што останаа живи или нивните синови. ), но сега пикнати во стапицата; како добри синови на Комунистичката партиjа на Грциjа.

                              Поjавата на комитите е невероjатен миг на македонската стварност. Наместо да имаме почит и достоинство спрема сопствениот народ, ние повторно влегуваме во политички игри со тие, кои наjмногу го носеа гревот за уништување на костурските комити.

                              Ако земеме предвид, дека во светот нема нациjа коjа срушила нешто што е било создадено (автохтоно) од сопствениот народ, тогаш ние Македонците сме први. Токму за гревот на уништените и прогонетите, но посебно за македонските костурски комити.

                              Се покажа дека секоjа идеологиjа, без исклучок, води до насилие на мислата и сега таквата идеолшка интимност и двоjните стандарди на душогризниците, Македонците ги правеа со различни визии, со различни копнежи за заземање на некаква положба. Се разбира дека во секоjа нова партиjа ги очекуваше – нов свет, помалку ред и доверба. Но, тоа преставуваше голема работа, да се доведе своjот народ во заблуда и да се пренасочи да jа очекува националната слобода од туѓинците.

                              Низ целиот период на воjните, за нас Македонците, илузиjата што jа проповедаа КПJ/КПМ и КПГ беше “како поjава и болест”.

                              Посебно, ние Македонците, членови во овие партии, со своето прекумерно пропагирање на сопствените илузии и мижење пред вистината, создадовме атмосфера во коjа повеќе од половина век се гордеевме наместо да се срамиме од сопствените неуспеси што ги уништивме комитите, го растуривме македонското семеjство, го изгубивме Костур и прадедовите огништа и над нас, токму од таа наша лојалност, е извршен и невиден геноцид.

                              ДЕЗОРГАНИЗИРАНОСТ НА МАКЕДОНСКИТЕ ПОЗИЦИИ ОД НЕВИДЕНОТО ПОДАНСТВО КОН ТУЃИТЕ СТРАТЕШКИ ИДЕОЛОГИИ ТУЃИНЦИТЕ ОД НАС МАКЕДОНЦИТЕ СОЗДАДОА КАТЕГОРИЈА НА “ПОСЛУШНИ ИДИОТИ”

                              Крапов ми вели: Кажими нешто за Граѓанската воjна, во коjа повеќе од 60 отсто бевте Македонци? И коjа ви беше целта на таа воjна? Дали навистина целта ви беше да jа обедините Македоиjа?

                              - Не! Тоа беше мамка поставена од КПМ/КПJ и КПГ, - му одговорив кратко.

                              Крапов, остана збунет и како да сакаше да ми рече: “Само толку?”

                              Се принудив да кажам сè што знам:

                              -Историјата на Граѓанската војна е исполнета со многу суровост кон Македонците под Грција и дека тие игри ги проектирале и воделе тогашните лидери на левите сили, посебно - КПЈ на чело со Тито и КПГ (во корист на нивните држави).

                              Од денешна историска дистанца (откако минаа херојските времиња и сме како полувековни заробеници), Граѓанската војна за нас Македонците, главно, може да се оцени обејктивно, само ако од неутрално стојалиште ги анализираме целите и резултатите на поттикнувачите и оформување НОФ и АФЖ, кои ни покажуваат дека тоа беше трагедија на затворен круг кој имаше туѓи цели.

                              Ете, зошто!

                              Пребегнатите баталјони од Егејска Македонија (односно повикани од Темпо) во Југославија, беа злоупотребени за туѓи цели. Веќе се знаеше дека по поделбата на сфери на влијание Грција припаѓа под западната сфера и беше јасно дека се работи за поголем зафат спрема нас, Македонците.

                              Сега, под раководство на КПМ/КПЈ, во Скопје, на 23 април 1945 година го отфрлија слоганот СНОФ (не Славомакедонци), ги оформија НОФ, АФЖ и НОМС и тргнаа во борба за светлите придобивки на македонскиот народ и како гаранција на таа борба стои КПЈ/КПМ - Југославија. Тоа официјално го изјавиле Колишевски и Цветко Узунов.

                              Но, дали Тито стоел зад таа борба на Македонците?

                              Повеќе од половина век се прикриваше, но во тајните документи од архивот на Тито (1) до кои дошол д-р Јовица Велјановски (види дневник од 23 септември 2013) е истакнато:

                              СТАВОТ НА ТИТО БИЛ: “ГРЧКА МАКЕДОНИЈА МОРА ДА ОСТАНЕ ВО ГРЦИЈА”

                              Што да се каже за Титовата тајна дејност? Во што се претвори таа дејност? На Грците им помогна свирепо да се изврши геноцид над Македонците.

                              На најсуров начин им се уништи животот на заведените Македонци и нивните семејства. Срамно одродување и откоренување од прадедовите огништа и не им беше дозволено да се вратат во своите огништа, затоа што не биле “Грци по род”.

                              Види повеќе за Граѓанската војна 1945-1949 г. во книгата: “Битките на македонските генерации под Грција низ туѓите идеологии.” Издавач Матица Македонска, 2013 г.

                              * * *

                              ФЕНОМЕНОТ НА ГРАЃАНСКАТА ВОJНА И ЧЕДОБИРСТВОТО (Πεδωμαζομα) БЕШЕ ГЕНОЦИДЕН ЗАФАТ (ЕТНИЧКО ЧИСТЕЊЕ) ЗА ШТО МОЛЧЕВМЕ ПОВЕЌЕ ОД ПОЛАВИНА ВЕК.

                              Целите на НОФ и АФЖ (кои беа поврзани со глобализацијата на светската идеологија) беа менувани во зависност под кој налогодавец припаѓаше НОФ и АФЖ, а нашата судбина беше во рацете на КПМ/КПЈ и КПГ. Резултатите на НОФ и АФЖ се крајно поразителни, рамни на национален пораз - геноцид. Го изгубивме народот, македонската исконска прадедова земја за навек. Уништен е националниот потенцијал со умислениот зафат “Педомазома” кој беше рамен на политички терор само над македонските деца. Како награда за нашето (само) жртвување во Граѓанската војна, ни беше доделен билет само за еден правец.

                              НАШАТА ВИНА

                              По Втората светска војна, повеќе од јасно е дека Граѓанската војна се изроди од комунистичкиот режим, односно лидерите Захаријадис, Тито и Сталин. Но, многу интересна комбинација е кога демагогијата и дневнополитичката пишувана историографија ќе се спојат. Тогаш настапува двојна изобличена историска стварност и нè прави лекомислени во верувањето дека Граѓанската војна (1945-1949) била епопеја (историски период и епохален настан) за нас Македонците. Но, ако пристапиме кон анализа на фактите, ќе видиме дека, на политички план преокупацијата на НОФ и АФЖ, била со систематска пропаганда да го мобилизираат народот, на лажен начин да им внесат порив за војна и да не го прашаат дали сака или не сака да војува, туку да го водат во чудни конфликт. Ние Македонците, треба да носиме историска вина, зашто дозволивме туѓинците да ни ги земат децата, оти со тој чин, дефинитивно засекогаш се запечати судбината, развојот на македонското семејство и куќата на Македонците под Грција. Има ли некој член од овие организации (НОФ или АФЖ) кој рекол:

                              - Зошто војна?

                              Во текстовите на нашата историографија вештачки се уфрлуваат грчки или туѓи идеолошки детерминирања: еласити, еамити, четници, боречки институции во Егејска Македонија. Според него, на македонските читатели дрско им се подметнувани фалсификуваните историски факти, со цел да бидат држани во заблуда во однос на македонската историја и реалност. Ние бевме мал народ во Грција, но и немаше никаков начин да ни помогнат нашите Македонци кои живееја во другите држави, бидејќи тоа беше и бесцелно. На светот не можевме да му се покажуваме и докажуваме со силата на оружјето. Нашата сила требаше да ни биде умот, вредноста - да си го задржиме огништето. Немавме интелектуален квантум, но имавме Македонци кои неизмерно си ја сакаа својата земја, а идеологијата преку идеолошките активисти успеа да нè насочи во самоуништување. Се случи она антитрадиционалното - македонско.


                              НАШИТЕ ГРЕВОВИ:

                              ДАЛИ НИЕ МАКЕДОНЦИТЕ САМИТЕ ПОМОГНАВМЕ ВО ОВАА ВОJНА ДА СИ ИЗГУБИВМЕ СВОJОТ ЕТНИЧКИ ИСТОРИСКИ СТАТУС ВО МАКЕДОНИJА ПОД ГРЦИJА И СО ТОА И СЕ ОСТВАРИ ЦЕЛТА НА ГРЧКАТА СТРАТЕГИJА!?

                              Резултатите на НОФ и АФЖ се крајно поразителни, рамни на национален пораз - геноцид.

                              НОФ и АФЖ минувајќи низ фазите на времето кога припаѓале под налогодавците КПМ/КПЈ и КПГ, грешеле и правеле големи гревови кон сопствениот народ. Свесно или несвесно сите нивни постапки, целокупното однесување и сите преземени (или непреземени) дејствија, нè доведоа кон национален пораз, односно кон самоуништување како краен резултат.Се покажа дека НОФ ие АФЖ (КПМ), беа без јасна изградена политичка филозофија за тоа кои беа виталните интереси на Македонците под Грција. Тоа ни го потврди исходот на настаните, бидејќи ние Македонците не ги афирмиравме најсветлите вредности на нацијата: од Македонци - во целата војна се изборивме како Славомакедонци, од националните симболи ни трага. Просто, македонскиот народ се најде фатен, спротивно на својата волја, а сето тоа остави длабоки психолошки рани во колективната свест и душа на македонскиот народ под Грција. Но, најболното е што до ден-денес тие (НОФ, АФЖ, КПМ и КПГ) кои нè поведоа во Граѓанската војна велат и жестоко се бранат дека било оправдано. По војната многумина сметале дека правдата на овој свет ја нема.

                              Стојан Кочов за време на Граѓанската војна со чин поручник во единиците на диверзантската бригада на ДАГ. Во главниот воен штаб под раководство на неустрашливиот полковник Андонис Врацанос (мај 1949 г. на фронтофската линија на планината Грамос)

                              ВОЕНИ ВЕСТИ СЛОБОДНА ГРЦИJА:

                              НА 29 - 30 АВГУСТ 1949 Г. ГРАЃАНСКАТА ВОJНА ВО ГРЦИJА ЗАВРШИ!

                              ЕДИНИЦИТЕ НА ДАГ ПРЕМИНАА ВО АЛБАНИJА. РАЗОРУЖАНИ СЕ ОД АЛБАНСКИТЕ ВЛАСТИ И СМЕСТЕНИ ВО ЛОГОРИТЕ “БУРЕЛИ” и “ЕЛБАСАН”, А ЧЛЕНОВИТЕ НА МАКЕДОНСКИТЕ РАКОВДСТВА НА НОФ И АФЖ ПО НАЛОГ НА КПГ И ГЛАВНИОТ ШТАБ НА ДАГ ОД 1-5 ОКТОМВРИ 1949 ГОД., СЕ УАПСЕНИ И ОСУДЕНИ ОД КПГ КАКО “ТИТОВИ АГЕНТИ”

                              Граѓанската воjна на Македонците им донесе безброjни семеjни трагедии

                              По пет години,се размрачува. Македонските семеjствата се растуриjа, куќи се обездетиjа, селата останаа уништени и опожарени, само црквите останаа неми сведоци... Но дали ние Македонците знаеме нешто повеќе за судбината наша. Времето на вистините запрело, нашето робување во поданството и црвената бура се стишува, валканите пароли престанаа, повикот за бегство се засилува, мрачните мисли на идеолошките активисти извршиjа геноцид и се чудиме; како и од гого го изгубивме родното огниште!? Зарем ова можеле да ни го направиле КОМУНИСТИТЕ!?
                              "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                              GOTSE DELCEV

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                              • DedoAleko
                                Member
                                • Jun 2009
                                • 969

                                Massacres and Machinations Continue: 1905 through to the Bitter End

                                The last in a 10-part series on the Mürzsteg Reform Programme, by Carl Savich and Christopher Deliso.

                                This depressing outlook was shared by other international observers. A couple months after Captain Nandrup’s final report was issued, the atrocities were still occurring. One was cited by Henry Noel Brailsford, the leader of the British aid mission to Macedonia, and a foreign correspondent for The Manchester Guardian and other publications. He had spent time on assignment in the Balkans in the 1890’s. His 1905 book Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future recounts his experiences in Macedonia during the insurgency and the implementation of the reforms. Brailsford described the Ottoman Turkish attack on Kuklish in 1905 thus:

                                “a typical outrage occurred in February, 1905, at the Bulgarian village of Kuklish, where, according to the report of a Russian gendarmerie captain, 64 houses out of 105 were burned, 38 unarmed peasants killed, including two women and a baby, five persons wounded, and eleven women violated. The whole place was pillaged, and the officers made no attempt to check the savagery of their men. It is worthy of note that the “reformed’ gendarmes who were present behaved exactly like the unregenerate soldiery.” Zervi, Mogila, Konopnitsa, and other Macedonian towns were similarly attacked during the spring and summer of 1905 by the “reformed” gendarmerie.

                                On May 23, 1905, the arrest of Romanian or Vlach school inspectors by the Turks and the assault on the Romanian consulate on the orders of the vali of Ioannina provoked a diplomatic crisis. This led to the creation of a separate Vlach nationality or “millet” in Macedonia, with its own official language schools and churches. Ottoman Turkey was divided into millets, or communities based on religious affiliation who were autonomous with their own religious leaders and own laws and customs and language. The Turkish government supported this splintering of groups in Macedonia because it divided the Christian populations even further and pitted the Christians against each other.

                                Brailsford again gave the following on-the-spot, eyewitness evaluation of the reforms:

                                “the Mürzsteg programme aimed at something more than the improvement of the Turkish administrative machinery. It has done a very little in this direction, and when it is complete it may do more. Its chief aim, however, was to bring some measure of appeasement, to restore order, to re-establish confidence, to repair devastation, and, in a word, to remove the motives for rebellion. Here it has failed, and the failure is so conspicuous that it has actually aggravated the normal anarchy.

                                The Macedonians were encouraged to hope; the loss of their hope has deepened their despair and increased their recklessness. The reforms left the Turks supreme in all administrative matters. They used their liberty to resort to all the old devices of repression and provocation. They still seemed to contemplate an eventual war with Bulgaria, and to make a pretext, they tried to drive the Bulgarians to desperate courses. They were for ever mobilising their troops, calling out the reserves, and accumulating armaments. The troops lived on the peasants and drained the exchequer. Mutinies were frequent and discipline was lax. Under the plea of searching for arms they harried the villages and carried on their perquisitions, with the usual accompaniments of rapine and brutality.”

                                The bottom line, for the British observer, was that life for Macedonian civilians had not been qualitatively improved after two years of reforms:

                                “as in 1903, the migratory Macedonian labourers who annually visit Constantinople in search of work were confined to their villages and forbidden to travel. A curfew ordinance was enforced, which renders any peasant abroad after sundown liable to be summarily shot. Half the refugees from the Adrianople region have been unable to return, and their lands were occupied by Moslem ‘squatters.'”

                                Austria-Hungary Moves on Kosovo

                                After objecting to other powers’ actions further south, Austria sought to extend its own sphere of influence northwards in 1906 by sending its officers to the northern cazas of Gnjilane in Kosovo and to the Presevo Valley in southern Serbia. In March 1907, Austria received permission from Hilmi Pasha to send an Austrian officer, Captain Franz Schmidt to Presevo. But the Serbian and Albanian civilian populations opposed the deployment of Schmidt. The Turks sent Shemsi Pasha, the commander of the Turkish 18th division to Kosovska Mitrovica to establish order. On April 18, Schmidt was recalled to Skopje. By the end of the year, however, these two cazas would be attached to the Austrian sector.

                                Meanwhile, the effect of excluding Kosovo from the reforms was bearing fruit, as the province’s beleaguered Serbian population came under the combined fire of Turkish and Albanian Muslims. Because of the exclusion, the latter could act with impunity. As in Macedonia, a cheta militia movement had sprang up among the Christians to provide some form of self-defense.

                                However, by summer 1907, tensions had significantly increased and Serbian traveling companies were frequently being waylaid. “The discovery of komitadjis [among the Serbian population] vexed the ethnic Albanians who feared the expansion of chetnik action and the inclusion of Kosovo and Metohia in the reform action,” writes Serbian historian Dusan Batakovic. “Feuding Albanian tribes immediately expressed solidarity… An assembly was held in the large mosque of Prizren; the ethnic Albanians of Ljuma demanded the extermination of Serbs. [Vice-consul] Milan Rakic discovered the demands of the people in Ljuma: “…for the assembly to determine the day when all ethnic Albanians would rise in arms and carry out a general massacre of Serbs. The reason stated by the people of Ljuma for the extermination of Serbs was that peace among the ethnic Albanians was impossible as long as there were Serbs in these regions, since the Serbs were always complaining to foreigners, bringing about bidats – reforms – with their complaints, and recently, they had started to infiltrate companies from Serbia.'”

                                However, the Serbs were not able to attract the same attention to their captivity as had the Macedonians, though this was not through a lack of effort. Rather, all entreaties and official complaints fell on the deaf ears of the Austro-Hungarians, who sought to suppress any potential challenge from Serbia.

                                Today, long after the demise of the Hapsburg dynasty and its grandiose dreams, the failure to include Kosovo in the reform scheme has shown itself to have had a retarding influence on development in the area. Events do not emerge from a vacuum, after all. The problems that the Great Powers did not want to face in 1906 simmered until finally exploding almost a century later. Now, in 2006, the diplomatic descendants of the Great Powers are being overwhelmed by the results of their ancestors’ selective inattention.

                                Swallowed Up by Larger Events, the Mürzsteg Programme Fizzles Out

                                By early 1908, it was clear that the reforms programme was not working as had been planned. This resulted in a sea change in, among others, British foreign policy towards Macedonia. In March of that year the Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, proposed autonomy for Macedonia as a way to resolve the crisis.

                                On June 9-10, 1908, two weeks after the Ottomans put down a Greek revolt on the island of Samos, Edward VII and Russian Tsar Nicholas II met “cordially” at Reval/Tallin to discuss plans for installing a mostly European administration in Macedonia under an Ottoman governor to be approved by the Great Powers. Germany and the dissident Ottoman Young Turk movement, the Committee for Unity and Progress (CUP) rejected the proposal.

                                The Young Turk movement was fed both by pro-Western, pro-reforming inclinations, but paradoxically also by resentment of Western interventionism in Ottoman lands, specifically Crete and Macedonia. While the British and Russians were contemplating the idea of an independent Macedonia, however, the Young Turks were making urgent plans for an armed revolt that would render the sultan powerless to give away the territory. CUP agitators relocated from Paris to Thessaloniki, allied with disillusioned military officers and indigenous propagandists, especially Turks and Albanians.

                                Any dreams of an independent Macedonia were abruptly vanquished, however, early the next month, when the Young Turk revolution began. The Great Powers had found a way out of the quagmire, without having to do another thing. Not surprisingly, this revolt too emerged from Macedonia, among disaffected soldiers in the Ottoman 3rd Army Corps stationed in Resen, west of Bitola.

                                On July 3, Young Turk sympathizers in the army under command of Major Ahmed Niyazi decamped from Resen, “leaving behind a demand for the restoration of the constitution. The sultan’s attempt to suppress this uprising failed, and rebellion spread rapidly.”

                                The reformists issued a proclamation which spelled out their liberalizing goals. Like Nikola Karev five years before, they promised equality and freedom to all citizens, regardless of nationality or religion. The strong sense of an Ottoman identity which the Young Turks called for, however, ran counter to the prevailing trend towards nationalism among the different groups. The rule of theocratic oppression was coming to an end, but a new and even more volatile age was beginning.

                                From Thessaloniki, CUP President Enver Bey declared the restoration of the 1876 constitution, and “the second and third army corps threatened to march on Constantinople if the sultan refused to obey the proclamation. On the 24th the sultan yielded, and issued an irade, restoring the constitution of 1876, and ordering the election of a chamber of deputies.” A limited purge followed, with some of the “more unpopular” Hamidian officials assassinated, like former spy chief Fehim Pasha. On August 6, 1908, Young Turk sympathizer Kiamil Pasha was appointed grand vizier to the sultan.

                                The Great Powers tried to accommodate themselves to the new situation. On July 27, they withdrew their peacekeeping force from Crete, the other European “project” at the time. They had failed to resolve the situation there as well. The provisional government of the island, which was autonomous but not yet free, soon swore allegiance to the Greek king and thus raised tensions with the Ottomans, who sought to keep it from uniting with Greece.

                                The Dual Monarchy Raises the Stakes

                                The victory of the Young Turks meant the end for all intents and purposes of the status quo that the Great Powers had with such frantic inaction sought to maintain throughout their weak intervention in Macedonia. The new Turkish regime was, after all, calling for much of the same reforms that the Europeans had, and more seriously for the Powers, could they pacify the population and keep the empire united, the Young Turks might pose a renewed threat to European hegemonic ambitions. The potential threat seemed most serious to the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

                                On October 7, 1908, the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph thereby took the step of annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was not a surprise; Russian and other diplomats had been expecting it since the summer. According to Vienna, the Young Turk revolution had made the annexation “necessary.” It was allegedly justified by the fateful 1878 Treaty of Berlin. The Austrians were in fact pushing a reckless “back to the future” strategy. The immediate result was a damaging trade boycott in protest from Constantinople and a dramatic increase of tensions with Serbia, which prepared to defend itself from the ambitious Austrians.

                                At the same time Bulgaria, liberated in fact but not by law with the Berlin treaty, took the opportunity to declare its own full independence. While the Ottomans protested, they were in no position to take military action and instead decided to sue for compensation in both cases.

                                Thus on April 6, 1909, the Ottoman parliament approved of the Austrian offer to buy Bosnia for 2,200,000 pounds, as well as to pull out of the sandzak of Novi Pazar. Thirteen days later, the Turks recognized the independence of Bulgaria in exchange for more fiscal compensation. The following month a summer-long revolt against the Turks, the most serious yet, erupted in Albania.

                                The political drama unfolding in Constantinople and its side effects left the Great Powers gaping. The fate of sorry Macedonia remained in suspended animation as events began to speed up. The Young Turk revolution, plagued by intrigue, assassinations, leadership shake-ups and counter-revolts, raised fears that the new government would be more volatile than the last and its fire, more random. It was an unsettling thought. Russia, confronted with the Austrian provocation in Bosnia, lost its nerve to stand up for the Serbs, when Germany warned that it would back Austria in any war that would ensue from the disagreement. The Great War was arriving fast, and almost a decade of shared intervention in the Balkans had sped it up.

                                On September 1, 1909, the ambassadors of the Great Powers decided unanimously to recall the Civil Agents from Macedonia and to abrogate the financial commission set up after the naval intervention of December 1904. On the 13th of the month, the international commission of finance held its final meeting. The Mürzsteg Reform Programme in Macedonia was over.

                                In a fitting irony, “its members were reappointed to a higher finance board for the whole empire, under the presidency of [Ottoman Finance Minister] Djavid Bey.” Other staff from the French, British, and Italian contingents were also rehired under private contracts to reorganize the gendarmerie in all of Ottoman Turkey. This cynical move showed the utter absurdity of the reforms.

                                Conclusion: The Failure of the Mürzsteg Plan to Stabilize Macedonia

                                The Mürzsteg Reforms achieved very little in Macedonia. They were stalling tactics that only made the Balkan powder keg more volatile and explosive. The international intervention only made matters worse, demonstrating the abject and tragic failure of international intervention. The Balkans Wars would follow in 1912-1913 and World War I, the Great War, would follow in 1914.

                                According to historian Arthur May, the Mürzsteg Reforms “remained a dead letter.” There was no judicial reform in Macedonia. While the Mürzsteg plan granted a measure of local autonomy to Monastir, Skopje, and Salonika, Macedonian Christians continued to be denied even basic civil and human rights in the Turkish courts. Turkey refused to allow international monitors or officials to participate in the judiciary in Macedonia. Turkey was supported in this by foreign chancelleries. Rival comitadji guerrillas continued to infiltrate and to gain control and to seize territory in Macedonia

                                According to May, “not very much, in a word, was accomplished in bettering the wretched lot of the Macedonians.” In 1907, the British foreign office sought to coerce Turkey to make significant reforms in Macedonia and to break the deadlock. Austria and Russia, however, opposed the new reform initiative, stating that the time was “singularly inopportune for advancing fresh proposals.” Austria considered the possibility of sending in an international force into Macedonia that would exclude Britain but ultimately rejected it. May argued: “Only force, as a matter of fact, could compel the Turk to rectify evils in Macedonia, and that the powers were unwilling to apply.” Pro-Ottoman Germany argued that applying force in Macedonia would result in instability and would encourage insurgencies in the other parts of Ottoman Turkey.

                                The enactment of the reforms did not bring any positive change to Macedonia. The reforms did not “receive practically any real application.” The only parts of the reforms that were applied were those for the reorganization of the gendarmerie. According to French military attache Dupont in Constantinople, this was done only because the Turks wanted above all to avoid direct Great Power intervention in Macedonia.

                                The main problem of the reforms, therefore, was that there were no enforcement mechanisms to compel the Turks to act. French representatives recommended that “urgent measures” be taken but Turkish Inspector Hilmi Pasha ignored them. And while the enforcement was feeble in areas covered by the reform plan, it was utterly non-existent in the Albanian-populated areas kept off-limits thanks to the patronage of Vienna. And so at best, the Turks would receive a gentle chiding over atrocities committed in the former areas, while those carried out in the latter areas were not considered.

                                But by no means do these failings mean that the endemic problems of the region were the fault of the would-be reformers. Turkish cunning created a policy in Macedonia that pitted the different Christian national and ethnic groups against each other. Extending favors and promises to a corrupt Christian leadership, primarily the religious one, at the Porte helped ensure that significant interested parties would support the outdated regime.

                                Brailsford analyzed this divisive policy as follows:

                                “with the evident intention of fomenting the feud between Greeks and Bulgarians, Hilmi Pasha has handed over a large number of Bulgarian village churches to the Greek faction. But the worst feature of all is the complicated racial strife, a sort of furtive civil war, which devastates the country. The Turks watch this internecine contest, not merely with tolerance, but with satisfaction. The rayahs are at war among themselves, and the master may fold his arms. But the real responsibility lies with the Government, which connives at the vendetta and seeks to profit by it. The Turks, despite their vast armaments, have proved once more their total incapacity to maintain even an outward semblance of order.”

                                Brailsford further adduced that the reason for the failure of the Mürzsteg reforms was “largely because it attempted to reform Macedonia without reckoning with the Macedonians.” According to this observer, the reform scheme “was an advertisement to all the world that the Near Eastern Question was open at last. It bore on its surface the marks of transition.”

                                In a sentence that seems uncannily similar to that facing the Balkans today in Kosovo, the English writer eulogized Mürzsteg as follows:

                                “no one could imagine it to be final, and no one could suppose that, having recognised the impossibility of Turkish rule, the Powers would ultimately shrink from drawing the logical conclusion. It announced to every race in the Balkans that the end was approaching, and inevitably it accentuated their latent rivalries and hostilities.”

                                The Mürzsteg Reform Programme failed because it was not so much concerned about the people in Macedonia as it was about advancing the national self-interests and geo-political and geo-strategic agendas of the Great Powers who carried it out. As has remained the case today, the peoples of Macedonia were merely pawns in a greater game.

                                Moreover, the Great Powers were never able to resolve the inherent contradiction and conflict between international intervention and sovereignty. One precluded the other.

                                In the end, the international intervention in Macedonia from 1902-1909 was essentially a stalling tactic, a smokescreen, a harmful ruse that revealed the absurdity and futility of all interventions. For history has shown that every intervention addresses the superficial symptoms, and not the inherent causes, of conflict. The Mürzsteg reforms only put off and delayed a final resolution of the conflict, making Macedonia more unstable and volatile, and ensuring that the conflict, when it did come, would be cataclysmic.

                                Now, one hundred years on, today’s Great Powers seem to think that they have survived the worst of it, and that their innovations in intervention will lead to unending peace and prosperity for the Balkans. But in light of the maxim that those who don’t learn from their historical mistakes are bound to repeat them, it is deeply concerning that the institutional memory regarding intervention in the Balkans seems limited to the last 15 years.

                                For while no one today talks about or even remembers the tremendous pain, suffering and chaos experienced in the Macedonia of a century ago, many of today’s most vexing unresolved issues lead directly back to the decisions made by Western interventionists at that time. Their descendents would be well served by studying their mistakes, rather than compounding them.

                                Partial Bibliography

                                Booth, John. Troubles in the Balkans. London: Hurst and Blackett, 1905.

                                Brailsford, Henry Noel. Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future. London: Methuen & Co., 1906.

                                Curtis, William Eleroy. The Turk and His Lost Provinces. Chicago: Fleming Revell Co., 1903.

                                Fraser, John Foster. Pictures from the Balkans. London: Cassell and Company, 1906.

                                Lange-Akhund, Nadine. The Macedonian Question, 1893-1908: From Western Sources. NY: Columbia University Press, 1998.

                                Macartney, Carlile Aylmer. The Habsburg Empire, 1790-1918. NY: Macmillan, 1969.

                                Mazower, Mark. Salonica, City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims, and Jews, 1430-1950. NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004.

                                May, Arthur J. The Hapsburg Monarchy, 1867-1914. NY: W.W. Norton, 1951.

                                Sakellariou, M.B., ed. Macedonia. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon S.A., 1983.

                                Shea, John. Macedonia and Greece: The Struggle to Define a New Balkan Nation. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company, Inc., 1997.

                                Sonnichsen, Albert. Confessions of a Macedonian Bandit: A Californian in the Balkan Wars. NY: Duffield & Co., 1909.

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                                Mar 29, 2006
                                Simmering Discontent, Evasive Actions: the Mürzsteg Programme through 1904

                                Part nine in a 10-part series on the Mürzsteg Reform Programme, by Carl Savich and Christopher Deliso.

                                For all of its intrinsic weaknesses, the Mürzsteg Programme’s Civil Agents did try to make a difference, and they did achieve some results. They obtained 30,930 Turkish pounds in aid money for the thousands of Macedonian refugees and for reconstructing their homes and villages. Hilmi Pasha used 10,630 pounds from the total to reconstruct destroyed homes. On April 4, 1904, 11,648 refugees were registered at the border posts into Macedonia. Hilmi Pasha claimed that 5,000 homes had been reconstructed since February. But this information could not be verified.

                                French consul Louis Steeg reported that in the Monastir vilayet, the most devastated region, Christians were living in temporary shelters and that the destroyed villages remained in ruins. The villages around Ohrid and Kastoria were in a state of “extreme misery.” Entire villages had been burned and looted and destroyed. Famine and a typhoid epidemic threatened the region. The British and French sent religious missions, the Lazaristes and the Sisters of Saint Vincent de Paul, to distribute flour.

                                Meanwhile, the sundry bands of brigands and Macedonian insurgents were not completely disarmed. They kept some of their weapons, secreting them away in mountain strongholds and biding their time. Experience had shown them that the European powers could not be trusted to deliver a safe living environment. Skirmishes and battles between insurgents and Turkish forces continued after the arrival of the international forces, as it was clear to all that the international peacekeepers would not be able to protect the Christians from any Turkish attacks.

                                Achievements and Obstacles for MˆšÃ‰Â¬Âºrzsteg’s Civil Agents

                                Among their other achievements, the Civil Agents were able to obtain one-year tax exemptions for 135 Christian and Muslim villages that were damaged during the insurgency. They also were able to obtain a general amnesty in March 1904. The Agents received delegations of Christians who made oral and written requests for action. On February 17, the Austrian one, Muller von Roghoj, claimed that over a hundred requests had been solved.

                                Using Article 9 of the Mürzsteg Reforms, they also persuaded Hilmi Pasha to pledge to transfer away the ilaves, the Ottoman 2nd class reservists, who were accused of committing atrocities. But Hilmi Pasha denied that the other marauders, the Bashi-bazouk irregulars, were in the Turkish army at all.

                                The Mürzsteg monitors also tried to reform the bekchi or rural militias, as had initially been proposed under the Vienna Plan of February 1903. The notorious bekchi were armed and used their position to intimidate, plunder and terrorize Christian villages. In March 1904, the French consul to Monastir introduced a reform whereby Christian bekchi would be elected in the villages that had a Christian majority. By 1906, of a total of 6,840 bekchi groups, 3,259 were Christians while slightly more (3,581) were Muslims.The Muslim militias were especially active in the vilayet of Kosovo, where Albanian bekchi existed to deprive Serbian Christians of their civil rights, human rights and very lives. But thanks to self-serving Austrian pressure, the Kosovo Albanians were protected from the reforms.

                                The Dual Monarchy’s machinations were further displayed by the empire’s desire to destroy the Macedonian revolutionary committees such as the IMRO, and thus the Macedonian nationalist movement. Muller von Roghoj saw the insurgents as “terrorists” and the insurgency as an example of terrorism against a legitimate power, the Ottoman Empire. He wanted to “remove the terrorism of the revolutionaries.”

                                Along with the Russian Civil Agent, Muller von Roghoj wanted Turkey to institute “a decisive repression” over the revolutionary and nationalist movements. The rival Great Powers saw the insurgency in a common light, as a threat to the reform programme. This by necessity led to vicious contradictions and confusion in the mission, since both warring parties blamed the other for fuelling the fire and both sought to deny responsibility for the civilian carnage that followed. This was the quagmire into which the Western powers had halfheartedly jumped.

                                Affronts and Sluggish Reforms

                                Another threat was the resistance and bad will of the Turkish government in the implementation of the reforms. Hazim Bey, the vali of Monastir refused the report of the Civil Agents regarding administrative abuses, acts of violence, and judicial irregularities. Hilmi Pasha refused to act. The embarrassing affair had to be settled by negotiations between the Russian and Austrian governments and the Turkish government.

                                The Agents could only give advice and make suggestions to Hilmi Pasha. They could not make decisions. Hilmi Pasha had the ultimate discretion on whether to act on the reports of grievances.

                                One real affront to the Macedonians was the appointment of Turkish General Baktiar Pasha – the architect of the slaughter in Krusevo the summer before – as commander in Monastir. However, even though the Agents objected, they were powerless to block the appointment. In the end, they had to settle for exercising a certain moral authority, forcing the Turkish officials to account for their actions and hopefully show restraint- at least theoretically.

                                British journalist Henry Noel Brailsford, who headed the British relief mission to Macedonia in 1903, assessed the initial impact of the Mürzsteg Programme as both a disappointment in practical terms, yet as a promising work-in-progress which was showing a new and more multi-lateral approach to international intervention. Change a few proper nouns, and his words could have been uttered in our times:

                                “six months of procrastination followed, and it was not until April, 1904, that it came fully into operation in Macedonia. Its results have been as disappointing as those of the first essay in amelioration. The state of Macedonia is if anything worse than it was in 1902. Something, however, has been gained. A further blow has been struck at the direct sovereignty of the Turks; and though the principle of an exclusive Austro-Russian control remains intact, some place has been found in the new scheme for the other Powers. It makes an advance towards the ideal of an international protectorate.”

                                A key part of the Mürzsteg Reforms was the readjusting of administrative divisions of Macedonia along more nationalist or ethnic lines. However, this objective conflicted with the Russian and Austro-Hungarian policy to preserve the status quo in Macedonia. As a result, very little was actually achieved in restructuring the administrative division of Macedonia along national or ethnic bases.

                                The Ottomans Stonewall on Finance Reforms, the Powers Take an Island

                                On May 8, 1904, an international commission was established to oversee Macedonian finance reforms but its efforts were thwarted by the Ottoman Turkish officials. Austria and Russia requested the addition of 23 officers, but the Turks refused. The officers were sent to Macedonia anyway, thus challenging Turkey to recognize the fait accompli. If the Ottomans refused, Goluchowski told them, they that they would recognize the autonomy of the three Macedonian vilayets. The French military attache reported “how highly unpleasant it was to the imperial government to see Russian officers walk in their uniform in the middle of the Orthodox populations in regions so deeply agitated.”

                                However, the Turks would not budge and it took a display of European naval might elsewhere to force the Turks to accept the reform in Macedonia. On November 11, 1904, the Great Powers staged a naval demonstration off of the Straits. Then, on November 26, they sent five warships to seize the port city of Mytilini on the island of Lesvos.

                                With little action from the Turkish side, on December 5, 1904, a European naval squadron seized the customs house on the island of Limnos, which was seen as strategically vital to the defense of Constantinople. Limnos sits roughly equidistant between the north Aegean coast of Macedonia and the northeastern coast of Asia Minor; from its location, all maritime traffic heading to or from the Dardanelles can be intercepted.

                                The blunt warning from the Great Powers jolted the Turks into action, and the Ottoman regime soon agreed to reform Macedonian finances. On December 16, the Turks accepted an international plan, and the Great Powers then evacuated Limnos. The Turkish government finally agreed to accept the 23 officers when Britain, France, Italy, Austria, and Russia made the demand in the form of an ultimatum, with Germany abstaining. To preempt and to sabotage the mission, however, Sultan Abdul Hamid enacted his own reorganization scheme for the gendarmerie in Macedonia.

                                Reflections on a Failure: the Situation in December 1904

                                This was abetted in some respects by the Austrians, who for their own interests sought to keep the members of the international mission out of Albanian areas. The Austrians jealously accused General Degiorgis of trying to expand the Italian zone of influence to the Albanian areas, through the person of Norwegian Captain Karl Ingvar Nandrup, who had been installed alongside the Turkish authorities and was tasked with writing reports on the progress of the Mürzsteg Programme for his king, Oscar II.

                                Therefore, whenever any actions occurred against insurgents, the Turkish authorities would inform Nandrup, who was then sent to make an inspection. In Skopje, Nandrup met General Degiorgis during one such tour of the vilayet. Nandrup was, unlike other monitors, trusted by the Ottomans. General Degiorgis was also satisfied with his performance. Yet others considered him and the reform team in general to be incompetent.

                                General Degiorgis had received Hilmi Pasha’s permission to send Nandrup to Pristina and his comrade, Major Viktor Axel Unander, to Koritza west of the Italian sector. But after the Austrian complaints, Degiorgis backed down and the decision was made to keep to keep Unander subordinate to the orders of Hilmi Pasha, and to keep Captain Karl Ingvar Nandrup in Skopje.

                                The Norwegian finished out his term in the full awareness that the Mürzsteg Reform Programme was failing, and that the representatives of the Great Powers were trying their best to keep that fact from the Western public. Captain Nandrup’s intimate final report, written on December 30, 1904 and entitled “Note by the hand of an archivist,’ is a sobering corrective to the positive propaganda being disseminated in the official reports of the Civil Agents. It was translated into English by Swedish Prof. Dr Orjan Lindberger, and excerpted in a 1989 paper by historian Blagoj Stoicovski.

                                The report would be the last that Nandrup would submit before wrapping up his one-year term in Macedonia. In this report, Nandrup detailed Great Powers aspirations, especially the policy of Austria-Hungary, along with their vision for the future of Macedonia.

                                As always with multi-national intervening projects, damage control was key for the Great Powers in Macedonia. European newspapers published the report by the Civil Agents, in which the implementation, the progress, and the results of the reforms were depicted as satisfactory and successful. The reports were self-congratulatory and subjective, released to assure public opinion in Europe, to justify and rationalize the international intervention. The report was meant to counter the sensationalistic reports in daily newspapers and journals which had been feeding Western audiences a steady diet of Macedonian murders, outrages, atrocities and massacres.

                                The December 1904 report of Karl Ingvar Nandrup, however, shows that the results of the Mürzsteg Programme were pitifully meager. He charged that a Potemkin village of sort was being created by the Civil Agents, in order to conceal the deplorable and desperate situation prevailing in Macedonia since the beginning of the Mürzsteg intervention:

                                “I am sorry to say that we who are in close touch with the events are unable to see the slightest sign of an amelioration; on the contrary, I must assert that the actual state is worse than it has been. In my opinion, the report of the civil agents aims to deceive Europe and cover the deplorable failure of the Mürzsteg program and the pitiable comedy played by the Powers on the Balkan Peninsula.”

                                The sunnier report of the Civil Agents had concluded that the majority of the refugees had been returned to their homes and that most of the villages and towns destroyed and burned during the insurgency had been repaired and reconstructed. In 1903, according to Stoicovski, 198 Christian villages had been destroyed and 12,241 houses burned. There were 70,000 displaced and there were 30,000 refugees, while 1,500 were imprisoned. Of the refugees, 6,000, or 20%, were estimated to have returned. Food and housing shortages remained.

                                However, according to critics like Captain Nandrup, the funds allocated by the Turkish government for the reconstruction and relief effort were insufficient to feed and house the refugees and displaced during the winter. The Macedonian population faced famine conditions, and most of the destroyed and burned houses had not in fact been rebuilt.

                                Public security in Macedonia had deteriorated to a point where it was worse than it had been before the arrival of Nandrup and the other Western reformers. Very little had actually changed on the ground. Murders, assaults, and robberies continued. The Turkish officials were able to do nothing against this, but sometimes got to participate.

                                Further, very little had been achieved by way of judicial reforms. An unfair system of taxation remained in Macedonia for Christians. The planned financial reorganization had not proven effective, even though the Ottoman military force in Macedonia had been reduced. Nandrup calculated that the budget of the three Macedonian vilayets should have produced a surplus of at least 15 million francs a year. But the officers in the army and the public officials did not receive their salaries regularly. Observers noted that the two Civil Agents were placed in a helpless and awkward position.

                                Nandrup emphasized four factors which impeded the reforms as explained by the Civil Agents: 1) the resistance and obstruction of the Turkish authorities, 2) the poor economy, 3) the revolutionary propaganda, and, 4) the hostilities between the Christian groups.

                                Of course, it was not all the fault of the Turks and the Westerners. Nandrup noted how Bulgarian and Greek “propaganda” played a role in the conflict. He noted how Bulgarian Committees agitated in Macedonia and how Greeks sought to “Hellenize” parts of Macedonia. There were obvious tensions between Greeks and Bulgarians and their respective agendas.

                                Nandrup reported that there were twelve massacres in the region during his year-long stay in Skopje. He criticized political leaders for not acting decisively and forcefully. But he also noted a lack of energy on the part of the officers who were charged by the Great Powers to lead the police reorganization in Macedonia. In his final thoughts, the Norwegian questioned whether the whole mission had not really been a foolish mistake:

                                “when you have abandoned a position in your own country, hoping to be able to use your capacity in helping a suffering people, and you see yourself reduced to playing the part of a fool in a pitiable comedy, then you cannot feel at ease, and I am longing for the day when I can return home.”

                                Partial Bibliography

                                Booth, John. Troubles in the Balkans. London: Hurst and Blackett, 1905.

                                Brailsford, Henry Noel. Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future. London: Methuen & Co., 1906.

                                Curtis, William Eleroy. The Turk and His Lost Provinces. Chicago: Fleming Revell Co., 1903.

                                Fraser, John Foster. Pictures from the Balkans. London: Cassell and Company, 1906.

                                Lange-Akhund, Nadine. The Macedonian Question, 1893-1908: From Western Sources. NY: Columbia University Press, 1998.

                                Macartney, Carlile Aylmer. The Habsburg Empire, 1790-1918. NY: Macmillan, 1969.

                                Mazower, Mark. Salonica, City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims, and Jews, 1430-1950. NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004.

                                May, Arthur J. The Hapsburg Monarchy, 1867-1914. NY: W.W. Norton, 1951.

                                Sakellariou, M.B., ed. Macedonia. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon S.A., 1983.

                                Shea, John. Macedonia and Greece: The Struggle to Define a New Balkan Nation. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company, Inc., 1997.

                                Sonnichsen, Albert. Confessions of a Macedonian Bandit: A Californian in the Balkan Wars. NY: Duffield & Co., 1909.

                                Looking for More Balkanalysis.com Publications?

                                Find Balkanalysis.com articles in the Central And Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL)

                                Buy Balkanalysis.com articles and e-books for Amazon Kindle

                                Mar 27, 2006
                                Intrigue, Diplomacy and Rivalry: Macedonia Divided by the Great Powers

                                Part eight in a 10-part series on the Mürzsteg Reform Programme, by Carl Savich and Christopher Deliso.

                                On February 1, 1904, Italian Lieutenant General Emilio Degiorgis arrived in Constantinople as the head of the military commission charged with reforming or reorganizing the Turkish gendarmerie. Enrico Albera and Major Rodolfo Ridolfi were also part of the Italian mission. Ridolfi directed the Salonika school for chiefs of station. The first meeting of the military commission took place on February 8, 1904.

                                Each Great Power sent a military delegate, referred to as “military deputies.” Six military attaches from the embassies also were part of the commission. Two more attaches were added to the commission, one for Degiorgis and another for the Russian officer on the commission, making a total of 15. The military commission met on a daily basis from February 8-April 9, 1904. Brigadier General Osman Nizami Pasha and Colonel Zia Bey of the Turkish General Staff also attended the meetings, which were conducted in French.

                                MˆšÃ‰Â¬Âºrzsteg and its “Opportunities” for the Great Powers

                                Each of the six European Great Powers used the reforms to strengthen its own position in Macedonia, ideally at the expense of the others. They were all jockeying for dominance, something which could be manifested in terms of various diplomatic or trade outcomes and zones of strategic control.

                                Germany sent a military deputy to Macedonia but did not commit itself to a larger presence, wishing to preserve its relations with Turkey. Austria-Hungary and Russia, who had sponsored the reforms, were the most active but the latter, preoccupied with an emerging conflict in the Far East with Japan, was unable or unwilling to maintain the crucial balancing role it had sought. This left Austria-Hungary as the dominant player in Macedonia, and the one most determined to implement the Mürzsteg Reforms.

                                The Dual Monarchy sought to advance its interests in the Balkans. Its objective was to exclude the Macedonian districts which had Albanian populations from the purview of the Mürzsteg Reforms, and it also sought to prevent Monastir from being assigned to its rival, Italy. Both powers had designs on the Adriatic coastline, and especially the Albanian Adriatic ports.

                                For its part, Britain wanted to reduce Austrian influence in the Balkans. To counter the Austrian and Russian bloc, Britain sought to form a bloc with France and Italy. Britain opposed the “encroachment” of Austria and Russia into “European Turkey” as Macedonia was sometimes called. Britain also opposed an Italian presence on the Adriatic coast and, in the larger picture, in Tripolitania (western Libya), because it wanted above all to safeguard the Mediterranean sea lanes to India.

                                After becoming king of Italy in 1900, Victor Emmanuel III pursued a more aggressive policy towards the Balkans. He married Princess Helen of Montenegro and sought to exert greater Italian influence on the Adriatic coast, Albania, and in parts of Macedonia. Since the Italians opposed an Austrian presence in Salonika, another source of conflict and tension thus emerged between the Italian and Austrian members of the commission.

                                General Degiorgis proved hostile to Austrian initiatives and proposals. The lack of consensus and divisions between the powers only helped the Turkish government in scuttling or diminishing the effectiveness of the reforms. France supported the Austrian and Russian position because it wanted to maintain the status quo in Macedonia. The Ilinden Uprising of the previous August had a galvanizing effect, however, and all of the powers began to realize a lot more was at stake than an oppressed bunch of Christian peasants.

                                However, the crucial factor was that, all good intentions aside, in 1904 no European power was willing to risk war with Ottoman Turkey by intervening militarily to help the Christian populations of Macedonia. It was not because they would have been defeated by the crumbling Ottoman Empire. Rather, it was because the balance of power among themselves was too finely calibrated to risk upsetting. Balkan military intervention could realistically lead to an all-out, continent-wide war.

                                This indeed eventually came to pass, after one of the powers – Austria-Hungary – grew too confident in the influence it had gained in the region, partially as a result of the Mürzsteg meddling and especially after the 1908 annexation of Bosnia. But this hubris would be decisively rewarded in 1918, in the aftermath of the Great War, when the glorious empire of the Hapsburgs was dismantled once and for all.

                                Nevertheless, 14 years earlier it had seemed to the imperialists that fortune indeed favored the bold. The immediate victims of Austro-Hungarian ambitions were the peoples of Macedonia.

                                Carving Up Macedonia: Strategic Objectives of Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire

                                On February 13, 1904, talks were initiated on the division of the three Macedonian vilayets into five sectors. Colonel Wladimir von Giesl, the Austro-Hungarian military attache and future ambassador to Serbia, requested the Skopje sector, which was attached to Kosovo. The Russian military attache, General Kalnine, requested Salonika. As the most interested parties, Austria-Hungary and Russia naturally sought, and felt themselves entitled to, the most strategic positions in Macedonia: the Skopje-Salonika north-south axis, a vital corridor hugging the River Vardar which connected Central Europe with the Aegean Sea.

                                The Kosovo vilayet was vital to the Austrian geopolitical strategy in the Balkans. It was an area that abutted the sandzak of Novi Pazar, which Austria had administered and occupied since the 1878 Treaty of Berlin. Moreover, Skopje was important because this territorial unit was one where there was a Serbian majority that had to be kept down if Austro-Hungarian ambitions were to be achieved.

                                Austria wanted to prevent Serbian expansion and infiltration south into the major urban and transit center along an east-west axis, Kumanovo and Skopje. Whoever controlled these territories not only would enjoy the economic, communicative and other benefits of urban life, but also would control the major route eastwards to Sofia, Bulgaria and to Tetovo in western Macedonia. Skopje was the central location where the east-west and north-south axes met – in modern parlance, they are European Corridor 8 and Corridor 10 respectively – and thus of central importance for any aspiring military power.

                                But the ambitions of the Hapsburgs were greater still. Their colonial occupation of the Novi Pazar sandzak was undertaken in order to prevent Serbia from connecting with Montenegro and thus winning an outlet to the Adriatic Sea. Austria-Hungary could thereby prevent the emergence of a strong and unified Serbia that would be capable of endangering its drive for power in the Balkans.

                                The results of the Austro-Hungarian deal-making also meant that foreign officers were to be effectively excluded from the sandzaks of Pec and Pristina in Kosovo, which had a mixed population of Serbians and Albanians. Russia allowed Austrian forces to occupy the southern part of the Kosovo vilayet, in Skopje. But Wladimir von Giesl, the Austrian military attache, was able to exclude the Albanian-populated areas from international scrutiny- thus ensuring that the killing of Christians would go on unchecked and that Austria-Hungary would remain on good terms with its Albanian lackeys. They ensured that there would only be international control in the areas inhabited by “the Bulgarians,” as they referred to the Slavic population in Macedonia.

                                The French commander Dupont wrote that the Dual Monarchy was guided by an ulterior motive to occupy the Skopje region. He too suspected that the Austrians sought merely to increase their influence and to advance their interests in the region. Skopje was far away from the main hotbeds of unrest where encounters with the Ottomans, and the subsequent imperative to hold them accountable for atrocities, would by necessity occur more frequently. By comparison, Skopje was a relatively “easy” mission. And it coincided perfectly with Hapsburgian imperialist goals.

                                During the Austro-Hungarian inspection tours, the French military attache accused, their agents were merely trying to establish contacts with the Albanian leaders. According to the French, the Austrians were spying and reconnoitering the area.

                                The Austrians did not plan to occupy the Kosovo vilayet, but they did strengthen their position in Skopje to prevent Serbian claims on Kosovo. The Austrian-Hungarian mission chief, Lt. Colonel Johann Graf von Salis-Seewis, born in Karlovac in Croatia-Slavonia, “showed a careful attention to the Serbs, and deplored their openly malevolent attitude with regard to the Austrian mission.” He blamed this attitude on “Serbian propaganda.”

                                Austria-Hungary attempted to “use” the Albanian leaders to preclude Italian involvement and to “oppose the ambitions of Belgrade.” With this policy, Vienna showed its preference for chaos and instability in these areas, because such a state would allegedly justify the Austrian presence. Maintaining instability also worked to obstruct Serbian and Italian designs on the region. From 1904-1908, the Albanian districts between Prizren and Pec, areas contiguous to the Austrian and Italian zones, were thus incited to a state of constant revolt and turmoil; and they were deliberately excluded from the reforms.

                                The mission of the international officers was complex and ambiguous and hampered by a lack of communications. It also proved unpredictable, even for the powerful Austrians. There were instances when the gendarmes were attacked. At the Kumanovo station, it was reported by the Austrian officer that it was “unstable” because “Albanian gangs” spread terror in the region.

                                On July 26, 1904, Colonel Ferdinand Richter was the victim of a murder attempt by an Albanian gendarme, Hassan Emin, who shot up his apartment in Kumanovo. The officers established a network of gendarmerie stations, expanding on the karakols, for greater security. The gendarmes also made agreements with mokhtars, the chiefs of villages. A gendarme school was established in Salonika in 1904, where 3,000 gendarmes would be educated during the years 1904-1908, when the reform program ended.

                                Zones of Exemption

                                All in all, the Austro-Hungarian machinations meant that the following Ottoman sandzaks would be excluded from Mürzsteg Programme oversight: Koritza (except the caza of Kastoria), the sandzak of Elbasan, the western part of the caza of Ochrid, the districts of Debar and Prizren, the southwest sector of the sandzak of Pec, and the sandzaks of Tachlidja and Senitza of Novi Pazar.

                                Great Britain and Italy wanted further clarification as to why the Albanian districts were to be excluded from the reform plan’s purview. They were informed that Article 3 of the Mürzsteg Program, which envisioned a division of the vilayets along homogenous national and ethnic lines, mandated it.

                                Ever vigilant, Vienna also sought to prevent Monastir from being assigned to Italy. It suggested that Russia control the Monastir sector, but Russia declined to take this, one of the most turbulent areas in revolution-era Macedonia. So at its meeting of April 5, 1904, the commission parceled out Macedonia in five sectors as such: Austria-Hungary would control Skopje; Italy would control Monastir; Russia would control Salonika; France would control Serres; and Britain would control Drama, in the east. But Austria-Hungary was able to place a restriction on the Italian sector, stipulating that General Degiorgis and his contingent should not reside in the same sector. Austria also was able to successfully exclude the Albanian districts from the purview of the reforms.

                                Tensions and Questions of Authority

                                Another question soon presented itself. What kind of authority should the Italian, General Degiorgis, have over the Turkish gendarmerie? The commission decided that he should have effective control and direct command. Abdul Hamid, however, rejected this decision. He nominated General Mustafa Pasha to command the gendarmerie in the vilayets. The commission backed down. Degiorgis would act only as an inspector, consultant, providing surveillance, but not making any decision himself. It was another sign of weakness from the allegedly mighty Great Powers.

                                This failure handicapped the Western mission from the beginning. And power plays between the Great Powers ensured that there would be no common front in negotiating with the Turks. For example, General Degiorgis requested the power to transmit orders to the Ottoman officers and to denounce those who do not obey, to remove officers from the gendarmerie who were unfit or who had displayed bad behavior, and a written consent for the use of the officers and NCOs for a two year term.

                                However, the Turkish government rejected these proposals as a violation of sovereignty. When Russia and Austria-Hungary argued that the effective implementation of article 2 required this power, Germany intervened on behalf of Turkey. Adolf Frieherr Marschall von Bieberstein, the German ambassador to Constantinople from 1897-1912, met with Tewfik Pasha, the Foreign Minister of Ottoman Turkey, to prevent the Mürzsteg Reforms from coming into force.

                                The German position was that the general’s request exceeded the authority granted by Article 2. Interestingly, the Germans also argued that the requirements and interests of Islam should be taken into account: it would be blasphemous that a Christian should command a Muslim.

                                A second demand was made. Some 60 foreign officers were requested for the mission, whose “executive power” was defined; the power to “denounce” gendarmes was defined as “removing” them. The Turkish government accepted 25 officers for each sector, with additional officers brought in as needed. The military attaches considered 5 officers per sector as insufficient. Giesl wanted to increase the amount of Austrian officers in the vilayet of Kosovo. The Italian general accused Austria-Hungary of seeking to advance its own interests and influence in the region at the expense of the reforms. It was not an auspicious start to a joint action that allegedly reflected the best of Europe’s humanitarian impulses.

                                Partial Bibliography

                                Booth, John. Troubles in the Balkans. London: Hurst and Blackett, 1905.

                                Brailsford, Henry Noel. Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future. London: Methuen & Co., 1906.

                                Curtis, William Eleroy. The Turk and His Lost Provinces. Chicago: Fleming Revell Co., 1903.

                                Fraser, John Foster. Pictures from the Balkans. London: Cassell and Company, 1906.

                                Lange-Akhund, Nadine. The Macedonian Question, 1893-1908: From Western Sources. NY: Columbia University Press, 1998.

                                Macartney, Carlile Aylmer. The Habsburg Empire, 1790-1918. NY: Macmillan, 1969.

                                Mazower, Mark. Salonica, City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims, and Jews, 1430-1950. NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004.

                                May, Arthur J. The Hapsburg Monarchy, 1867-1914. NY: W.W. Norton, 1951.

                                Sakellariou, M.B., ed. Macedonia. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon S.A., 1983.

                                Shea, John. Macedonia and Greece: The Struggle to Define a New Balkan Nation. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company, Inc., 1997.

                                Sonnichsen, Albert. Confessions of a Macedonian Bandit: A Californian in the Balkan Wars. NY: Duffield & Co., 1909.

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                                Mar 24, 2006
                                Grumbling and Unease: the Mürzsteg Reforms Implemented

                                Part seven in a 10-part series on the Mürzsteg Reform Programme, by Carl Savich and Christopher Deliso.

                                From January to April 1904, the Great Powers set up the international administrative apparatus dictated by the Mürzsteg Plan in Macedonia. In January, Calice and Zinoviev discussed the terms and conditions for the implementation of the reforms with Abdul Hamid in Constantinople. Hamid accepted the nine articles but reserved the right to agree on the practical details of the implementation. His major concern was over articles 1 and 2, because he felt they harmed the sovereignty and prestige of his dwindling empire.

                                The sultan was able to win the crucial right that Turkish officials be allowed to accompany the Civil Agents on their inspections- thus overseeing the overseers. Tacit intimidation could thus be enforced by the Turkish officials, ensuring that fearful villagers would put on a brave face for the foreigners. The reorganization plan was put under the command of an Italian general, Emilio Degiorgis, who himself was under the command of Sultan Abdul Hamid. The reforms would be overseen by the two Civil Agents, the Italian general, and the chiefs of the military missions from the Great Powers.

                                Skepticism and Concerns

                                The Austro-Hungarian Civil Agent appointed was Heinrich MˆšÃ‰Â¬Âºller von Roghoj, who had earlier been assigned to Bosnia and who spoke Turkish, Serbo-Croatian, Bulgarian and Russian. The Russian Civil Agent was N. Demerik, who had earlier been the consul to Beirut and Monastir. The Civil Agents arrived in Salonika on January 21, 1904.

                                Austrian Civil Agent Muller von Roghoj observed that the Muslims showed open hostility and resentment, while the Christians hoped and expected to see results from the reforms. Louis Steeg, French consul in Salonika, noted the skepticism of the Christian population. The Austrian Civil Agent lamented that his field of activity did not go beyond “a demarcation line” established by the Turkish government. At first, Demerik and Muller von Roghoj were restricted to Salonika. Their mandate was limited, and they could not intervene in “the field.”

                                Heinrich Freiherr von Calice, the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador to Ottoman Turkey at Constantinople from 1880-1906, was surprised by the Ottoman Turkish decree. He perceived it to be a “fait accompli.” Chalice did not believe that the self-imposed Turkish reforms would bring meaningful changes. The ambassador noted, correctly, that they would likely be ineffectual because the valis did not have any real power and lacked funds to carry out the reforms. In fact, the diplomats representing the Great Powers saw the Turkish reforms merely as delaying tactics meant to preclude any sterner solutions enforced by the Great Powers themselves.

                                For his part, the French ambassador dismissed the Mürzsteg Plan, stating that “these reforms are only an illusion.” He lamented that “the new reforms consist in the multiplication of an expensive and mindless machinery; it seems that one wanted to organize not progress, but resistance.”

                                Ambassador Steeg’s reaction was to write a report which described another, more dynamic programme that could serve as the basis for future diplomatic reforms in Macedonia. He proposed that the valis serve a fixed term of five years, that they be given authority to act, that each vilayet have its own budget, and that foreign inspectors from countries such as Belgium and Denmark be brought in to supervise the implementation of the reforms. He also proposed the creation of a gendarmerie that would be train