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  • George S.
    Senior Member
    • Aug 2009
    • 10116

    Tetovo and Greater Albania:
    Tetovo During World War II, 1941-1944

    By Carl K. Savich

    August 26, 2001

    Introduction

    The practical implementation of the Greater Albania ideology was achieved during World War II when Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini established a German/Italian sponsored Albanian state, which incorporated Western Macedonia, Illirida, Kosovo-Metohija, Kosova, and southern Montenegro. Hitler and Mussolini set the historical and political precedent for the creation of Greater Albania, which existed from 1941 to 1944. The Orthodox Slavic populations, the Roma and Jewish populations were to be exterminated and deported. Albanian was made the official language in Kosovo, Western Macedonia, and southern Montenegro. The Albanian Lek was introduced as the official currency. The Albanian national flag, a double-headed black eagle on a red background, was raised in the occupied areas. Hitler and Mussolini had achieved a Greater or Ethnic Albania. The UCK, the so-called Albanian Liberation Army, known also by the acronyms the NLA/KLA/ANA/KPC/LAPMB, seeks to re-establish and to re-create the Greater Albania first created by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. The agenda, the goals, and the objectives of the UCK are identical to those of the ideologues of Greater Albania during World War II who created a Greater Albania in Western Macedonia, Kosovo-Metohija, and southern Montenegro. Western Macedonia and the city of Tetovo are integral and inseparable components or parts of the Greater Albania ideology. Greater Albania would be incomplete without Western Macedonia. What is being witnessed in Kosovo and in Macedonia today is a repeat or replay of what occurred during World War II, when Hitler and Mussolini established Greater Albania.


    Albanian Nazi's were especially brutal to Orthodox clergy
    Murder of an Orthodox priest in Devic, WWII

    Tetovo during World War II: Italian Occupation, 1941-1943

    Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini established Greater Albania in 1941 following the occupation and dismemberment of Yugoslavia. On April 6, 1941, Germany and allies Italy, Albania, Hungary, and Bulgaria invaded Yugoslavia in Operation Punishment. Yugoslavia was subsequently occupied and dismembered. Hitler and Mussolini then sponsored a Greater Albanian state, which included territory from Western Macedonia, Kosovo-Metohija, and southern Montenegro.

    Tetovo became a part of Albania. The borders of Albania were enlarged to include not only Tetovo, or Tetova in Albanian, but all of Western Macedonia (Illirida), Kosovo-Metohija, and regions of Montenegro. Present-day Macedonia (Republic of Macedonia) was divided between Albania and Bulgaria. Tetovo was in the Italian zone of occupation until September 3,1943, when Italy surrendered and Germany re-occupied Macedonia. Ethnic Albanians in Macedonia formed the National Albanian Committee to advance the Greater Albania movement and agenda. The Balli Kombetar (BK, National Union) was formed by Midhat Frasheri and Ali Klissura to advance the Greater Albania ideology or cause. The Slavic Orthodox populations were targeted for deportation or murder. The Jews and Roma were similarly to be deported or killed.

    Hitler and Mussolini had given the ethnic Albanians Greater Albania. In August 1941, the Italian occupation forces in Tetovo established a prison for prisoners of war. The Italian occupation authorities gave the civil authority and administration to the Albanian population. All Albanian-inhabited territories, Western Macedonia, Illirida, Kosovo-Metohija, Kosova, and southern Montenegro, were integrated completely into Albania proper. Albanian language schools, an Albanian press, an Albanian radio network were established and an Albanian governmental and political administration was created. Vulnetara, an Albanian paramilitary formation, was organized. Albanian police units were established by the Italian occupation force. Albanian became the official language as Western Macedonia or Illirida became a part of Albania. The Albanian national flag, the double-headed black eagle on a red background, was raised in Tetovo and other cities and towns in Western Macedonia. The Albanian Lek was introduced as the official currency. Tetovo, Gostivar, Struga, Debar, and Kichevo were the key municipalities and districts in Western Macedonia incorporated into Albania, a Greater Albania. Eastern Macedonia was occupied by Bulgarian military forces.

    Macedonia was divided between Albania and Bulgaria. Hitler and Mussolini sought to delineate the borders between Greater Albania and Greater Bulgaria. The Albanians and their Italian sponsors wanted to enlarge the borders of Albania eastward encroaching on Bulgarian occupied territory. The Bulgarians sought to expand westward. On April 20 and 21, 1941, the German foreign minister, Joachim Ribbentrop, and the Italian foreign minister, Count Galeazzo Ciano, met in Vienna to discuss the Bulgarian occupation zone and the enlargement of the borders of Greater Albania eastward. Ribbentrop emphasized the importance of the mines in Kosovo-Metohija and Macedonia that were vital to the strategic interests of Germany. The German and Italian supreme commands reached an agreement on the final demarcation line in Macedonia. Hitler approved the agreement on April 25. The agreement was tentative, however, and was not a final, complete agreement on demarcation lines. The agreement was abandoned later as Italy and Bulgaria could not agree on a border between their two occupation zones in Macedonia and Kosovo-Metohija. Later in 1941, the two sides were able to reach an understanding on where the border should be.

    The Italian occupation forces appointed Albanian Dzaferi Sulejmani the president of the Tetovo district. The vice-president was Albanian Munir Tevshana who had come from Albania. Later, Zejnel Starova and Shaib Kamberi replaced him. Kamberi worked for the Italian intelligence service. Selim Shaipi was the representative for Tetovo and was the leader of the Albanian youth movement. Shaipi was also a representative of the Second League of Prizren and was the president of the Third Balli Kombetar Committee. Shaipi fled with the German Army when Tetovo was evacuated in 1944. Husein Derala was made the commander of the gendarmes units in Tetovo by the Italian occupation forces.

    The Albanian administration targeted the Orthodox, Slavic populations for elimination, disenfranchisement, de-recognition, and expulsion. Feyzi Alizoti called for the extermination and deportation of non-Muslims. The Greater Albania ideology was anti-Orthodox, anti-Slavic in nature, and atrocities, deportations, and murders were committed against the Slavic, Orthodox populations. Josip Kovac, a Slovenian who was placed in charge of the Tetovo hospital by the Axis forces, described the anti-Orthodox, anti-Christian, anti-Slavic activity of Alizoti as follows:


    There were exceptionally hard times in the annexed areas of Western Macedonia and Kosovo-Metohija when Fejzi Alizoti, the High Commissioner, visited. He gave a speech in Tetovo that demanded the annihilation of the non-Muslim communities. Publicly and openly he stated that there would be no peace until the last foreigner---Orthodox Christians---leaves his territory and settles across the border and only ethnic Albanians are left behind. Following his visit, the situation deteriorated and became unbearable for all non-Muslims.


    Albanian Nazi's destroyed many Orthodox shrines in WWII
    Nuns return to the ruins of the Devic Monastery in 1950

    The Italian military intelligence service, OVRA, formed an independent battalion in occupied Tetovo. The battalion was named "Ljuboten", a special unit made up of ethnic Albanians in the Tetovo region. This Italian-created Albanian Axis unit was to uncover, question, and annihilate any resistance to the occupation. After the surrender of Italy in 1943, the German forces retained this Albanian formation allowing the unit to keep their Italian-issued uniforms and weapons. Members of the Balli Kombetar later joined the Ljuboten battalion. At the end of 1943, the Ljuboten unit was engaged in the attack on Kichevo in Macedonia.

    The Italian occupation of Western Macedonia allowed the Albanian population to create an ethnic Albanian-ruled region. Albanian police and paramilitary units were formed as a proxy army by the Italian forces. The civil administration was entrusted by the Italians to Albanian leaders. Albanian became the official language; the civil and police administration was taken over by ethnic Albanians; Albanian schools, newspapers, and radio stations were established. Tetovo became Tetova, an Albanian Muslim city in the newly-expanded Albanian state.

    Early History

    From the 14th century, Tetovo has been an Orthodox Slavic settlement founded around the Orthodox Church of Sveta Bogorodica (Saint Mother of God) near the mountain source of the Pena River in the Polog valley. Sveta Bogorodica was built in the 13th century when Tetovo began to be regarded as a major Orthodox Church center. Tetovo was the first center of the Orthodox episcopate. The oldest settlement in Tetovo is the region around the Sveta Bogorodica Orthodox Church. The modern city of Tetovo grew from this small medieval Orthodox Slavic settlement of Htetovo with the building and construction of houses around the Orthodox Church.

    The Ottoman Turkish Muslim Empire invaded and occupied present-day Macedonia beginning in the 14th century. The Muslim Turks began settling and colonizing Macedonia with Turkish settlers. The Ottoman Turks began the Turkification and Islamicization of Macedonia. The Ottoman Turks altered the Orthodox Slavic nature of Tetovo, which in Turkish was renamed Kalkandele. The Ottoman Turks began settling the level lowlands of Tetovo. The Colored or Painted Mosque (Aladzha or Sharena Dzamija), also known as the Pasha Mosque, was built in 1459 by the Ottoman Turks. The earlier Slavic Orthodox population concentration in Tetovo was on the high ground and on the foothills of the Shar Planina or Mountain range.

    In the 18th and 19th centuries, the city began to expand greatly. The city was divided into the Orthodox Slavic quarter and the Muslim Turkish quarter. The Orthodox Slavic quarter or section was on the left side, on the Pena River, made up of the Potok, Dva Bresta, Koltuk, Sveti Nikola, Dol, Pevchina, and Dolno regions. The Turkish Muslim quarter or section included the following regions: The Colored Mosque (Sharena Dzamija) region, Banja, Gorna Charshija, Gamgan, and Saat. After World War II, the ethnic mosaic of the city changed with the displacement of the Serbian Orthodox and Turkish Muslim populations. The city then acquired its present ethnic configuration of Macedonian Orthodox and Muslim Albanians. Different city subdivisions emerged. New settlements and districts were formed such as Przhova Bavcha, Tabakaana, Gazaana, the Teteks textile plant district, and the Boulevard "Boris Kidric".

    In the town of Leshok, which had been known as Legen Grad, in the Tetovo municipality, is located the Leshok Monastery which includes the Orthodox Church of the Holy Virgin built in 1326 and the Sveti Athanasius Orthodox Church built in 1924. The tomb of the Orthodox scholar Kiril Pejchinovic lies in the Leshok Monastery. The Church has three layers of frescoes: The lower layer was built in 1326, the middle layer was built in the 17th century, and the top layer was built in 1879. The Leshok Monastery symbolizes the Christian Orthodox origin of the region. The UCK separatists deliberately mined and demolished the Monastery in August 2001, to eradicate and cleanse any Christian Orthodox influence. Cultural cleansing is to be followed by the ethnic cleansing of the Christian Orthodox population. The UCK has ethnically cleansed or driven out much of the non-Albanian population from the Tetovo district.

    Tetovo and its population have undergone an evolution and development over the centuries. Like a palimpsest, a parchment that has been written upon over time but that leaves impressions made on earlier layers and substrata, the city of Tetovo has accumulated layers and strata of the different populations, religions, and cultures that have existed in the city. The city presents a palimpsest or mosaic of the differing populations and cultures that have not been erased but remain to reveal the development and growth of the city.

    In the 15th century, Tetovo began to be regarded as a major city in the region. The Turkish writer Mehmed Beg in 1436 in the Vakuf noted that Tetovo had stores and shops and was one of the most prosperous regions in the Polog valley. In 1470, Mehmed Kebir Chelebija noted the rapid development of Tetovo. In 1565, under Ottoman Turkish rule and occupation, Tetovo was refereed to as the "episcopal religious place Htetovo", an Orthodox religious center, the seat of the Orthodox Church and domicile of the Orthodox religious leader. Haji Kalfa in the 17th century noted in his writings that Kalkandele, the Turkish name for Tetovo, that the city was expanding.

    In the 19th century, the population of Tetovo began to increase with settlement from the surrounding villages. The French traveler Ami Bue noted that the population was approximately 4,000-5,000 persons in the 1900s. Half of the population was made up of Orthodox Slavs. In the Turkish quarter, there were the upper and lower Turkish charshi and the Konaci of the wealthy Turkish begs. Many clean streets were noted by the travelers. A. Griezenbach estimated there were 1,500 houses or dwellings in the city. By the end of the 19th century, the population increased as Tetovo became an important trading center. In 1912, the population declined due to the migration of the Turkish population and their resettlement to Turkey.

    A large garrison of Ottoman Turkish troops was stationed in Tetovo during the 19th century when the city was a major military/strategic base. During the latter half of the 19th century, Ottoman Turkey was referred to as "the sick man of Europe" because it could not maintain its occupation and colonies in the Balkans and Eastern Europe. Ottoman Turkey suffered military defeats as a consequence of the Bosnian Insurrection by the Serbian Orthodox populations of 1875 and the First Balkan War in 1912.

    Herbert Vivian published his account of his travels to Macedonia in 1904 and offered his eyewitness accounts of Kalkandele (Tetovo) under Turkish rule. Vivian described Tetovo as follows:


    Kalkandele is even more beautiful than most Turkish towns. Every house has its garden and a rippling rivulet, tall poplars and cypresses rise up beside the glistening minarets, storks' nests, are poised upon the chimneys, weather-beaten wooden dwellings of fantastic shape are relieved by the gay arrangement, always artistic, of Turkish shops, and the women are among the most gorgeously attired in all Macedonia.


    Vivian described the Macedonian system as a "semi-feudal system". The landed estates are governed by chifji or seigneurs. The peasants have to pay a third of their crop every year in lieu of rent. Macedonians "lead a medieval life". Vivian noted the tension between the Orthodox Christians and the Muslim Albanians. Muslims were allowed to own weapons, but Christians were forbidden to own any arms. Vivian explained:


    This question of arms is one which exercises the Macedonians excessively. It is a standing grievance with the Christians that they are forbidden to possess arms, while the Albanians bristle with weapons.


    Vivian observed the ethnic and religious polarization and animus between the Orthodox Christian population and the Muslim Albanian population. In Tetovo, he was a guest of the Serbian Orthodox Prota, or archdeacon. Vivian described the residence as follows:


    His house was like a fortress. A high wall protected his smiling garden and huge doors were heavily barricaded at sundown. ... I asked the cause of all these precautions, and was told much about the fanaticism of the population, who might at any time wish to raid a Christian household.


    Albanian Muslims sought to incorporate Western Macedonia, Illirida, into a Greater Albanian state following the 1878 Albanian League of Prizren in Kosovo-Metohija, which enunciated the Greater Albania ideology. In 1912, Albanian insurgents seized and occupied Skopje itself, demanding that the Ottoman Turkish regime grant them a Greater Albania.

    Settlement

    In the 18th century, the population of Tetovo began to increase. Residents from the following surrounding villages and suburbs began to settle in Tetovo: Brodec, Lisec, Selce, Poroj, Shipkovica, Gajre, Zhelino, Dobri Dol, Zherovjane, Novake, Gorno Palchiste, Senokos, Kamenane, and Gradec. Orthodox Macedonians, Bektashi and Sunni Muslim Albanians, Sunni Muslim Turks, Orthodox Serbs, and Roma were the major population groups of the city. By the end of the 19th century, the population of Tetovo was 19,000. The Slavic Orthodox villages and towns in the Tetovo municipality or district included Vratnica, Staro Selo, Tearce, Leshok, Belovishte, Jegunovce, Rogachevo, and Neproshteno.

    Tetovo or Htetovo was originally an Orthodox Christian settlement. With the Ottoman Turkish conquest, the city was settled by Turks from Anatolia, Asia Minor, and Bulgaria. For much of its history, Tetovo was divided between the Orthodox Slavic section and the Muslim Turkish section. The majority of the Albanian settlement of Tetovo and the surrounding villages resulted due to an influx of Albanian migration and settlement from Albania. Albanian settlement is relatively recent and is due to Albanian migrations from Albania proper into the Polog valley. The Albanian migrations originated in the Albanian districts of Findi Berdita and Luma in Albania. Albanian migration and settlement in Tetovo and the surrounding villages from Albania began only in the 18th and 19th centuries. The massive, intensive migrations of Albanian settlers from Albania proper began slowly to alter the ethnic composition of the majority Slavic Orthodox city. Settlers also came from Kosovo-Metohija. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, the Orthodox Christians migrated out of Tetovo for economic and political reasons. The total Slavic migration out of the city amounted to 5,500 during this period. During World War I, 2,000 left. After World War I, 5,000 Turks migrated to Turkey. Following World War II, another large group of Turks migrated out of the city. These migrations of Turks again changed the ethnic make-up of the city leaving Macedonian Orthodox and Albanian Muslim populations as the bulk of the population of the city.

    Tetovo: German Occupation, 1943-44

    The surrender of Italy on September 3, 1943 forced Germany to re-occupy Tetovo and Western Macedonia. Germany organized the XXI Mountain Corps, led by General Paul Bader, made up of the 100th Jaeger Division, the 297th Infantry Division and the German 1st Mountain Division, to occupy the territory abandoned by the Italian forces. The German forces wanted to recruit and enlist ethnic Albanians into proxy armies that would assist the German occupation. The Germans retained the Albanian "Ljuboten" battalion initially formed by the Italian occupation forces. The Waffen SS sought to incorporate the Albanian manpower of the region into Waffen SS formations, as a German/SS proxy army to maintain the military occupation of the Orthodox populations. In 1943, the German occupation authorities sponsored the formation of the Second League of Prizren, reviving the 1878 League. The Germans sought to use the racist, extremist, anti-democratic, anti-Orthodox, anti-Slavic agenda of the Greater Albania ideology to maintain and support their occupation of Kosovo and Western Macedonia. Bedri Pejani, the president of the central committee of the Second League of Prizren, a militant and extremist Greater Albania ideologue, even wrote Himmler personally to request his assistance in establishing a Greater Albania and volunteering Albanian troops to work jointly with the Waffen SS and German Wehrmacht. Himmler read the Pejani letter and agreed to form two ethnic Albanian Waffen SS Divisions. Like Hitler and Mussolini, Himmler became an active sponsor of the Greater Albania ideology.

    On April 17, 1944, Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler approved the formation of an Albanian Waffen SS Division, which was then subsequently approved by Adolf Hitler. The SS Main Office envisioned an Albanian division of 10,000 troops. The Balli Kombetar, the Albanian Committees, and the Second League of Prizren submitted the names of 11,398 recruits for the division. Of these, 9,275 were adjudged to be suitable for drafting into the Waffen SS. Of this number, 6,491 ethnic Albanians were actually drafted into the Waffen SS. A reinforced battalion of approximately 200-300 ethnic Albanians, the III/Waffen Gebirgsjaeger Regiment 50, serving in the Bosnian Muslim 13th Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Handzar" or "Handschar" were transferred to the newly forming division. To this Albanian core were added veteran German troops from Austria and Volksdeutsche officers, NCOS, and enlisted men. The total strength of the Albanian Waffen SS Division would be 8,500-9,000 men.

    The official designation of the division would be 21. Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg" (Albanische Nr.1). Himmler planned to form a second Albanian division, Albanische Nr. 2. The SS Main Office designed a special arm patch for the division, consisting of a black, double-headed eagle on a red background, the national flag/symbol for Albania. The UCK/KLA/NLA/ANA/LAMBP would have an identical arm patch in their separatist/terrorist war for "greater rights" and "human rights" in the 1998/99 Kosovo conflict and the "insurgency" in Macedonia in 2001.The SS Main Office also designed a strip with the word "Skanderbeg" embroidered across it as well as a gray skullcap with the Totenkopf (Death's Head) insignia of the SS below the Hoheitszeichen (the national symbol of Nazi Germany, consisting of a silver eagle over a Nazi swastika). Josef Fitzhum, the SS leader in Albania, commanded the division during the formation stages. In June, 1944, August Schmidhuber, the SS Stardartenfuehrer in the 7th SS Division "Prinz Eugen", was transferred to command the division. Alfred Graf commanded the division in August and subsequently when the division was reorganized.

    The 21st SS Skanderbeg Division indiscriminately massacred Serbian Orthodox civilians in Kosovo-Metohija, forcing 10,000 Kosovo Serbian Orthodox families to flee Kosovo. Albanian colonists and settlers from northern Albania then took over the lands and homes of the displaced/cleansed Orthodox Serbs. The goal of the Skanderbeg SS division was to create a Serbien frei and Juden frei and Roma frei Kosova, an ethnically pure and homogenous region of Greater Albania. In Illirida, or Western Macedonia, the Skanderbeg SS Division sought to create a Macedonian frei, Orthodox frei, Slavic frei region. The Albanian SS troops played a key role in the Holocaust, the Final Solution to the Jewish Problem, which the sponsor of the Greater Albania ideology, Heinrich Himmler, organized. On May 14, 1944, the Skanderbeg SS Division raided Kosovo Jewish homes and businesses in Pristina. The Albanian SS troops acting as a proxy for the German occupation forces rounded up 281 Kosovo Jews who were subsequently killed at Bergen-Belsen. The Skanderbeg SS Division targeted Macedonian and Serb Christians, Roma, and Jews when the division occupied Tetovo and Skopje and other towns and cities in Western Macedonia. The goal and agenda of the ethnic Albanian Skanderbeg Waffen SS Division was to advance the Greater Albania ideology by deporting and killing the non-Albanian populations of Western Macedonia.

    The Skanderbeg SS Division was formed at a time in the war when Germany was retreating and withdrawing its forces from the Balkans. The Russian Red Army was inflicting severe losses on the German military forces. By November, 1944, the Germans were withdrawing their forces from the Aegean islands and from Greece. At this time, the Skanderbeg Division remnants were reorganized into Regimentgruppe 21. SS Gebirgs "Skanderbeg" when it was transferred to Skopje. The Kampfgruppe "Skanderbeg", in conjunction with the 7th SS Mountain Division "Prinz Eugen", defended the Vardar River valley in Macedonia to allow Alexander Loehr's Army Group E to retreat from Greece and the Aegean. The Vardar Valley was crucial as an escape corridor for the retreating German military forces.

    The Skanderbeg SS Division crossed into Macedonia and occupied Tetovo and Skopje in the early part of September, 1944. The purpose for the occupation was to garrison Macedonia and safeguard the retreat of German troops from Greece and the Aegean peninsula. By 1944, the German forces in the Balkans were in a defensive posture and were focusing their strategic efforts on a well-ordered retreat and withdrawal. The Bulgarian forces and the Italian forces had occupied Macedonia. The Bulgarian army continued to occupy Macedonia and their presence threatened the German retreat. The Skanderbeg SS Division occupied the Skopje and Kumanovo regions of Macedonia and the Preshevo and Bujanovac region of southern Serbia. The German XXI Mountain Corps was based in Tirana. The Germans also had the 181st Infantry Division at Lake Scutari and the 297 Infantry Division at Valona, both based in Albania, to prevent an Allied landing force in the Adriatic. The German XXI Mountain Corps crossed into Macedonia from Tirana, the capital of Albania and moved northward past Debar and the Tetovo and Gostivar area. By October 1, 1944, the 21st SS Division Skanderbeg then occupied Skopje, the capital of Macedonia. The first Regiment of the Skanderbeg Division occupied Tetovo. A Reconnaissance Battalion of Skanderbeg occupied Djakovica while a Signals Battalion occupied Prizen in Kosovo-Metohija. The Skanderbeg SS Division was based in the towns of Tetovo, Skopje, Prizren, Pec, Djakovica, Kosovska Mitrovica, Pristina, and Novi Pazar.

    The SS ideology in forming "volunteer" Waffen SS Divisions of non-German nationalities was that the Waffen SS was advancing the cause of national liberation and national freedom for oppressed/repressed nationalities and aggrieved ethnic minorities. So the Waffen SS perceived itself as a military organization under the leadership of Heinrich Himmler which was made up of national "freedom fighters" advancing the cause of national liberation, freedom, and independence. NATO/US/EU would adopt the identical interventionist/occupation strategy or paradigm in the 1998-1999 Kosovo conflict and the 2001 Macedonian conflict. The policy was divide and conquer. The SS exploited minorities and nationality groups in the various countries they sought to occupy and dismember. These oppressed/repressed national/ethnic groups and minorities were a natural Fifth Column in every country targeted for military occupation. Heinrich Himmler's SS took on the cause of "liberation" and freedom/independence for oppressed/repressed minorities and nationality groups. Foremost amongst the groups for SS sponsorship were the ethnic Albanians in the Balkans and the Palestinians in the Middle East. Indeed, Palestinian national leader Haj Amin el Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, worked closely with Himmler and the SS and supported the Albanian and Bosnian Muslim aspirations to "independence" and separatism from Slavic Orthodox Christian countries. The SS argued that the countries the SS sought to occupy and dismember were "artificial" nations or states. But how is an artificial state to be defined and who was to make the conclusion? Germany itself was an "artificial" state established by Prussian leader Otto von Bismarck through military occupation and annexation. Germany consisted of many ethnic groups and many different religions. Bismarck launched wars against Denmark and Austria-Hungary to dismember those nations and to annex their territory to a Greater Germany. The creation of the artificial German state was through military force, through annexation and occupation, achieved by a Prussian military dictatorship and not through democratic means. Germany was thus itself an "artificial" state achieved through war by the Prussian army. National liberation of oppressed/repressed nationalities and minorities nevertheless remained the ideological basis for the Waffen SS. Later, this identical paradigm would be adopted by NATO/US/EU.

    Heinrich Himmler was buttressed in his support of the Greater Albania ideology by Italian archeological research that purported to show that the Albanian Ghegs were of Aryan/Nordic origin, that they were the herrenmensch, the master race. Himmler planned to establish two ethnic Albanian Waffen SS Divisions but the war ended before this could be accomplished. This is the reason the Skanderbeg SS Division is referred to as the "Albanische Nr.1" in the SS records.

    By January, 1945, remnants of the Skanderbeg Waffen SS Division would retreat to Kosovska Mitrovica in Kosovo and then to Brcko in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The Skanderbeg remnants would reach Austria in May, 1945, when Germany surrendered following the military and political collapse of regime.

    Albanian and German Occupation Forces in Macedonia

    The German occupation forces retained the Albanian civil, political, military, and police control and administration of Western Macedonia. The Albanian national flag was flown, the official language was Albanian, and the Albanian Lek remained the official currency in Illirida. The Germans retained the incorporation of Western Macedonia and Kosovo-Metohija into a Greater Albania. Rejeb Bey Mitrovica, however, was replaced by Fikri Dine as the Prime Minister of the Greater Albanian state occupied by the German Wehrmacht. The Albanian Minister of the Interior was Dzafer Deva. Mustafa Kruja and Mehdi Bey Frasheri also held high positions in the Albanian regime. Ernst Kaltenbrunner, who had replaced Reinhard Heydrich as the leader of the SD, was instrumental in setting up the Albanian Nazi Party, which replaced the Albanian Fascist Party that the Italian authorities had set up previously. Much of the civilian and military administration was exercised by ethnic Albanians during both the Italian and German occupations. In Tetovo, there was a total of 1,500 ethnic Albanian Waffen SS troops, members of the 1st Regiment of the Skanderbeg SS Division. In Gostivar, there were 1,000 Albanian SS troops, while in Struga there were 100, and 900 in Debar. In Kichevo, there were 1,500 Albanian SS troops. The total number of Albanian SS troops in Western Macedonia was 5,000. The Albanians made up the police force in Western Macedonia: In Tetovo, there were 16 members of the police force, in Gostivar 10, in Struga 11, in Debar 16, and in Kichevo, 5. There were a total of 5,500 members of the Balli Kombetar in Macedonia, 2,000 of which were based in Tetovo. There was a total of 250 Albanian gendarme units, or armed police units, in Tetovo. An Albanian Battalion for Security made up of 800 members was based in Tetovo. In addition, there were 80 Albanian finasi troops and border guards. The total number of Albanian police and paramilitary units in Tetovo during the German occupation was 4,646. The German Army only had 450 German troops and three Gestapo agents in Tetovo and a total of 2,180 troops and 34 Gestapo agents in all of Western Macedonia. Instead, the German occupation forces created a proxy army and police staff made up of ethnic Albanians, collaborationists who acted as the proxies for the German military forces. Like the Italian occupation forces had done before them, the German military was able to use the Albanian police and paramilitary forces as a proxy force.

    The German Army used Albanian separatists to create a proxy army of occupation and administration in Tetovo and other cities and towns in Western Macedonia which were annexed to Albania. By furthering and advancing the agenda of the Greater Albania ideology, the German occupation forces ensured that their military occupation of the region would be safeguarded and assured. The German Army in 1998-2001 would play a similar role in the Kosovo and Macedonia conflicts. NATO would pursue an identical policy to that of the Italian/German occupation forces during the 1941-1944 period. The Greater Albania ideology would serve the same purpose again, expediting the military occupation and establishing a proxy army that would act on behalf of the NATO occupation forces. The racist and separatist Greater Albania ideology would be sponsored and furthered by NATO, like it had been by the German/Italian forces, to expedite the occupation and military, economic, and political control and exploitation of first Kosovo-Metohija and then Macedonia.

    Conclusion

    The Greater Albania established by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini from 1941 to 1944 set the historical precedent for establishing an ethnically homogenous Albanian state which would encompass all areas settled by Albanians. The UCK/KLA/NLA/ANA/KPC/LAMPB goal and agenda is to re-establish and re-form Hitler's and Mussolini's Greater Albania. The Albanian nationalist goal, the UCK goal, is Greater Albania. The terrorist insurgency by the UCK, first in Kosovo-Metohija, then in Southern Serbia, and then in Macedonia, ostensibly to obtain "greater rights" and "equal" and "human rights" is in fact a war of territorial occupation and partition. The British Helsinki Human Rights Group (BHHRG) has noted that Tetovo is the focus of the Greater Albania movement which seeks to turn the Slavic Orthodox city into a center or capital of an ethnically pure Albanian district or municipality. The BHHRG stated that the population of Tetovo was 40% Macedonian Orthodox but that there was intense pressure to make the city into an Albanian town, based on the model of Kosovo where the Serbian Orthodox towns and cities were depopulated of non-Albanians creating an ethnically pure and ethnically homogenous Kosova, a de facto "independent" statelet demanding de jure recognition. The BHHRG alleged that Arben Xhaferi of the DPA appointed all local police chiefs in Tetovo. The DPA radicalizes the Albanian population and pressures the Albanian youth to become nationalist and separatist according to the British Helsinki Human Rights Group. The Group further alleges that Albanian youth are being pressured to attend the Albanian-language University of Tetova with a ideological curriculum based on that followed in Tirana and Pristina. The University of Tetova is nothing more than a boot camp for the indoctrination and training for the establishment of a Greater Albania. Xhaferi seeks to repeat in Tetovo what was done in Pristina. According to BHHRG, this compelled and forced separatist and Greater Albania ideological agitation has not met with unanimous approval within the Albanian population in Tetovo: "Not all local Albanians are happy with these developments. During the war some sent their sons to Serbia to prevent their mobilization into the KLA." The BHHRG further alleged that "the regional weapons market is run from Tetovo." Menduh Thaci of the DPA is alleged to control Tetovo's shops and the black market, such as in oil. There is widespread political corruption and collusion with political leaders. The goal of the Albanian policies, according to the BHHRG, is to force Macedonians to leave Tetovo by a "subtle ethnic cleansing." The Christian population is the target of the Greater Albania separatists. The Kosovo model is being repeated in Tetovo, transforming an Orthodox Christian Slavic city into an Islamic Albanian city. Pristina is the blueprint. Kosovo is the model. The ultimate goal or agenda of the UCK separatists/terrorists is the partition/federalization of Western Macedonia, Illirida. Autonomy or de facto partition is the short-term goal. Independence from Macedonia is the long-term goal based on the Kosovo paradigm.

    The UCK seeks to re-establish and re-create the Greater Albania created by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini from 1941 to 1944. History is being repeated and replayed in Macedonia.

    Bibliography

    Ivanov, Pavle Dzeletovic. 21. SS Divizija Skenderbeg. Belgrade, Yugoslavia: Nova Knjiga, 1987. (In Serbian.)

    Kane, Steve. "The 21st SS Mountain Division." Siegrunen: The Waffen-SS in Historical Perspective. Vol.6, 36, October-December, 1984.

    Landwehr, Richard. "The 21. Waffen-Gebirgs Division der SS 'Skanderbeg' (Albanische Nr. 1)." Siegrunen: The Waffen-SS in Historical Perspective. Vol. 6, 36, October-December, 1984.

    Munoz, Antonio. Forgotten Legions: Obscure Combat Formations of the Waffen SS. Boulder, CO: Paladin Press, 1991.

    Stefanovski, Zhivko, and Eftoski, Gojko. Tetovo i Okolinata. Tetovo, Macedonia: Centar za Informiranje i Izdavachka Dejnost "Polog", 1980. (In Macedonian.)

    Vivian, Herbert. The Servian Tragedy. London, UK: Grant Richards, 1904.
    "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
    GOTSE DELCEV

    Comment

    • George S.
      Senior Member
      • Aug 2009
      • 10116

      Tetovo and Greater Albania:
      Tetovo During World War II, 1941-1944

      By Carl K. Savich

      August 26, 2001

      Introduction

      The practical implementation of the Greater Albania ideology was achieved during World War II when Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini established a German/Italian sponsored Albanian state, which incorporated Western Macedonia, Illirida, Kosovo-Metohija, Kosova, and southern Montenegro. Hitler and Mussolini set the historical and political precedent for the creation of Greater Albania, which existed from 1941 to 1944. The Orthodox Slavic populations, the Roma and Jewish populations were to be exterminated and deported. Albanian was made the official language in Kosovo, Western Macedonia, and southern Montenegro. The Albanian Lek was introduced as the official currency. The Albanian national flag, a double-headed black eagle on a red background, was raised in the occupied areas. Hitler and Mussolini had achieved a Greater or Ethnic Albania. The UCK, the so-called Albanian Liberation Army, known also by the acronyms the NLA/KLA/ANA/KPC/LAPMB, seeks to re-establish and to re-create the Greater Albania first created by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. The agenda, the goals, and the objectives of the UCK are identical to those of the ideologues of Greater Albania during World War II who created a Greater Albania in Western Macedonia, Kosovo-Metohija, and southern Montenegro. Western Macedonia and the city of Tetovo are integral and inseparable components or parts of the Greater Albania ideology. Greater Albania would be incomplete without Western Macedonia. What is being witnessed in Kosovo and in Macedonia today is a repeat or replay of what occurred during World War II, when Hitler and Mussolini established Greater Albania.


      Albanian Nazi's were especially brutal to Orthodox clergy
      Murder of an Orthodox priest in Devic, WWII

      Tetovo during World War II: Italian Occupation, 1941-1943

      Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini established Greater Albania in 1941 following the occupation and dismemberment of Yugoslavia. On April 6, 1941, Germany and allies Italy, Albania, Hungary, and Bulgaria invaded Yugoslavia in Operation Punishment. Yugoslavia was subsequently occupied and dismembered. Hitler and Mussolini then sponsored a Greater Albanian state, which included territory from Western Macedonia, Kosovo-Metohija, and southern Montenegro.

      Tetovo became a part of Albania. The borders of Albania were enlarged to include not only Tetovo, or Tetova in Albanian, but all of Western Macedonia (Illirida), Kosovo-Metohija, and regions of Montenegro. Present-day Macedonia (Republic of Macedonia) was divided between Albania and Bulgaria. Tetovo was in the Italian zone of occupation until September 3,1943, when Italy surrendered and Germany re-occupied Macedonia. Ethnic Albanians in Macedonia formed the National Albanian Committee to advance the Greater Albania movement and agenda. The Balli Kombetar (BK, National Union) was formed by Midhat Frasheri and Ali Klissura to advance the Greater Albania ideology or cause. The Slavic Orthodox populations were targeted for deportation or murder. The Jews and Roma were similarly to be deported or killed.

      Hitler and Mussolini had given the ethnic Albanians Greater Albania. In August 1941, the Italian occupation forces in Tetovo established a prison for prisoners of war. The Italian occupation authorities gave the civil authority and administration to the Albanian population. All Albanian-inhabited territories, Western Macedonia, Illirida, Kosovo-Metohija, Kosova, and southern Montenegro, were integrated completely into Albania proper. Albanian language schools, an Albanian press, an Albanian radio network were established and an Albanian governmental and political administration was created. Vulnetara, an Albanian paramilitary formation, was organized. Albanian police units were established by the Italian occupation force. Albanian became the official language as Western Macedonia or Illirida became a part of Albania. The Albanian national flag, the double-headed black eagle on a red background, was raised in Tetovo and other cities and towns in Western Macedonia. The Albanian Lek was introduced as the official currency. Tetovo, Gostivar, Struga, Debar, and Kichevo were the key municipalities and districts in Western Macedonia incorporated into Albania, a Greater Albania. Eastern Macedonia was occupied by Bulgarian military forces.

      Macedonia was divided between Albania and Bulgaria. Hitler and Mussolini sought to delineate the borders between Greater Albania and Greater Bulgaria. The Albanians and their Italian sponsors wanted to enlarge the borders of Albania eastward encroaching on Bulgarian occupied territory. The Bulgarians sought to expand westward. On April 20 and 21, 1941, the German foreign minister, Joachim Ribbentrop, and the Italian foreign minister, Count Galeazzo Ciano, met in Vienna to discuss the Bulgarian occupation zone and the enlargement of the borders of Greater Albania eastward. Ribbentrop emphasized the importance of the mines in Kosovo-Metohija and Macedonia that were vital to the strategic interests of Germany. The German and Italian supreme commands reached an agreement on the final demarcation line in Macedonia. Hitler approved the agreement on April 25. The agreement was tentative, however, and was not a final, complete agreement on demarcation lines. The agreement was abandoned later as Italy and Bulgaria could not agree on a border between their two occupation zones in Macedonia and Kosovo-Metohija. Later in 1941, the two sides were able to reach an understanding on where the border should be.

      The Italian occupation forces appointed Albanian Dzaferi Sulejmani the president of the Tetovo district. The vice-president was Albanian Munir Tevshana who had come from Albania. Later, Zejnel Starova and Shaib Kamberi replaced him. Kamberi worked for the Italian intelligence service. Selim Shaipi was the representative for Tetovo and was the leader of the Albanian youth movement. Shaipi was also a representative of the Second League of Prizren and was the president of the Third Balli Kombetar Committee. Shaipi fled with the German Army when Tetovo was evacuated in 1944. Husein Derala was made the commander of the gendarmes units in Tetovo by the Italian occupation forces.

      The Albanian administration targeted the Orthodox, Slavic populations for elimination, disenfranchisement, de-recognition, and expulsion. Feyzi Alizoti called for the extermination and deportation of non-Muslims. The Greater Albania ideology was anti-Orthodox, anti-Slavic in nature, and atrocities, deportations, and murders were committed against the Slavic, Orthodox populations. Josip Kovac, a Slovenian who was placed in charge of the Tetovo hospital by the Axis forces, described the anti-Orthodox, anti-Christian, anti-Slavic activity of Alizoti as follows:


      There were exceptionally hard times in the annexed areas of Western Macedonia and Kosovo-Metohija when Fejzi Alizoti, the High Commissioner, visited. He gave a speech in Tetovo that demanded the annihilation of the non-Muslim communities. Publicly and openly he stated that there would be no peace until the last foreigner---Orthodox Christians---leaves his territory and settles across the border and only ethnic Albanians are left behind. Following his visit, the situation deteriorated and became unbearable for all non-Muslims.


      Albanian Nazi's destroyed many Orthodox shrines in WWII
      Nuns return to the ruins of the Devic Monastery in 1950

      The Italian military intelligence service, OVRA, formed an independent battalion in occupied Tetovo. The battalion was named "Ljuboten", a special unit made up of ethnic Albanians in the Tetovo region. This Italian-created Albanian Axis unit was to uncover, question, and annihilate any resistance to the occupation. After the surrender of Italy in 1943, the German forces retained this Albanian formation allowing the unit to keep their Italian-issued uniforms and weapons. Members of the Balli Kombetar later joined the Ljuboten battalion. At the end of 1943, the Ljuboten unit was engaged in the attack on Kichevo in Macedonia.

      The Italian occupation of Western Macedonia allowed the Albanian population to create an ethnic Albanian-ruled region. Albanian police and paramilitary units were formed as a proxy army by the Italian forces. The civil administration was entrusted by the Italians to Albanian leaders. Albanian became the official language; the civil and police administration was taken over by ethnic Albanians; Albanian schools, newspapers, and radio stations were established. Tetovo became Tetova, an Albanian Muslim city in the newly-expanded Albanian state.

      Early History

      From the 14th century, Tetovo has been an Orthodox Slavic settlement founded around the Orthodox Church of Sveta Bogorodica (Saint Mother of God) near the mountain source of the Pena River in the Polog valley. Sveta Bogorodica was built in the 13th century when Tetovo began to be regarded as a major Orthodox Church center. Tetovo was the first center of the Orthodox episcopate. The oldest settlement in Tetovo is the region around the Sveta Bogorodica Orthodox Church. The modern city of Tetovo grew from this small medieval Orthodox Slavic settlement of Htetovo with the building and construction of houses around the Orthodox Church.

      The Ottoman Turkish Muslim Empire invaded and occupied present-day Macedonia beginning in the 14th century. The Muslim Turks began settling and colonizing Macedonia with Turkish settlers. The Ottoman Turks began the Turkification and Islamicization of Macedonia. The Ottoman Turks altered the Orthodox Slavic nature of Tetovo, which in Turkish was renamed Kalkandele. The Ottoman Turks began settling the level lowlands of Tetovo. The Colored or Painted Mosque (Aladzha or Sharena Dzamija), also known as the Pasha Mosque, was built in 1459 by the Ottoman Turks. The earlier Slavic Orthodox population concentration in Tetovo was on the high ground and on the foothills of the Shar Planina or Mountain range.

      In the 18th and 19th centuries, the city began to expand greatly. The city was divided into the Orthodox Slavic quarter and the Muslim Turkish quarter. The Orthodox Slavic quarter or section was on the left side, on the Pena River, made up of the Potok, Dva Bresta, Koltuk, Sveti Nikola, Dol, Pevchina, and Dolno regions. The Turkish Muslim quarter or section included the following regions: The Colored Mosque (Sharena Dzamija) region, Banja, Gorna Charshija, Gamgan, and Saat. After World War II, the ethnic mosaic of the city changed with the displacement of the Serbian Orthodox and Turkish Muslim populations. The city then acquired its present ethnic configuration of Macedonian Orthodox and Muslim Albanians. Different city subdivisions emerged. New settlements and districts were formed such as Przhova Bavcha, Tabakaana, Gazaana, the Teteks textile plant district, and the Boulevard "Boris Kidric".

      In the town of Leshok, which had been known as Legen Grad, in the Tetovo municipality, is located the Leshok Monastery which includes the Orthodox Church of the Holy Virgin built in 1326 and the Sveti Athanasius Orthodox Church built in 1924. The tomb of the Orthodox scholar Kiril Pejchinovic lies in the Leshok Monastery. The Church has three layers of frescoes: The lower layer was built in 1326, the middle layer was built in the 17th century, and the top layer was built in 1879. The Leshok Monastery symbolizes the Christian Orthodox origin of the region. The UCK separatists deliberately mined and demolished the Monastery in August 2001, to eradicate and cleanse any Christian Orthodox influence. Cultural cleansing is to be followed by the ethnic cleansing of the Christian Orthodox population. The UCK has ethnically cleansed or driven out much of the non-Albanian population from the Tetovo district.

      Tetovo and its population have undergone an evolution and development over the centuries. Like a palimpsest, a parchment that has been written upon over time but that leaves impressions made on earlier layers and substrata, the city of Tetovo has accumulated layers and strata of the different populations, religions, and cultures that have existed in the city. The city presents a palimpsest or mosaic of the differing populations and cultures that have not been erased but remain to reveal the development and growth of the city.

      In the 15th century, Tetovo began to be regarded as a major city in the region. The Turkish writer Mehmed Beg in 1436 in the Vakuf noted that Tetovo had stores and shops and was one of the most prosperous regions in the Polog valley. In 1470, Mehmed Kebir Chelebija noted the rapid development of Tetovo. In 1565, under Ottoman Turkish rule and occupation, Tetovo was refereed to as the "episcopal religious place Htetovo", an Orthodox religious center, the seat of the Orthodox Church and domicile of the Orthodox religious leader. Haji Kalfa in the 17th century noted in his writings that Kalkandele, the Turkish name for Tetovo, that the city was expanding.

      In the 19th century, the population of Tetovo began to increase with settlement from the surrounding villages. The French traveler Ami Bue noted that the population was approximately 4,000-5,000 persons in the 1900s. Half of the population was made up of Orthodox Slavs. In the Turkish quarter, there were the upper and lower Turkish charshi and the Konaci of the wealthy Turkish begs. Many clean streets were noted by the travelers. A. Griezenbach estimated there were 1,500 houses or dwellings in the city. By the end of the 19th century, the population increased as Tetovo became an important trading center. In 1912, the population declined due to the migration of the Turkish population and their resettlement to Turkey.

      A large garrison of Ottoman Turkish troops was stationed in Tetovo during the 19th century when the city was a major military/strategic base. During the latter half of the 19th century, Ottoman Turkey was referred to as "the sick man of Europe" because it could not maintain its occupation and colonies in the Balkans and Eastern Europe. Ottoman Turkey suffered military defeats as a consequence of the Bosnian Insurrection by the Serbian Orthodox populations of 1875 and the First Balkan War in 1912.

      Herbert Vivian published his account of his travels to Macedonia in 1904 and offered his eyewitness accounts of Kalkandele (Tetovo) under Turkish rule. Vivian described Tetovo as follows:


      Kalkandele is even more beautiful than most Turkish towns. Every house has its garden and a rippling rivulet, tall poplars and cypresses rise up beside the glistening minarets, storks' nests, are poised upon the chimneys, weather-beaten wooden dwellings of fantastic shape are relieved by the gay arrangement, always artistic, of Turkish shops, and the women are among the most gorgeously attired in all Macedonia.


      Vivian described the Macedonian system as a "semi-feudal system". The landed estates are governed by chifji or seigneurs. The peasants have to pay a third of their crop every year in lieu of rent. Macedonians "lead a medieval life". Vivian noted the tension between the Orthodox Christians and the Muslim Albanians. Muslims were allowed to own weapons, but Christians were forbidden to own any arms. Vivian explained:


      This question of arms is one which exercises the Macedonians excessively. It is a standing grievance with the Christians that they are forbidden to possess arms, while the Albanians bristle with weapons.


      Vivian observed the ethnic and religious polarization and animus between the Orthodox Christian population and the Muslim Albanian population. In Tetovo, he was a guest of the Serbian Orthodox Prota, or archdeacon. Vivian described the residence as follows:


      His house was like a fortress. A high wall protected his smiling garden and huge doors were heavily barricaded at sundown. ... I asked the cause of all these precautions, and was told much about the fanaticism of the population, who might at any time wish to raid a Christian household.


      Albanian Muslims sought to incorporate Western Macedonia, Illirida, into a Greater Albanian state following the 1878 Albanian League of Prizren in Kosovo-Metohija, which enunciated the Greater Albania ideology. In 1912, Albanian insurgents seized and occupied Skopje itself, demanding that the Ottoman Turkish regime grant them a Greater Albania.

      Settlement

      In the 18th century, the population of Tetovo began to increase. Residents from the following surrounding villages and suburbs began to settle in Tetovo: Brodec, Lisec, Selce, Poroj, Shipkovica, Gajre, Zhelino, Dobri Dol, Zherovjane, Novake, Gorno Palchiste, Senokos, Kamenane, and Gradec. Orthodox Macedonians, Bektashi and Sunni Muslim Albanians, Sunni Muslim Turks, Orthodox Serbs, and Roma were the major population groups of the city. By the end of the 19th century, the population of Tetovo was 19,000. The Slavic Orthodox villages and towns in the Tetovo municipality or district included Vratnica, Staro Selo, Tearce, Leshok, Belovishte, Jegunovce, Rogachevo, and Neproshteno.

      Tetovo or Htetovo was originally an Orthodox Christian settlement. With the Ottoman Turkish conquest, the city was settled by Turks from Anatolia, Asia Minor, and Bulgaria. For much of its history, Tetovo was divided between the Orthodox Slavic section and the Muslim Turkish section. The majority of the Albanian settlement of Tetovo and the surrounding villages resulted due to an influx of Albanian migration and settlement from Albania. Albanian settlement is relatively recent and is due to Albanian migrations from Albania proper into the Polog valley. The Albanian migrations originated in the Albanian districts of Findi Berdita and Luma in Albania. Albanian migration and settlement in Tetovo and the surrounding villages from Albania began only in the 18th and 19th centuries. The massive, intensive migrations of Albanian settlers from Albania proper began slowly to alter the ethnic composition of the majority Slavic Orthodox city. Settlers also came from Kosovo-Metohija. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, the Orthodox Christians migrated out of Tetovo for economic and political reasons. The total Slavic migration out of the city amounted to 5,500 during this period. During World War I, 2,000 left. After World War I, 5,000 Turks migrated to Turkey. Following World War II, another large group of Turks migrated out of the city. These migrations of Turks again changed the ethnic make-up of the city leaving Macedonian Orthodox and Albanian Muslim populations as the bulk of the population of the city.

      Tetovo: German Occupation, 1943-44

      The surrender of Italy on September 3, 1943 forced Germany to re-occupy Tetovo and Western Macedonia. Germany organized the XXI Mountain Corps, led by General Paul Bader, made up of the 100th Jaeger Division, the 297th Infantry Division and the German 1st Mountain Division, to occupy the territory abandoned by the Italian forces. The German forces wanted to recruit and enlist ethnic Albanians into proxy armies that would assist the German occupation. The Germans retained the Albanian "Ljuboten" battalion initially formed by the Italian occupation forces. The Waffen SS sought to incorporate the Albanian manpower of the region into Waffen SS formations, as a German/SS proxy army to maintain the military occupation of the Orthodox populations. In 1943, the German occupation authorities sponsored the formation of the Second League of Prizren, reviving the 1878 League. The Germans sought to use the racist, extremist, anti-democratic, anti-Orthodox, anti-Slavic agenda of the Greater Albania ideology to maintain and support their occupation of Kosovo and Western Macedonia. Bedri Pejani, the president of the central committee of the Second League of Prizren, a militant and extremist Greater Albania ideologue, even wrote Himmler personally to request his assistance in establishing a Greater Albania and volunteering Albanian troops to work jointly with the Waffen SS and German Wehrmacht. Himmler read the Pejani letter and agreed to form two ethnic Albanian Waffen SS Divisions. Like Hitler and Mussolini, Himmler became an active sponsor of the Greater Albania ideology.

      On April 17, 1944, Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler approved the formation of an Albanian Waffen SS Division, which was then subsequently approved by Adolf Hitler. The SS Main Office envisioned an Albanian division of 10,000 troops. The Balli Kombetar, the Albanian Committees, and the Second League of Prizren submitted the names of 11,398 recruits for the division. Of these, 9,275 were adjudged to be suitable for drafting into the Waffen SS. Of this number, 6,491 ethnic Albanians were actually drafted into the Waffen SS. A reinforced battalion of approximately 200-300 ethnic Albanians, the III/Waffen Gebirgsjaeger Regiment 50, serving in the Bosnian Muslim 13th Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Handzar" or "Handschar" were transferred to the newly forming division. To this Albanian core were added veteran German troops from Austria and Volksdeutsche officers, NCOS, and enlisted men. The total strength of the Albanian Waffen SS Division would be 8,500-9,000 men.

      The official designation of the division would be 21. Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg" (Albanische Nr.1). Himmler planned to form a second Albanian division, Albanische Nr. 2. The SS Main Office designed a special arm patch for the division, consisting of a black, double-headed eagle on a red background, the national flag/symbol for Albania. The UCK/KLA/NLA/ANA/LAMBP would have an identical arm patch in their separatist/terrorist war for "greater rights" and "human rights" in the 1998/99 Kosovo conflict and the "insurgency" in Macedonia in 2001.The SS Main Office also designed a strip with the word "Skanderbeg" embroidered across it as well as a gray skullcap with the Totenkopf (Death's Head) insignia of the SS below the Hoheitszeichen (the national symbol of Nazi Germany, consisting of a silver eagle over a Nazi swastika). Josef Fitzhum, the SS leader in Albania, commanded the division during the formation stages. In June, 1944, August Schmidhuber, the SS Stardartenfuehrer in the 7th SS Division "Prinz Eugen", was transferred to command the division. Alfred Graf commanded the division in August and subsequently when the division was reorganized.

      The 21st SS Skanderbeg Division indiscriminately massacred Serbian Orthodox civilians in Kosovo-Metohija, forcing 10,000 Kosovo Serbian Orthodox families to flee Kosovo. Albanian colonists and settlers from northern Albania then took over the lands and homes of the displaced/cleansed Orthodox Serbs. The goal of the Skanderbeg SS division was to create a Serbien frei and Juden frei and Roma frei Kosova, an ethnically pure and homogenous region of Greater Albania. In Illirida, or Western Macedonia, the Skanderbeg SS Division sought to create a Macedonian frei, Orthodox frei, Slavic frei region. The Albanian SS troops played a key role in the Holocaust, the Final Solution to the Jewish Problem, which the sponsor of the Greater Albania ideology, Heinrich Himmler, organized. On May 14, 1944, the Skanderbeg SS Division raided Kosovo Jewish homes and businesses in Pristina. The Albanian SS troops acting as a proxy for the German occupation forces rounded up 281 Kosovo Jews who were subsequently killed at Bergen-Belsen. The Skanderbeg SS Division targeted Macedonian and Serb Christians, Roma, and Jews when the division occupied Tetovo and Skopje and other towns and cities in Western Macedonia. The goal and agenda of the ethnic Albanian Skanderbeg Waffen SS Division was to advance the Greater Albania ideology by deporting and killing the non-Albanian populations of Western Macedonia.

      The Skanderbeg SS Division was formed at a time in the war when Germany was retreating and withdrawing its forces from the Balkans. The Russian Red Army was inflicting severe losses on the German military forces. By November, 1944, the Germans were withdrawing their forces from the Aegean islands and from Greece. At this time, the Skanderbeg Division remnants were reorganized into Regimentgruppe 21. SS Gebirgs "Skanderbeg" when it was transferred to Skopje. The Kampfgruppe "Skanderbeg", in conjunction with the 7th SS Mountain Division "Prinz Eugen", defended the Vardar River valley in Macedonia to allow Alexander Loehr's Army Group E to retreat from Greece and the Aegean. The Vardar Valley was crucial as an escape corridor for the retreating German military forces.

      The Skanderbeg SS Division crossed into Macedonia and occupied Tetovo and Skopje in the early part of September, 1944. The purpose for the occupation was to garrison Macedonia and safeguard the retreat of German troops from Greece and the Aegean peninsula. By 1944, the German forces in the Balkans were in a defensive posture and were focusing their strategic efforts on a well-ordered retreat and withdrawal. The Bulgarian forces and the Italian forces had occupied Macedonia. The Bulgarian army continued to occupy Macedonia and their presence threatened the German retreat. The Skanderbeg SS Division occupied the Skopje and Kumanovo regions of Macedonia and the Preshevo and Bujanovac region of southern Serbia. The German XXI Mountain Corps was based in Tirana. The Germans also had the 181st Infantry Division at Lake Scutari and the 297 Infantry Division at Valona, both based in Albania, to prevent an Allied landing force in the Adriatic. The German XXI Mountain Corps crossed into Macedonia from Tirana, the capital of Albania and moved northward past Debar and the Tetovo and Gostivar area. By October 1, 1944, the 21st SS Division Skanderbeg then occupied Skopje, the capital of Macedonia. The first Regiment of the Skanderbeg Division occupied Tetovo. A Reconnaissance Battalion of Skanderbeg occupied Djakovica while a Signals Battalion occupied Prizen in Kosovo-Metohija. The Skanderbeg SS Division was based in the towns of Tetovo, Skopje, Prizren, Pec, Djakovica, Kosovska Mitrovica, Pristina, and Novi Pazar.

      The SS ideology in forming "volunteer" Waffen SS Divisions of non-German nationalities was that the Waffen SS was advancing the cause of national liberation and national freedom for oppressed/repressed nationalities and aggrieved ethnic minorities. So the Waffen SS perceived itself as a military organization under the leadership of Heinrich Himmler which was made up of national "freedom fighters" advancing the cause of national liberation, freedom, and independence. NATO/US/EU would adopt the identical interventionist/occupation strategy or paradigm in the 1998-1999 Kosovo conflict and the 2001 Macedonian conflict. The policy was divide and conquer. The SS exploited minorities and nationality groups in the various countries they sought to occupy and dismember. These oppressed/repressed national/ethnic groups and minorities were a natural Fifth Column in every country targeted for military occupation. Heinrich Himmler's SS took on the cause of "liberation" and freedom/independence for oppressed/repressed minorities and nationality groups. Foremost amongst the groups for SS sponsorship were the ethnic Albanians in the Balkans and the Palestinians in the Middle East. Indeed, Palestinian national leader Haj Amin el Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, worked closely with Himmler and the SS and supported the Albanian and Bosnian Muslim aspirations to "independence" and separatism from Slavic Orthodox Christian countries. The SS argued that the countries the SS sought to occupy and dismember were "artificial" nations or states. But how is an artificial state to be defined and who was to make the conclusion? Germany itself was an "artificial" state established by Prussian leader Otto von Bismarck through military occupation and annexation. Germany consisted of many ethnic groups and many different religions. Bismarck launched wars against Denmark and Austria-Hungary to dismember those nations and to annex their territory to a Greater Germany. The creation of the artificial German state was through military force, through annexation and occupation, achieved by a Prussian military dictatorship and not through democratic means. Germany was thus itself an "artificial" state achieved through war by the Prussian army. National liberation of oppressed/repressed nationalities and minorities nevertheless remained the ideological basis for the Waffen SS. Later, this identical paradigm would be adopted by NATO/US/EU.

      Heinrich Himmler was buttressed in his support of the Greater Albania ideology by Italian archeological research that purported to show that the Albanian Ghegs were of Aryan/Nordic origin, that they were the herrenmensch, the master race. Himmler planned to establish two ethnic Albanian Waffen SS Divisions but the war ended before this could be accomplished. This is the reason the Skanderbeg SS Division is referred to as the "Albanische Nr.1" in the SS records.

      By January, 1945, remnants of the Skanderbeg Waffen SS Division would retreat to Kosovska Mitrovica in Kosovo and then to Brcko in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The Skanderbeg remnants would reach Austria in May, 1945, when Germany surrendered following the military and political collapse of regime.

      Albanian and German Occupation Forces in Macedonia

      The German occupation forces retained the Albanian civil, political, military, and police control and administration of Western Macedonia. The Albanian national flag was flown, the official language was Albanian, and the Albanian Lek remained the official currency in Illirida. The Germans retained the incorporation of Western Macedonia and Kosovo-Metohija into a Greater Albania. Rejeb Bey Mitrovica, however, was replaced by Fikri Dine as the Prime Minister of the Greater Albanian state occupied by the German Wehrmacht. The Albanian Minister of the Interior was Dzafer Deva. Mustafa Kruja and Mehdi Bey Frasheri also held high positions in the Albanian regime. Ernst Kaltenbrunner, who had replaced Reinhard Heydrich as the leader of the SD, was instrumental in setting up the Albanian Nazi Party, which replaced the Albanian Fascist Party that the Italian authorities had set up previously. Much of the civilian and military administration was exercised by ethnic Albanians during both the Italian and German occupations. In Tetovo, there was a total of 1,500 ethnic Albanian Waffen SS troops, members of the 1st Regiment of the Skanderbeg SS Division. In Gostivar, there were 1,000 Albanian SS troops, while in Struga there were 100, and 900 in Debar. In Kichevo, there were 1,500 Albanian SS troops. The total number of Albanian SS troops in Western Macedonia was 5,000. The Albanians made up the police force in Western Macedonia: In Tetovo, there were 16 members of the police force, in Gostivar 10, in Struga 11, in Debar 16, and in Kichevo, 5. There were a total of 5,500 members of the Balli Kombetar in Macedonia, 2,000 of which were based in Tetovo. There was a total of 250 Albanian gendarme units, or armed police units, in Tetovo. An Albanian Battalion for Security made up of 800 members was based in Tetovo. In addition, there were 80 Albanian finasi troops and border guards. The total number of Albanian police and paramilitary units in Tetovo during the German occupation was 4,646. The German Army only had 450 German troops and three Gestapo agents in Tetovo and a total of 2,180 troops and 34 Gestapo agents in all of Western Macedonia. Instead, the German occupation forces created a proxy army and police staff made up of ethnic Albanians, collaborationists who acted as the proxies for the German military forces. Like the Italian occupation forces had done before them, the German military was able to use the Albanian police and paramilitary forces as a proxy force.

      The German Army used Albanian separatists to create a proxy army of occupation and administration in Tetovo and other cities and towns in Western Macedonia which were annexed to Albania. By furthering and advancing the agenda of the Greater Albania ideology, the German occupation forces ensured that their military occupation of the region would be safeguarded and assured. The German Army in 1998-2001 would play a similar role in the Kosovo and Macedonia conflicts. NATO would pursue an identical policy to that of the Italian/German occupation forces during the 1941-1944 period. The Greater Albania ideology would serve the same purpose again, expediting the military occupation and establishing a proxy army that would act on behalf of the NATO occupation forces. The racist and separatist Greater Albania ideology would be sponsored and furthered by NATO, like it had been by the German/Italian forces, to expedite the occupation and military, economic, and political control and exploitation of first Kosovo-Metohija and then Macedonia.

      Conclusion

      The Greater Albania established by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini from 1941 to 1944 set the historical precedent for establishing an ethnically homogenous Albanian state which would encompass all areas settled by Albanians. The UCK/KLA/NLA/ANA/KPC/LAMPB goal and agenda is to re-establish and re-form Hitler's and Mussolini's Greater Albania. The Albanian nationalist goal, the UCK goal, is Greater Albania. The terrorist insurgency by the UCK, first in Kosovo-Metohija, then in Southern Serbia, and then in Macedonia, ostensibly to obtain "greater rights" and "equal" and "human rights" is in fact a war of territorial occupation and partition. The British Helsinki Human Rights Group (BHHRG) has noted that Tetovo is the focus of the Greater Albania movement which seeks to turn the Slavic Orthodox city into a center or capital of an ethnically pure Albanian district or municipality. The BHHRG stated that the population of Tetovo was 40% Macedonian Orthodox but that there was intense pressure to make the city into an Albanian town, based on the model of Kosovo where the Serbian Orthodox towns and cities were depopulated of non-Albanians creating an ethnically pure and ethnically homogenous Kosova, a de facto "independent" statelet demanding de jure recognition. The BHHRG alleged that Arben Xhaferi of the DPA appointed all local police chiefs in Tetovo. The DPA radicalizes the Albanian population and pressures the Albanian youth to become nationalist and separatist according to the British Helsinki Human Rights Group. The Group further alleges that Albanian youth are being pressured to attend the Albanian-language University of Tetova with a ideological curriculum based on that followed in Tirana and Pristina. The University of Tetova is nothing more than a boot camp for the indoctrination and training for the establishment of a Greater Albania. Xhaferi seeks to repeat in Tetovo what was done in Pristina. According to BHHRG, this compelled and forced separatist and Greater Albania ideological agitation has not met with unanimous approval within the Albanian population in Tetovo: "Not all local Albanians are happy with these developments. During the war some sent their sons to Serbia to prevent their mobilization into the KLA." The BHHRG further alleged that "the regional weapons market is run from Tetovo." Menduh Thaci of the DPA is alleged to control Tetovo's shops and the black market, such as in oil. There is widespread political corruption and collusion with political leaders. The goal of the Albanian policies, according to the BHHRG, is to force Macedonians to leave Tetovo by a "subtle ethnic cleansing." The Christian population is the target of the Greater Albania separatists. The Kosovo model is being repeated in Tetovo, transforming an Orthodox Christian Slavic city into an Islamic Albanian city. Pristina is the blueprint. Kosovo is the model. The ultimate goal or agenda of the UCK separatists/terrorists is the partition/federalization of Western Macedonia, Illirida. Autonomy or de facto partition is the short-term goal. Independence from Macedonia is the long-term goal based on the Kosovo paradigm.

      The UCK seeks to re-establish and re-create the Greater Albania created by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini from 1941 to 1944. History is being repeated and replayed in Macedonia.

      Bibliography

      Ivanov, Pavle Dzeletovic. 21. SS Divizija Skenderbeg. Belgrade, Yugoslavia: Nova Knjiga, 1987. (In Serbian.)

      Kane, Steve. "The 21st SS Mountain Division." Siegrunen: The Waffen-SS in Historical Perspective. Vol.6, 36, October-December, 1984.

      Landwehr, Richard. "The 21. Waffen-Gebirgs Division der SS 'Skanderbeg' (Albanische Nr. 1)." Siegrunen: The Waffen-SS in Historical Perspective. Vol. 6, 36, October-December, 1984.

      Munoz, Antonio. Forgotten Legions: Obscure Combat Formations of the Waffen SS. Boulder, CO: Paladin Press, 1991.

      Stefanovski, Zhivko, and Eftoski, Gojko. Tetovo i Okolinata. Tetovo, Macedonia: Centar za Informiranje i Izdavachka Dejnost "Polog", 1980. (In Macedonian.)

      Vivian, Herbert. The Servian Tragedy. London, UK: Grant Richards, 1904.
      "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
      GOTSE DELCEV

      Comment

      • George S.
        Senior Member
        • Aug 2009
        • 10116

        Confronting Ethnic Cleansing in Tetovo, Macedonia

        Michael Seraphinoff

        July 21, 2002

        click here for a printable version

        The Issue

        The term "ethnic cleansing" first gained widespread usage in the English language by way of Serbo-Croatian during the time of the war in Bosnia following the break up of Yugoslavia in the mid 1990s. It might be defined as a systematic campaign of terror waged by one ethnic group in a region in order to drive out another group that makes its home there.

        The victims of ethnic cleansing in the Balkans belong to nearly every ethnic group, as do the perpetrators. Serbs have ethnically cleansed Bosnian Muslims from villages in eastern Bosnia. Croats have ethnically cleansed Serbs from the Krajina region of Croatia. Albanians have ethnically cleansed Gypsies and Serbs from Kosovo and Macedonians from western Macedonia. Greeks have for over a hundred years been engaged in a campaign of ethnic cleansing of Macedonians from northern Greece. And Macedonians are also responsible for a recent incident of ethnic cleansing, when a Macedonian mob in the central Macedonian town of Bitola burned down the shops and homes of Albanians there in retaliation for the murder of Macedonian soldiers from Bitola by Albanians in the western Macedonian town of Tetovo.

        The fact that members of nearly every ethnic group have at some time victimized their neighbors has provided outsiders with an easy rationale for ignoring desperate pleas for help from individuals and communities under attack. "Those people have always been killing each other" is a mantra that is often used to drown out the cries of the victims.

        For those who choose the lovely simplicity of this response, there is little that one can say or do that would stir them to action on behalf of the victims of ethnic cleansing. It is responses such as this that allowed a ship filled with thousands of Jews to be sent back to Germany from a U.S. port of entry during the height of the Holocaust. This is why 6000 unarmed men in Srebrenica, Bosnia could be slaughtered by Serbian soldiers while U.S. jet fighter planes sat idly nearby in 1995.

        This is why nearly a million people of Rwanda, men, women and children, could be slaughtered by their raging neighbors while the world looked on.

        Yet I know that there are those who would, in the name of justice, bear witness to such crimes against humanity. To them I offer the following documented accounts of the brutal campaign of intimidation and murder of Macedonians in western Macedonia by organized Albanian groups. In the absence of widespread public knowledge and condemnation of the ethnic-based violence committed against these people, their suffering will only serve the aims of their tormentors. It will only serve the forced eviction of the minority ethnic Macedonian community in western Macedonia from ancestral homes in thousand-year-old settlements.

        Background

        The fighting in western Macedonia began as isolated attacks in the early spring of 2001 by armed and uniform wearing Albanian insurgents who claimed that their quarrel was with the government and its forces in Macedonia.

        They also claimed that their goal was to achieve more equal rights for the Albanian minority population of Macedonia. However, in July of 2001 after achieving a sufficient mobilization of the local Albanian population, they began the conquest of territory where the Albanian population formed the majority.

        Western journalists have continued to portray this insurgency as some kind of armed civil rights movement, but the reality on the ground is quite different. The insurgents have, in fact, achieved a permanent occupation of territory through an on-going campaign of ethnic cleansing. It is now clear that in July of 2001 there was a sudden shift in the focus of their movement from conflict with police and army units to systematic terrorization of the civilian ethnic Macedonian minority in the occupied territories.

        Evidence

        One of the first documented cases of such terrorization in occupied western Macedonia occurred on July 8, 2001 in the village of Neproshteno, about 7 miles north of the city of Tetovo. Thirty year old Darko Boshkovski was alone, unarmed and in civilian clothes when he was abducted from his car at a road block near his home that day. He reported that it was about 6:30 in the evening when a group of about 150 men in Albanian National Liberation Army NLA uniforms stopped his car and forced him at gun point to accompany them first to the nearby village of Poroj, and then to Drenovec 2, and finally to the village of Gjermo.

        There he was locked in a horse stall with two horses. He was blindfolded and questioned about his father, a retired policeman who had worked on drug-related crimes, and his possible family connection to Interior Minister Ljube Boshkovski. Then his arms were stretched and bound behind him with a rope that also bent his back to the point where breathing was made difficult. He was then repeatedly beaten over the course of the evening by a series of men, some with fists, others with clubs or shovels. He was also tied to a horse and dragged around the barn and later force fed horse urine and dung.

        About 1:30 in the morning NLA commander Avzi came and told him that they were releasing him. They then took him by car to the city of Tetovo and delivered him to his waiting family, his wife and parents, who had paid a ransom for his release. He was warned not to reveal what had happened to him under the threat of further violence.

        He was later treated for numerous wounds, including serious internal injuries, at the local hospital and later at a sanatorium in Serbia. When his family was finally able to return to their home in the village months later they discovered that their house, shop and outbuildings had all been looted and burned. Darko's automobile, a tractor and all of the goods from their building supply business had been stolen.

        A year later the family remains homeless and destitute. All that they had slowly built up or acquired over the years was gone. And visits to the village or nearby town are made all the more painful by the open presence, after the public amnesty of the rebels, of those who tortured him and destroyed his family's home and livelihood in western Macedonia. It wasn't just the Macedonian authorities and press who were reporting such incidents either. According to a report issued on July 26 by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, their mission human rights specialists found evidence of numerous human rights violations by the rebel NLA forces. Their report on their meeting with three young Macedonian men who were being treated for injuries at the hospital in Tetovo on Friday, July 20, 2001 is typical of what they found during their investigation.

        Although the young men refused to participate in a formal interview, the Mission report states that they were able to learn the following: "These persons appeared extremely fearful of Mission's presence, but ultimately consented to showing their injuries to the investigator. There were chafing marks on their wrists that appeared consistent with their hands being bound. By observing the pattern of the bruises and abrasions, it appeared they had been beaten whilst their hands were bound behind their backs. From the appearance of their injuries, it appeared they had been struck with rifle butts and wooden or metal rods, objects typically associated with the kinds of deep bruising observed on the subjects.

        [One person stated briefly that a particular pattern of injuries had been caused by being struck with a wooden broom handle and a police baton.]

        All had been beaten on the soles of their feet as well as on the back of the legs.

        One had reduced kidney function upon admission, but was improving. These impressions were later confirmed in conversations with the attending doctor. It was also discovered that the 3 young men had attended an engagement party and were standing outside the house of one of them when a car with 3 armed NLA members drove up and accosted them. They were roughed up, blindfolded, and driven to a location where the beating was administered."

        These two incidents were among the first of what soon proved to be a series of abductions and beatings of unarmed individuals or small groups of Macedonian civilians in the western part of the country. By July 23, the OSCE Mission had received credible information that at least 25 people had been abducted at gun point in the Tetovo region. The ethnic cultural basis for these attacks can be seen in the case of Macedonian Orthodox Christian priest Perica Bojkovski. He was first threatened by an Albanian armed group on July 14, 2001. At that time he was pulled out of his car by an armed group that blocked the road at the village of Odri. At that time men dressed in the black uniforms and wearing the insignia of the Albanian NLA beat the priest and told him not to come back to his parish.

        Three weeks later on August 9 Father Bojkovski was stopped again during a visit to one of the mountain villages that were his responsibility. At the time he was riding in a car with Pero Marchevski on the way to the village of Dobroshte. They were both dragged from the car by armed men wearing NLA uniforms. They were taken by car to the village of Djepchishte, where they were put in a barn. There they were questioned about the names of reserve policemen and the location of army and police units in the villages they visited. When their interrogators didn't receive the answers they sought, they began to beat the two men with guns and fists. They also put a gun barrel in the priest's mouth during the interrogation.

        Their captors then drove them to another location in the village where about fifteen young men in civilian clothes awaited them in a cellar.

        This new group continued the beating, which included demands that the priest sing Albanian nationalist songs and the call of the Moslems to worship.

        Eventually the priest lost consciousness and was revived with cold water. When it was discovered that he was coughing up blood, he and his companion were driven back to the village of Dobroshte, where they were again beaten and then released at their car.

        Father Bojkovski was later treated at the Military Hospital in Skopje, where doctors found injuries over the entire length of the priest's body.

        This maltreatment of a cleric who carried no weapons and traveled openly in his religious dress on his priestly duties was clearly intended to intimidate the Christian Macedonians in that parish. It was meant to teach the lesson that no one from their ethnic religious cultural community was safe there any longer. Ethnic cleansing in western Macedonia by organized Albanian armed groups took on a truly mass character on the 23rd of July 2001. At that time the NLA launched a series of attacks on the mixed Macedonian-Albanian villages of Tearce and Neproshteno and the all-Macedonian village of Leshok in direct violation of a cease fire that their leadership had signed on to the preceding week. Poorly armed policemen and a few local reservists tried to defend the villages, but they were overwhelmed by the sudden onslaught of hundreds of heavily armed NLA fighters.

        The NLA soldiers went door to door rousting people from their homes, from the smallest child to the oldest grandmother. Several thousand people were driven out with little or no time to gather any possessions and with little hope that there would be anything to return to later. Long lines of people, many hundreds, were forced to make their way on foot to the nearby Macedonian hamlets of Ratae and Zhilche.

        Some did resist. Men who had invested years of their lives in the creation of a home, and those who could not bring themselves to abandon homesteads and communities with over a thousand years of family history in them. Some defended their homes with guns. Many resisted the invaders until it was clear that they could not win, and then they retreated along with their families.

        Others resisted until they were wounded or killed by the NLA. About a dozen men of Leshok and Neproshteno were wounded that day and one, Gjoko Lazarevski, died from his wounds. He was 30 years old. He had just completed construction of a new home, and he was soon to be married.

        The NLA aggression and ethnic cleansing of Leshok, Gjoko Lazarevski's home village, was among the most indefensible acts of the recent conflict.

        The aggression took place in direct violation of a cease-fire agreement signed by the NLA with NATO mediation. It involved the occupation of a village that had never had a single Albanian inhabitant in its several thousand year history. It resulted in the criminal looting and destruction of the lifelong personal possessions and property of all of the residents.

        The NLA would later, completely outside the military conflict, set explosive charges under the foundation of a Macedonian and world cultural monument in Leshok, a beautiful Orthodox church, first built in the 14th century and expanded into a grand cathedral in the 20th century, reducing the Church of St. Atanasij to a pile of rubble. And one young man who tried to resist this ethnic cleansing was made the ultimate example of what resistance would bring, when he paid with his life.

        The campaign of ethnic cleansing that day also included one of the worst crimes of terror imaginable, the abduction that ends in disappearance of individuals from a community. On July 23, 2001 NLA gunmen abducted 52 year old Cvetko Mihajlovski from a wheat field near his home in the village of Neproshteno. At the same time they took his 37 year old son Vasko, whose wedding had taken place the night before, and an elderly neighbor, 69 year old Krsto Gogovski, from their homes in the same village. They were led at gunpoint in some unknown direction and have never been reliably heard from since.

        That same day 62 year old Dimo Dimoski, who was visiting his wheat field in the neighboring settlement of Djepchishte, was also taken by NLA gunmen.

        And the next day 60 year old Sime Jakimovski was literally taken off the street of a suburb of Tetovo called Drenovec 1. The day after that, July 26, 2001, in that same northern suburb of Tetovo, where some of the most heated fighting between NLA and government troops would occur, 47 year old Gjoko Sinadinovski and 28 year old Bobi Jeftimovski were taken. Elsewhere on that same day the NLA apparently also took 48 year old Ilko Trajchevski and his 25 year old son Vasko Trajchevski. Two weeks later, also in the vicinity of Drenovec, two brothers, 59 year old Slavko and 42 year old Boshko Dimitrievski were taken by the NLA.

        The families and friends of these 12 men have endured over a year of agony-filled uncertainty concerning the fate of their loved ones. NLA commanders claim no knowledge of these men. Swedish Ambassador to Macedonia Lars Wahlund recently headed an international commission to determine the facts of some 20 cases of unsolved abductions during the time of the conflict last year. His commission concluded that NLA commanders probably know the fate of the Macedonians abducted, and Macedonian officials may know the fate of several missing Albanians and a Bulgarian, but no one will reveal what they know.

        Angelina Mihajlovska has waited for over a year for news of her husband Vasko. The day after their wedding she and her husband and most of the guests at their wedding were kidnapped by the NLA. She and some others were released after three days. But there is a rumor that she received her husband's ear and a hand later from local NLA commander Leka. This was said to be in retaliation for Vasko having pulled a gun on Leka when he and his men appeared at their wedding. The commission concluded that it was likely that Leka in particular does know the fate of 8 of the Macedonian men seized in his district of operations in July of 2001. Several bodies exhumed from a site near Neproshteno, according to the commission report may yet prove to be some of the missing. But people like Angelina Mihajlovska have no choice but to continue a campaign of public protest before the public, the government and the international community in Macedonia until the fate of their loved ones is resolved.

        And today they must occasionally pass amnestied NLA leaders such as commander Leka on the streets, men who probably know of their missing men even if they are not directly responsible for their fate.

        During the six month's of the open conflict 15 civilians from the Tetovo region are known to have been killed and many others injured. The dead included Naca and Petar Petrovski, a mother and son whose car hit a land mine set by Albanian rebels on the road between Leshok and Zhilche in mid July of 2001. It also included the particularly gruesome murder of two night custodians at the Hotel Brioni in the village of Chelopek. One night late in August Albanian gunmen appeared at this Macedonian-owned business. They took the two hotel employees present at the time prisoner, named Svetislav Trpkovski and Bogoslav Ilievski. They then mined the premises with explosive charges and blew up the hotel, at the same time killing the two workmen, who they had tied up and left inside the building to die.

        Other grisly crimes committed against Macedonian civilians by armed Albanian groups during this period included the abduction and torture on August 8, 2001 of four construction workers from a site on the Tetovo-Skopje highway.

        These four men, who were later released, reported to authorities that in addition to beatings, they were subjected to sexual abuse by their Albanian captors, and in a final act of barbarism before letting them go, they carved the initials of the rebel group into the living flesh of the backs of their captives with knives.

        Abductions, robberies and brutal beatings of unarmed civilians in the Tetovo region have continued since the open conflict ended in the fall of 2001.

        On the 3rd of November 2001, for example, 32 year old Cane Trpevski was returning to his home in the village of Ratae from Tetovo, where he had gone to pick up his monthly wages, when he was captured by an armed Albanian group. They robbed him and then held him for two days. During that time they beat him over the entire length of his body, while keeping his hands tied and with a feed sack placed over his head. He reported that the worst part of his ordeal had been the fact that during that entire time they had refused to give him a single drop of water to drink.

        Reserve policeman Dushko Simoski received similar treatment as recently as April 14, 2002, when he was taken prisoner by an armed Albanian group in the village of Shemshevo. They also held him bound and blindfolded in a livestock stall, while brutally beating him for over two days, before he was finally released. Of course, active policemen and soldiers of the Macedonian army have suffered their share as well at the hands of Albanian armed groups, but at least their suffering came in the course of their sworn service, for which they are honored today for their sacrifices.

        The continued campaign of terror, death and destruction includes the looting and burning of over thirty churches in the Tetovo region since hostilities began last spring and many hundreds of houses. As recently as this past month the looting and destruction of Macedonian homes continued in outlying villages such as Otunje or Varvara, and even certain Tetovo neighborhoods continue to lose residents who find life unbearable there.

        It also includes the destruction of many Macedonian-owned businesses, thus denying the people their livelihoods. These have included destruction of a textile factory and bakery in the village of Tearce, small shops, restaurants and gas stations in Tetovo, and the infamous destruction of the Brioni Hotel in the village of Chelopek. Of course, many thousands of people were denied their livelihood simply because they did not dare to go to work this past year. Farmers couldn't reach their fields and other workers couldn't drive the roads to various workplaces. And the Popova Shapka major ski center on the picturesque mountain above Tetovo had no tourist season this past year.

        Conclusions

        While the practice of ethnic cleansing is universally condemned as a crime against an entire people, it is rarely ever stopped or reversed once it begins somewhere. The fear and hatred that it creates only serves to accelerate the further division of the ethnic communities. It takes some enormous effort of public will and the expenditure of considerable resources by a society or state or the international community to halt the process.

        Therefore, it is particularly important at this time that Macedonians, inside and outside the country, consider carefully whether they are willing to support their countrymen trapped today in the tragedy of the on-going ethnic cleansing of the Tetovo region. Real security must be reestablished there. Schools, churches, businesses and homes must be rebuilt. Hope for a peaceful and prosperous future there must be restored.

        However, this will only be possible with money and support from outside.

        The Macedonians of Tetovo cannot do it by themselves. And so far they have mainly received only "lip service" from concerned government agencies, including the international community. Far too little help has actually reached them. As a result, Macedonians continue to offer their property for sale in predominantly Albanian areas, with the aim to leave Tetovo and their unhappy memories of recent life there forever behind them.

        This is something that should concern all Macedonians. All who take some pride in the language, the history, the culture, the land and the people, should consider what kind of a Macedonian homeland will remain if the historically Macedonian, resource rich Tetovo region loses its entire Macedonian population and is finally traded off in a "land for peace" arrangement not unlike the one that Israelis and Palestinians are slowly being drawn into. Only a long-term effort by the entire Macedonian community can possibly avert such a disaster from happening. There certainly are things that each of us can do individually, and things that we can do collectively. Victor Bivell has suggested one of the most important of these in his recent article, "Restoring Peace and Prosperity to Macedonia - The Rule of Numbers", where he urges serious consideration of how to facilitate the return of Macedonian emigrees and their off-spring to their homeland. But this must include some serious consideration of how to facilitate return to places such as Tetovo, where Macedonians today understandably look only for ways to escape.

        Michael Seraphinoff July 21, 2002

        Ph.D. Slavic Languages and Macedonian Studies, University of Washington, USA Author of the book, The 19th Century Macedonian Awakening, University Press of America, 1996. Examiner Responsible for Macedonian for the International Baccalaureate Organization, Cardiff, Wales, UK

        Sources for this article:

        OSCE Human Rights Report, July 26, 2001 web posted: realitymacedonia.org.mk

        Dnevnik, "Pogreban Gjoko Lazarevski - branitel na Lesok" 7/31/01 dnevnik.com.mk

        Nova Makedonija, "Teroristite me kidnapiraa, me tepaa i me teraa da pejam kako odja!" 17 Avgust 2001

        Macedonian Information Agency, "Terrorists demolished more than 30 churches and monasteries" web posted October 16, 2001 realitymacedonia.org.mk

        Dnevnik, "They were beating me for two days, without even giving me some water" web posted: November 8, 2001, realitymacedonia.org.mk

        Dnevnik, "Dene sozivot, noke - bez zivot!" 12/02/01 dnevnik.com.mk

        Sitel TV, "All the Civilian Casualties" Saroska, Marina (transl. Ilievska, Aleksandra) web posted: December 11, 2001 realitymacedonia.org.mk

        Dnevnik, "Opustoseno seloto Varvara - Tetovsko" 3/13/02 dnevnik.com.mk

        Vest, "Potresna ispoved na zitel od tetovskoto selo Neprosteno" 4/6/02 vest.com.mk

        Dnevnik, "Nasilstvata na albancite prodolzuvaat", Nikolovski, Dejan. 4/25/02

        Australian Macedonian Weekly, "Restoring Peace and Prosperity to Macedonia - The Rule of Numbers", Bivell, Victor. July 2, 2002

        A1 Vesti, "ONA i MVR ja znaat vistinata za kidnapiranite" 7/8/02 a1.com.mk
        "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
        GOTSE DELCEV

        Comment

        • George S.
          Senior Member
          • Aug 2009
          • 10116

          Musings on the Macedonian Language

          by Odisej Belchevsky

          November, 2003

          If someone were to tell you there are words in the English language (as well as other European languages) that have their roots in Macedonian it might sound unusual and you may not readliy accept the idea.

          After much study, however, I have analyzed some 2000 words and my work indicates they are related to the Macedonian language.

          I have gone back to 1500 BC and confirmed the existence of Macedonian words in Europe's most ancient writings -- The Homeric Poems.

          I have found words with roots in Macedonian that lead to other words. Many are actual language concepts with their structure in Macedonian. They form, or are part of, "families of words." These concepts do not exist in English, German or French, but are found in the so-called Slavonic languages.

          How many are even aware that in 2003 the World Association for Rock Art Inscriptions established Macedonia as having the world's highest number of stone carvings and inscriptions since prehistory?

          As part of my studies I have created a rule for establishing the roots of a word by the use of what I call "functional etymology". In simple terms, most words can be explained by finding their family and related or "sister" words and then searching for their functional meaning in practical life. I have taken a number of years to test this rule and proven it in many instances.

          In official Oxford sources the root of many English words is given as "of unknown" or "obscure" origin. However, by using the Macedonian language some of them can be explained.

          I have talked to linguists about this but usually their comments are evasive as they try to avoid the subject. There is not a single linguist in the Western world I know of that has done any related studies.

          Let me make it clear that I am not talking here of universal words such as radio, tank, television, radar, coffee, laser, etc. I am talking about basic, fundamental words like: water, watch, wade, warden, book, trek, shire, path, meek, divine, odometer, etc. This, of course, is only a tiny example.

          When comparing these words with Macedonian words I had to go back and use the Old English and Old Germanic forms in order to acquire the proper meaning. I discovered that the older form is usually closer to the Macedonian meaning. Let me offer a few examples that explain how we can find the meaning of a word, its family relations, its roots and concepts:

          Water - Wota - Woda - Voda

          Water (Voda) conceptually derives its name because it is a liquid and moves. When we pour it, it takes the lead or moves ahead and creates its own path. By simply observing nature we see that rivers move and flow. These rivers, if large enough, are used as natural paths and roadways.

          In Macedonian this word is important and at the root of the concepts of movement and leading as well as other related words. This is the "key" that unlocks the meaning of many other words and concepts.

          Voda (Water) relates to vodi meaning to lead or to carry.

          From here we have odi - to go, to travel, to move. This contains two fundamental word particles in Macedonian that indicate movement or displacement.

          These are: "od" (from), and "do" (to) and together they create oddo (od + do) that again leads to "odi" meaning to go, to travel, to move. These particles are always used when describing movement, from one point to another.

          Thus we get the following:

          Voda - vadi, vade, navadi, livada (a moist or green pasture).

          Note here the English term "wade" which means to move in water.

          Vodi - to lead

          Vodach - leader

          Voditel - leader

          Vodici - Holy day associated with water

          Vodenje - leading

          Voden, Vodensko, etc., place names of wet regions

          Navodni, navadi - to water

          Uvod - the beginning and summary of a book

          Navod - to bring forward

          Uvedi - to bring into a record


          The Concept of Movement

          The concept of movement has developed from water

          Voda, Vodi = V + Odi

          Odi, ode, ojde, ajde, otide, ide, idi

          I have found the verb form idi (iti) in the Homeric poems dating back to 1500 BC.

          Doide - came

          Sjoide - went

          Po-odi(e)- short walk

          From here we can explain the meanings of many other words, for example:

          Odometer - Odo = to move or go + Meter = to measure. In Macedonian (odomeri).

          In electricity we have terms like, Anode. "An" is old Macedonian word for "Na" (Nad) meaning on or above + ode = go, move. Thus anode is explained as to go above or bring above.

          Cathode - In Macedonian we have k'ti, kutni = bring down, + ode = go, move. Thus cathode is explained as to go down or to bring down.

          Itinerary - has the Macedonian verb Idi (iti) = go, move, travel, as well as the noun Idenje = traveling.

          If we turn briefly to Greek we can see that the Greek language has borrowed from this large family /concept the word -"Odos "- street and "odeo" to travel, mainly found in the Homeric poems. However this concept of movement simply does not exist in Greek, English or many other European languages (Except in the Slavonic languages).

          Unfortunately, the Oxford and Webster authorities have referred to many of these words as "Greek" without any convincing proof as to their roots or families.

          Here is a brief explanation of the remaining English words mentioned here:

          Vardi, Varde - to watch or guard in Macedonian (Warden,Guard in English)

          Bookva, bookvar - Book

          Trk (trka trcha, trkalo) - Trek

          Shirina, shirinka - Shire

          Pat - Path

          Mek, Meko - Meek

          Divina, Divovi - Divine

          In Macedonian "bookvar" is the very first "book" for learning to read and write. The word bookvar is related to a large family of words. This represents the larger concepts of learning and writing.

          Alphabet, Learning, Writing and Science

          Booka (buka) - In Macedonian this is a type of birch tree the bark of which is used to make paper tablets for writing*

          Bukva, Bukvi - the letters of the alphabet

          Bookvar - elementary learning book

          Azbooka = (J)azik (Tongue or Language) + Bukva (Alphabetic Character) - used for reading and writing.

          Nauka, uka - Science of learning, Learning

          Nauchnik - Scientist

          Nauchi, Uchi - to learn

          Uchilishte - school

          Uchitel - teacher

          * In 1992 in Stobi, an ancient archaeological site near Veles, Macedonia, a wood-paged book was discovered along with a bottle for ink and a writing pen. Also in the Homeric Poems of approximately 1500 BC there is mention of the Ancient (Magic) wooden tablets that contained the letters /symbols that "spoke". The writing was done on the wooden surface prepared with natural bees wax and scratched with a solid /metal pen like tool .

          These examples only "scratch the surface" of what I have found, but indicate the Macedonian language may have had an influence on other European languages from early times.

          In the past many unknown inscriptions were dubiously identified as possibly Greek or unknown but, as I mentioned, they can easily be translated with the use of Macedonian and other Slavonic languages. Scholars will have to consider this influence if they want to get a better understanding of the languages in Europe.

          Odisej Belchevsky,
          Macedonian Language Researcher

          You can contact the author at: [email protected]

          All rights in using or propagating this material are strictly reserved by the author
          "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
          GOTSE DELCEV

          Comment

          • George S.
            Senior Member
            • Aug 2009
            • 10116

            From Anthony Ambrozic, B.A., L.L., B.

            Dear Friends,

            I am sending you a copy of my paper presented to the international conference on “Traces of European History,” held in Ljubljana last month. Since its discovery some thirty years ago, the so-called Tavola da Este inscription has baffled linguists. Foremost of these, Anna Marinetti, in spite of her excellent transcription of lettering on the damaged artifact, has been completely stumped. Her customary approach via comparisons to the Greek and Latin again brought no tangible results.

            As soon as I received her transcription through the good offices of Giancarlo Tomezzoli from Munich, I knew that translation by means of the Slovene, both dialectal and literary, could be the only resolution. Building on the interest expressed for the material presented to the two conferences last year, the Slovene World Congress this year again organized two conferences – one in Kobarid in the spring and a fall conference in Ljubljana. I am pleased to have been given the opportunity to present two papers this year.

            One of the luminaries presenting a paper at Kovarid was Mario Alinei, Dean Emeritus of the University of Utrecht and director of several linguistic reviews. He is the progenitor of the Theory of Continuity, providing incontrovertible evidence that Indo-Europeans have lived in Europe basically in the same territories they occupy today ever since the Stone Age. For our purposes, I quote just two of the more poignant statements from his works:

            “I have to commence by clearing away one of the most absurd consequences of the traditional chronology, namely, that of the ‘arrival’ of the Slavs into the immense area in which they now live. The only logical conclusion can be that the southern branch of the Slavs is the oldest and that from it developed the Slavic western and eastern branches…. Today only a minority of experts support the theory of a late migration for the Slavs… .”
            To put the foregoing into somewhat broader perspective, I enclose a brief sketch of Alinei’s Theory in its relationship to the Indo-European beginnings.

            THE “TAVOLA DA ESTE” INSCRIPTION

            Anthony Ambrozic, Giancarlo Tomezzoli

            click here to view the inscription

            Web Posted January, 2004

            Abstract

            A division, translation, linguistic examination, and evaluation of the Tavola da Este inscription is presented. It appears that the artifact’s votive character may have served as a prayer formula at a religious site in the vicinity of Padua.

            Dated from the period between the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 4th century BC (~ 400 BC), the thin plate of bronze (23.5 x 29 cm.) – see Fig. 1 – was discovered in the 1970’s during excavations for the reconstruction of The Civic Hospital of Este, Veneto (Italy). Now stored at the Museo Nazionale Atestino at Este, the cylindrical man-made artifact is estimated to be only half of the original size. According to A. Marinetti [1], whose transcription shall be used in deciphering, division and translation, the alphabet employed, as well as the artifact, came to Este from the area of Padua, seemingly at a time when the writing on it was no longer understood. It appears that the bronze plate was cut up for eventual reuse.

            Before we proceed with the division and translation of the inscription, which was written in continuo, we wish to state that we are in total awe of the absolute professionalism and astuteness of judgment of A. Marinetti in her transcriptional work. Passage after passage of the translated lines bears out the accuracy of her transcription.

            Ancient inscribers unquestionably faced logistical handicaps the elimination of which over time we smugly have no conception of in our overregulated, overparsed conformity. They overcame them, often with no guidelines to go by, by ingenious adaptations. Some such peculiarities, such as the omission of the U-sound at the end of participles, will be pointed out as they arise. Another phenomenon is betatism. We also often encounter akanje (akanye), which is a tendency to substitute an A-sound for a short O of today. Also occurring frequently is the bare E which is now invariably preceded by a J to form JE (pr. YE as in yellow) for “is, it is”, cf. also [2,3].

            In any event, also considering the punctuation, it appears that there are no hard and fast rules for this and other ancient scripts.

            LINE ONE

            Marinetti’s Transcription

            1 ]o.m.kutetiiariqore.s.va.cso.n. q-[------------------(-----)]imo.i.s.toqi-[--]e : ne.i.j a.r.o.-[

            1 ]omkudediaritoresvagsont-[ ]imoisdoti-[]e neibaro-[

            Our Division:

            [ ]om KUD E DIARITOR E SVAGS ON t-[ ] imoisdoti – [ ]e NEI BARO – [ ]

            Pronunciational Guide and Punctuation

            [ ]om KUD JE DJARITOR JE SVAGS(T) ON t-[ ] imoisdoti – [ ]e NEJ VARO(U) –[ ]

            Sln. Lit. Translation:

            [ ]om KJER JE DARITELJ JE ZVAGAN ON t-[ ] imoisdoti – [ ]e NAJ VAROVAL –[ ]

            Eng. Translation:

            [ ]om WHERE THE OFFEROR IS JUDGED t-[ ] imoisdoti – [ ]e LET BE PROTECTED –[ ]

            Commentary:

            KUD, also KUDA, is Sc. For “where”. The lit. Sln. Is KOD.

            The etymology of DIARITOR is derived from DAR – “gift, present, donation”. However, here the votive context is obvious and the word’s similarity to the Sln. DARITEV – “sacrifice” is unambiguous. The translation really calls for ZHRTVOVALEC in Sln. and “sacrificer” in Eng. In form DARITELJ – “giver, donor” (pr. DARITEL) is closer to the original and does not provoke an etymological analysis which the Sln. ZHRTEV would, on account of its inherent meaning containing all the three components of the ancient ritualistic sacrifice, namely, that of the “VICTIM” (of a victory), being victimized by being “SACRIFICED” (lit. in L. “made holy”) and then consumed (Sln. “pozhrt – Eng. “devoured”) at a ritualistic meal.

            SVAGS is a composition of the Sln. Prefix S – “with, by, at” and VAGS, an adj. form of VAGA (inf. VAGATI) – “balance, scale (of justice and weight)”, i.e. figuratively, “judgment”. Vide VAGTAIE in inscription M-01a, p. 29, GKU-AA.

            NEI is a dial. Sln. counterpart of the literary Sln. NAJ – “let it, let it be that”. It appears as NEY in the inscription W-010 on p. 8 of GKU-AA; as NAI in the inscription III, p.9, GKU-AA; and lastly, as NII (ikanje) in inscription XV, p. 25, ATB-AA and in inscription II, p. 7, Appendix C, GKU-AA

            BARO exhibits the phenomenon of betatism, an exchange among letters B, V and P. These share a similarity of sound originating in the labial area of the mouth. The original Venetic alphabet reflected this exchange by having the same symbol for both B and V. In respect to BARO [VARO(U) in dial. Sln.], another adaptive feature is the U-sound. It is quite often omitted. It is never inscribed at the end of participles. However, it is not improbable that it was not sounded at all. Today’s Croatian vernacular of Dalmatia and Lika invariably omit it. As a result, we encounter verbs in a transitive, iterative, uncompleted-action form in instances where today’s Sln. calls for an intransitive verb.

            The very dial. Sln. VARO(U) (its lit Sln. counterpart being VARUJE) derives from the inf. VARATI which in its archaic origin meant “to protect, to watch over”. Vide VAR in two separate inscriptions on pp. 55 and 66, GKU-AA, VARA in inscription M-04, p. 27, GKU-AA, and the grammatical dual VORETO in the inscription XXXVIII, p. 60, ATB-AA.

            Word and Meaning Comparison

            Venetic Text

            Meaning

            Sln.

            Meaning

            KUD (Sc.)

            where

            KÓD

            where

            E

            is

            JE

            is

            DIARITOR

            offeror, sacrificer

            DARITELJ

            giver, donor




            (pr. DARITEL)



            DARITEV

            sacrifice
            SVAGS

            judged

            ZVAGAN

            weighed, balanced

            ON

            he

            ON

            he

            NEI

            let, let it be

            NEJ (dial.)

            let, let it be




            NAJ (lit.)
            BARO

            protect

            VARUOU (dial.)

            protect.




            VAROVAL (lit.)



            (pr. VAROVAU)
            LINE TWO

            Marinetti’s Transcription:

            2 ]-orecno.s.e.kvo.[-].jo.s.mo.1.qevejose.i.vito :X:ve.r.te.o.s.tiiariqo.r.jo.s.tane.i.v[-]-

            a.q.qaplanam[

            2 ]-oregnosekvo[i]bosmolteveboseivido :X:verdeosdiaritorbosdaneiv[-]-attaplanam[

            Our Division:

            [ ] OR E GNO SE K VO I BOS MOLTEV E BO SE I VIDO :X: VER DE OS

            DIARITOR BOS DA NEI V ATTAPLANAM –[ ]

            Pronunciational Guide and Punctuation:

            [ ] OR JE GNO(U) SE K¶ VO I VOS MOLTEV JE BO SE I VIDO(U) :X: VER DJE

            OS DIARITOR VOS DA NEI V (P)ATAPLANAM –[ ]

            Sln. Lit. Translation (strained):

            [ ] DARITELJ JE GNAL SE KO V VSO MOLITEV SE BO VIDEL TUDI BOG. BOG

            VERI, DA JE OSTAL DARITELJ VES, DA NIV POTOPLJENJU-[ ]

            Sln. Lit. Translation (looser):

            [ ] DARITELJ JE GNAL SE, DA TUDI V VSEJ MOLITVI SE BO VIDEL TUDI BOG.

            BOG VERI, DA OSTANE DARITEL CEL, DA NIV POTOPLJENJU-[ ]

            Eng. Translation:

            [ ] THE OFFEROR HAS STRIVEN THAT IN ALL HIS PRAYER SHALL BE SEEN

            ALSO GOD. GOD, BE RELIABLE IN THAT THE OFFEROR REMAINS UNHARMED,

            THAT HE NOT (END UP) IN DROWNING [ ]

            Commentary:

            -OR is very likely the suffix of DIARITOR, not only because of the context, but also because no other word in the text ends with –OR;

            E is the aux. to the reflex. GNO SE, the three together to mean “pushed himself to, strived”, the subject being DIARITOR.

            K is the dial. Sln. K¶ - “would it that, so that”. Vide inscription P-03, p.23 and inscription M-01b, p. 32, GKU-AA.

            Still extant in Mac. and Rus., VO is the counterpart of the lit. Sln. V – “in, into, at”.

            Much encountered in the Slavenetic inscriptions from ancient Gaul, the Sc. I – “and “ by its repeated use to the point of a fixation in the text, here has the meaning of “also” rather than “and”.

            BOS is a very dial. Sln. VOS – “all, whole”. It is seen as VAS in the “Spada di Verona” inscription, p. 111, GKU-AA. Its contemporary colloquial equivalent is V¶S as well as VAS.

            The Eng. word whole means “sound, healthy, uninjured”. It has equivalence of meaning in the Sln. CEL – “whole, all” which in the inf. CELITI – “to heal, to cure” or prefixed ZA-CEL-JEN – “healed, cured” reflects the unbrokeness of body as being “whole”.

            The contemporary Sln. fut. tense has shed the additional aux. JE, but in E VO SE (-JE BO SE – “shall be”), we still encounter both the present and future tense forms of aux. BITI –“to be”.

            MOLTEV is readily recognizable in today’s Lit. Sln. MOLITEV – “prayer”

            VIDO is the dial. Sln. participial VIDO(U) of the lit. Sln. VIDEL (pr. VIDE(U)) – “seen”.

            The context of the text predicates the symbolic representation of :X: to be for a deity. Not only does the sentence before the symbol end with it (omega), but the next sentence begins with it (alpha). We see an almost Hebraic reluctance to write the personal name of God. There is no such scrupulousness in other Slavic passages treated so far. Gods Sosin, Velis, Mithras, Ates and godess Kubeleya are quite openly named. Are the four dots on each side of the symbol to represent a cultic Tetragrammaton?

            Who, then, is our offeror to stand out so staunchly to guard his God from the rest of the words in the text, as if from a contamination? That he is a seafarer is clear by his plea for protection against (P)ATAPLANAM – “drowning” and mirrored in KOMP – “boat”, VALGAM – “waves” and KERMENOS – “helmsman” (see later). To what distant eastern ports does he ply his trade?

            VER (lit. Sln. VERI) is the dial. Sln. imp. of inf. VERITI – “to make reliable, trustworthy”.

            DE (D¶JE and DJE) is a common colloquial contraction of DA JE - << that he/she/it is >>. The JE portion of it serves as aux. verb to OS – “remain”. Already encountered in several inscriptions from ancient Gaul and Anatolia, OS remained unaltered regardless of tense, mood or voice called for.

            DA – “that, so that” is here encountered, probably because the word that follows it, i.e. NEI, starts with a consonant, and retaining the vowel A in DA makes for a more balanced cadence in speech.

            NEI is the dial. Sln. NEJ – “not, is not” for the lit. NI.

            V is the lit. Sln. “in, into, at”. We do not know whether an O or possibly an A followed it. The meaning, however, is clear.

            -ATTAPLANAM is missing a letter at the front. By going through the alphabet the only candidate that fits is the letter P. This renders the word as the very akn. form of PATAPLANAM which can readily be identified in the contemporary lit. Sln. POTOPLJENJEM – “drowning”. This construction draws support from VALGAM – “waves” and KERMENOS – “helmsman” and KOMP – “boat, raft”.

            Word and Meaning Comparison

            Venetic Text

            Meaning

            Sln.

            Meaning

            (DIARIT)OR

            offeror, sacrificer

            DARITELJ

            giver, donor




            (pr. DARITEL)
            E (aux.)

            is, did

            JE (aux.)

            is, did

            GNO SE (reflex.)

            strived

            GNAL SE

            pushed himself




            (pr. GNAU)

            strived



            (dial.) GNOU SE
            K

            that, so that



            that, so that

            VO

            in, into

            V

            in, into

            BOS

            all, whole

            VES (lit.)

            all, whole




            VAS, V¶S (dial.)
            MOLTEV

            prayer, plea

            MOLITEV

            prayer

            E BO SE

            shall be, will be

            BO SE

            shall be, will be

            I

            also

            IN

            and, also

            VIDO

            seen

            VIDEL (pr. VIDEU)

            seen




            (dial.) VIDU
            VER

            make it trustworthy

            VERI

            make trustworthy


            reliable

            VER (dial.)

            reliable

            DE

            that he/she/it is

            D¶JE, DJE (dial.)

            that he/she/it is

            DIARITOR

            vide supra


            BOS

            vide supra


            DA

            that, so that

            DA

            that, so that

            NEI

            not, is not

            NI (lit.)

            not, is not




            NEJ (dial.)
            V

            in into

            V

            in, into

            -ATTAPLANAM

            drowning

            POTOPLJENJEM

            drowning.




            (pr. dial. POTOPLENEM
            LINE THREE

            Marinetti’s Transcription:

            3 ]eqa.i.io.n.va.l.ca.m.qo.om.mni.o.peto.n. : .e.lokvi.l.lo.s.to.u.ka.i.periko.n.voni.n.ko.m.pro .i.vo.s.[

            3 ]etai(i)onvalgamtoom(m)niopedon : elokvillosdoukaiperikonvoninkomproivos[

            Our Division:

            [ ] E TAI I ON VALGAM TOOM M NIO PEDON : E LOK VIL L OS DOUKAJ PERIKON VONIN KOMP PROIV OS [ ]

            Pronunciational Guide and Punctuation:

            [ ] JE TAJ I ON VALGAM TOUOM M¶ NJOU PEDON : JE LOK VIL L¶ OS DOUKAJ PERIKON VONIN KOMP PROJV OS [ ]

            Sln. Lit. Translation (strained):

            [ ] JE TA IN ONI VALOVOM S TELESOM MI NJOJ U PEST ; JE LOK LE NAVIT OSTAL DOKAJ KOT NAPERJEN PRAV JE DUŠIN BROD OSTAL [ ]

            Sln. Lit. Translation (looser):

            [ ] JE SLEHERNI S TELESOM VALOVOM NJEJ (arch.) V PEST ; LE NAJ JE LOK OSTAL NAVIT DOKAJ KOT NAPERJEN V PRAVO SMER JE DUŠIN BROD [ ]

            Eng. Translation:

            [ ] HER BEING AND HIS THE WAVES AWAIT INTO THEIR CLUTCHING GRASP ; MAY THE BOW REMAIN UNDRAWN MUCH AS POINTED STRAIGHT – ARROW REMAINS THE SOUL’S RAFT [ ]

            Commentary:

            The Sc. TAJ has the Sln. counterpart in TA – “this”.

            ON is lit. Sln. for “he”.

            VALGAM – “to the waves” has a fem., pl., dat. case that predicates the nom. sing. to be VALGA. It is no coincidence that the Russian river VOLGA is pronounced in Rus. as VALGA.

            TOOM – “with the body” omits the U one would expect between the two Os. We encounter the word as TOVO in inscription G-02, p. 45, GKU-AA and as TOBO in the Plumergat Stele inscription from Armorica (vide App. E, GKU-AA).

            M is the dial. Sln. M¶ - “to me” and an example of the use of pers. pronouns for purposes of emphasis.

            NIO (NJO) is fem., sing. acc. of ONA – “she”. Here it presents a grammatical dilemma in that it is not governed by VALGAM because VALGAM is pl. and dat.. The only way it could refer to VALGAM is by an implied VODA – “water” surfing in the thought process of the inscriber’s mind. An alternative explanation could be that there were other words, now lost to us, preceding E TAI containing a fem. noun to which NIO referred.

            In respect to NIO, another facet is that the context of the passage at hand argues for a diphtonged NIOU, the U ushering the word that follows, PEDON, with a preposition. We have encountered such an omitted U in BARO, GNO and VIDO.

            Literally meaning “into the (measure of a) span”, U PEDON conjures up the image of an outstretched hand or claw, ready to pounce.

            E, JE is here aux. to VIL.

            LOK is lit. Sln. – “bow”.

            VIL is p.p. of inf. VITI – “to wind”.

            PROIV => straight, just, right => PRAV => straight, just, right

            OS => remains => OSTANE => remains

            LINE FOUR

            Marinetti’s Transcription:

            4 ]i.me.r.ketaq--[-]-u.qe.i.tekome.i.tiie.i.kva.n.venev[?]i.s.pa.i.verokeno.n.[

            4 ]imerkedat--[-]-uteidekomeidieikvanvenev[?]ispaiverokenon[

            Our Division:

            [ ] IM ER KE DAT ---(-) [-] U TEI DE KOMEI DIEI K VAN VENEV [?] I SPAI VERO K E N ON [ ]

            Pronunciational Guide and Punctuation:

            [ ] JIM JER KE DAT ---(-) [-] U TEJ D¶JE KOMEJ ZHE K¶ VAN VENEV [?] I SPAJ VERO(U) K¶ JE N¶ ON [ ]

            Sln. Lit. Translation:

            [ ] KER JIM TJA DATI ---(-) [-] V TEJ DA JE KOMAJ ZHE KO VEN VENEL (ODCVETEL) [?] IN V SPANJU VERIL DA NAJ JE ON [ ]

            Eng. Translation:

            [ ] BECAUSE THERE TO GIVE THEM ---(-) [-] IN THIS THAT HE NO SOONER WITHERED OUT THAN [?] AND SLEEPING SEEN TO IT THAT HE [ ]

            Commentary:

            For another instance of IM (JIM) – “them, to them” see IM in inscription B-01, p. 52 GKU-AA

            ER (JER) is an arch. form of today’s lit. Sln. KER – “because”. Vide ER in inscription I p. 59, GKU-AA and inscription XXII, p. 33, ATB-AA.

            KE – “there”. Vide KEDOKEY in inscription W-01b, p. 17, GKU-AA

            DAT is still the Sln. colloquial usage for the lit. Sln. inf. DATI – “to give”.

            U – “in, into” is still the colloquial-speech counterpart of the lit. Sln. V – “in, into”.

            TEI (TEJ) – “to, to this one” is an arch. form for the fem. sing. dat. case of ONA – “she”, the preposition U preceding TEI predicating the dat. case. Vide TEJ in inscription XXXIV, p. 53, ATB-AA and in inscription W-01b, p. 17, GKU-AA.

            DE (D¶JE and DJE) is a common colloquial contraction of DA JE – “that he/she/it is”.

            KOMEI is the dial. Sln. for the lit. Sln. KÓMAJ – “scarcely, hardly”.

            DIEI is a sound approximation of the dial. Sln. ZHEJ – “already, yet, as early as”. Due to the lack of diacritics, the ancients coined as best they could.

            The second L is for the dial. Sln. L¶ - “let it, may it be that”.

            OS, see OS under Commentary for Line Two.

            DOUKAI – “much as, rather as” is the arch. diphtonged for of today’s DOKÁJ – “much, a good many, rather”

            PERKON – “aimed, pointed at” has a contemporary lit. Sln. prefixed counterpart in (NA)PERJEN – “aimed, pointed at”.

            VONIN – “of the soul, of the spirit” is an adjectivized VON – “soul, spirit” encountered in inscription III of App. C, p. 8 of GKU-AA and in inscription IV, p. 92, GKU-AA.

            KOMP – “boat, raft” and PROJV – “straight, just right” for today’s PRAV with the same meaning exhibit the phenomenon of “conecutive same-sound letter reduction” seen in passages Dd-102, G-144, G-229, M-01b, M-02, W-08 and B01. Vide p. 114 GKU-AA for a fuller explanation.

            For OS, see OS supra.

            Word and Meaning Comparison

            Venetic Text

            Meaning

            Sln.

            Meaning

            E

            is

            JE

            is

            TAI (Sc.)

            this

            TA

            this

            I

            and

            IN

            and

            ON

            he

            ON

            he

            VALGAM

            to the waves

            VALOVOM

            to the waves

            TOOM

            with the body

            TELOM (dial.)





            TELES OM (lit.)



            T¶UOM (dial.)
            M

            to me

            M¶ (dial.)

            to me


            (emphasis)

            MI (lit.)

            (emphasis)

            MIO

            her

            NJO (lit.)

            her




            NJOU (dial.)
            PEDON

            grasp, fist

            PED

            span




            PEDENJ

            (measure from



            (pr. PEDEN)

            the index to the last finger)
            E (aux.)

            is, did

            JE (aux.)

            is, did

            LOK

            bow

            LOK

            bow

            VIL

            wound

            (NA) VIL

            wound

            OS

            remain

            OSTANE

            remain

            DOUKAI

            much as, rather as

            DOKAJ

            much as, a good




            many, rather
            PERIKON

            aimed, pointing at

            (NA)PERJEN

            aimed, pointing at

            VONIN

            of the soul

            VONJEN

            scented, aromatic




            smelling
            KOMP

            boat, raft

            KOMP, KOMPA

            boat, raft




            (Iterative, Enumeration)
            SPAJ

            sleeping

            SPAJE

            sleeping




            (obsolescent)



            V SPANJU
            VERO

            made reliable, trustworthy

            VERIL (VERIV)

            saw to it that it be




            reliable, trustworthy
            K

            that, so that

            K¶ (dial.)

            that, so that




            KO (lit.)
            E

            he/she/it is

            JE

            he, she, it is

            N

            let, may, may it happen

            N¶ (dial.)

            let, may it happen

            that that
            ON

            he

            ON

            he.

            LINE FIVE

            Marinetti’s transcription:

            5 ]preke.r.e.s.t[----]-o.1.qevejo.s.e.i.po.i.krivine.a.:\:ti.a[

            5 ]-rekeresd[----]-olteveboseipoikrivinea.: \ : dia[

            Our Division:

            [ ] REK E RES D [-------(--)] –OLTEV E BO SE I POI KRIV I NEA :X: dia [ ]

            Pronunciational Guide and Punctuation:

            [ ] REK JE RAJŠ D¶ [-------(--)] –OLTEV JE BO SE I POJ KRIV I NEJA :X: dia [ ]

            Sln. Lit. Translation:

            [ ] JE REK RAJŠI DA [-------(--)] (M)OLITEV SE NE BO POTEM TUDI KRIVA :X: dja [ ]

            Eng. Translation:

            [ ] TO SAY RATHER THAT [-------](--)] THE PRAYER SHALL THEN NOT BE ALSO FALSE; DIA [ ]

            Commentary:

            REK – “to say” appears to be an arch. inf. of today’s dial. Sln. REKTI – “to say”.

            RES is the Venetic counterpart of today’s dial. Sln. REJŠ and lit. Sln. RAJŠI, both meaning – “rather, better, sooner”.

            D is the dial. Sln. D¶ for the lit. Sln. DA – “that, so that”.

            Undoubtedly MOLTEV is an arch. form for the present day MOLITEV – “prayer”.

            K is dial. Sln. K¶ for the lit. Sln. KO – “when, as”. KOMEI DIEI K is today’s idiom KOMAJ ZHE KO – “no sooner than”.

            VAN is the Venetic counterpart for the contemporary dial. Sln. VAN and V¶N and the lit. Sln. VEN, all meaning – “out”.

            VENEV is an exact sound replica of the lit. Sln. VENEL (pr. VENEV) – “withered, faded”.

            I for – “and”. Even though standing alone I is Sc. for – “and”; Sln. also employs it as I …I in instances of iterative enumeration.

            SPAI is a Sln. dial. gerund of the inf. SPATI – “to sleep”. However, the contemporary use of SPAJE – “sleeping” is obsolete and generally replaced by V SPANJU – “in one’s sleep”.

            VERO is p.p. of inf. VERITI – “to make reliable, trustworthy”.

            K is for the dial. Sln. K¶ - “that, so that”.

            E is for JE – “he/she/it is”.

            N is for the very dial. Sln. N¶ - “let, may, may it happen that”. Vide N in inscription G-136, p. 10 GKU-AA.

            ON encountered above is for the lit. Sln. ON – “he”.

            Word and Meaning Comparison

            Venetic Text

            Meaning

            Sln.

            Meaning

            IM

            to them

            JIM

            to them

            ER

            because

            JER (dial.)

            because




            KER (lit.)
            KE

            there

            DE (dial.)

            there




            TJA (lit.)
            DAT

            to give

            DAT (dial.)

            to give




            DATI (lit.)
            U

            in, into

            U, also V

            in, into

            TEI

            to this one

            TEJ (dial.)

            to this one




            TI (lit.)
            DE

            that he/she/it is

            D¶JE, DJE

            that he/she/it is




            (both dial.)
            KOMEI

            scarcely, hardly

            KOMEJ (dial.)

            scarcely, hardly




            KOMAJ (lit.)
            DIEI

            already, yet, as early as

            ZHEJ (dial.)

            already, yet,




            ZHE (lit.)

            as early as
            K

            when, as, that

            K¶ (dial.)

            when as, that




            KO (lit.)
            KOMEI DEI K

            no sooner than

            KOMAJ ZHE KO

            no sooner than

            VAN

            out

            V¶N, VAN (dial.)

            out




            VEN (lit.)
            VENEV

            withered, faded

            VENEL (pr. VENEV)

            withered, faded

            I

            (Sc.) and

            IN

            and

            E BO SE I – “will also be” is the contemporary JE BO SE IN, BO SE TUDI. See E BO SE I under Line Two.

            POI is still the adv. dial. Sln. (Gor.; RACNA) form POJ for the contemporary lit. Sln. POTEM – “then”.

            KRIV is still the form of today’s lit. Sln. KRIV which has meanings ranging from “guilty, culpable, false” on one side to “curved, crooked, distorted, bent” on the other. When it comes to expressions of moral and religious judgement, it is the former group that is relevant and especially in the meaning of “false”. This can be seen in such expressions as KRIVA PRISEGA – “false oath”. PO KRIVEM – “falsely”, KRIVI BOGOVI – “false gods”, KRIV PREROK – “false prophet”, KRIVA VERA – “false belief, heresy”. Accordingly, since KRIV in the text at hand relates to (M)OLTEV – “prayer”, we are compelled to render KRIV as – “false”.

            Word and Meaning Comparison

            Venetic Test

            Meaning

            Sln.

            Meaning

            REK

            to say

            REKTI (dial. arch.)

            to say




            RECI (lit.)
            E

            is, it is

            JE

            is, it is

            RES

            rather

            REJŠ (dial.)

            rather




            RAJŠI (dial.)

            sooner
            D

            that, so that

            D¶ (dial.)

            that, so that




            DA (lit.)
            MOLTEV

            prayer

            MOLITEV

            prayer

            E BO SE I

            will also be

            (JE) BO SE IN

            will also be




            (strained)



            SE BO TUDI
            POI

            then

            POJ (dial.)

            then




            POTEM (lit.)
            KRIV

            false

            KRIV

            guilty, culpable,




            false; crooked,



            bent
            NEA

            is not

            NIJE (Sc.)

            is not.

            LINE SIX

            Marinetti’s Transcription:

            6 ].s.toqikelut[-----]-niqa[--]okv-ker.me.n.oso.n.mo.l[

            6 ]sdotikelud[-----]nita[--]okv-kermen-sonmol[

            Our Division:

            Due to its truncated state, it would be a chancy endeavor to place a definitive value on most of what is left of Line Six. The only word that comes out clearly is KERMENOS. This is an arch. form of today’s lit. Sln. KORMANUŠ – “helmsman”. The more frequent usage now is KRMAR from KRMA – “the stern (part of a boat)”. It would also be noted that A. Marinetti in the second version of the transcription [1] erroneously omits the letter O in KERMENOS which comes out quite clearly in the inscription.

            Reflection

            As already stated, we are indebted to Anna Marinetti for her excellent transcription. And this of an artifact that would not divulge its symbols even to photography. Her finding that the Venetic language is Indo-European of relative transparency in respect to morphology, lexicon, and syntax is also born out by the above translation.

            Her further conclusion, on p. 419, that it is also tightly tied to Latin (“e anche strettamente legata (lingua) al Latino”), however, is unfortunate. It causes her to deduce by means of the Latin that the inscription has to do with “spatial” matters and has reference to animals (“ekvo(i)vos, moltevebos, elokvillos” – p. 420). Apparently, the similarity of the first of the above beasts to the Latin “equus” (horse) has induced her to this claim.

            As a result, she argues that the inscription served a civic function, was of a possibly contractual nature, containing a juridical (notarial) disposition in respect to boundaries, real estate, and usufructs in relation thereto.

            In view of our indebtedness for her fine transcription, we take no pleasure in having disproven her conclusions by the above translation.

            Conclusion

            It appears that the artifact’s votive character may have served as a prayer formula at a religious site in the vicinity of Padua. Being only some 20 miles from the Venetian Lagoon, Padua was at the center of the river systems that drain into the lagoon and into the Gulf of Venice. The prayer was structured for the mariner supplicants. The enigma of the çXç symbol in the inscription likely indicates an option as to which individual deity the supplicants plea was to have been addressed.

            Bibliography

            1. Marinetti A., Venetico 1976 – 1996. Acquisizioni e prospettive, in Protostoria e Storia del ‘Venetorum Angulus’, Atti del XX Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici, Portogruaro – Quarto D’Altino – Este – Adria, 16-19 Ottobre 1996, Istituti Editoriali Poligrafici Internazionali, Pisa – Roma, 1999, ISBN 88-8147-169-8;

            2. Ambrozic. A., Etymological Parallelism in Inscriptions, Tribal Names, Toponyms, Hydronyms, and Word Compounding from Ancient Gaul, Proceedings of the First International Topical Conference “The Veneti within the Ethnogenesis of the Central-European Population”, September 17-18, 2001 Ljubljana; Zaloznistvo Jutro, Ljubljana 2002.

            3. Ambrozic A., Gordian Knot Unbound, Cythera Press, Toronto, 2002;

            4. Ambozic A., Adieu to Brittany: a transcription and translation of Venetic passages and toponyms, Cythera Press, Toronto, 1999;

            5. Tomezzoli G., Cudinov V. A., The “Spada di Verona”, Proceedings of the Conference “Ancient Settlers of Central Europe”, September 28, 2002, Ljubljana; Zaloznistvo Jutro, Ljubljana 2003.

            Povzetek

            => Napis “Tavola da Esta”

            Predstavljena je delitev, prevod, jezikoslovna raziskava in ovrednotenje napisa Tavola da Este. Videti je, da je predmet votivnega znacaja in da je sluzil kot molitveni obrazec v nekem svetiscu v blizini Padove.

            Abbreviations

            acc.

            Accusative

            fut.

            Future Tense

            p., pp.

            Page(s)

            adj.

            Adjective

            gen.

            Genitive

            pers.

            Personal

            adv.

            Adverb

            imp.

            Imperative

            pl.

            Plural

            akn.

            Akanje

            inf.

            Infinitive

            pr.

            Pronounce

            arch.

            Archaic

            L.

            Latin

            p.p.

            Past Participle

            aux.

            Auxiliary Verb

            lit.

            Literary

            reflex

            Reflexive

            dat.

            Dative

            Mac.

            Macedonian

            Rus.

            Russian

            dial.

            Dialectal

            masc.

            Masculine

            SC.

            Serbo – Croatian

            Eng.

            English

            nom.

            Nominative

            sing.

            Singular

            fem.

            Feminine

            O.Phr.

            Old Phrygian

            Sln.

            Slovenian



            Source URL: http://www.maknews.com/html/articles/ambrozic.html
            "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
            GOTSE DELCEV

            Comment

            • George S.
              Senior Member
              • Aug 2009
              • 10116

              assical Mythology Explained
              With The Use of Macedonian Vocabulary
              A Series of Studies in European Mythology

              Part 1 - Is There a Practical Meaning to Mythology?

              by Odisej Belchevsky

              November, 2003

              The information contained in this article is not of mythical or imagined content but is very real, which the reader should find exciting and interesting.

              In this article I will take the reader through a fresh new look at classical mythology and bring out alternative meanings of the identities of Demeter, Saturn, Pluto/Hades and Zemele.

              An inquiring mind may ask the following questions:

              How is it that for the last 200 years European scholars have been able to attribute mathematics, physics, astronomy, government, military strategies, natural principles and even the understanding of human behavior to the ancient people of southern Europe and the Mediterranean yet when it comes to interpreting mythological figures they could only manage to provide imaginary, unrealistic, impractical, hard to understand and confusing explanations?

              Is it possible that modern scholars and scholars of the “Romantic Era” in particular, did not have a clear understanding of the true meaning of the names of deities in relation to the deities’ roles and functions in nature?

              I will begin my interpretation by providing the reader with a foundation for understanding the process by which the ancient Europeans created what we today call Classical Mythology. I will then show how the ancient Europeans used practical methods for naming their deities and each name such as Demeter, Pluto, Hades, Zemele, etc., had a special meaning for them which, when interpreted properly, makes sense even today.

              To conduct our interpretations properly we must seek the oldest name of each deity and have a good knowledge of the deity’s attributes and characteristics. It is also essential that we have a good knowledge of the old Macedonian languages, Koine and Slavonic.

              It is particularly important to know the oldest name of the gods and goddesses because many deities have been borrowed by various cultures and over time their names have been changed.

              Over the years I have studied many details of these deities both from linguistic and historical sources and, although many books have been written on this subject, none can provide a simple and logical explanation. Most often the average person searching for meaning is left with a confusing, complicated, long, stretched out and generally difficult explanation.

              By applying my knowledge of the Macedonian language, some of its older dialects and Old Slavonic I have been able to find simpler and more practical meanings for the names of the deities which not only identify the deities with nature but also put them in harmony with their characteristics and attributes.

              In this article I would like to offer a practical meaning for the four deities: Demeter, Pluto, Hades and Zemele.

              After establishing the meaning of the names of these four we can use the same method to explain the meaning and role of almost all known classical deities. We must also keep in mind that some names and their meanings have evolved over the years.

              If we were to study the ancient societies from about 1500 to 500 B.C. we would find that their world was a world of agriculture. Most people in this period made their living from farming, so it is reasonable to assume that their survival depended on their ability to successfully work the land. More specifically, farmers had to have extensive knowledge of soil and weather conditions. They had to know the seasons, when to plant and when to harvest. They also had to know the importance of rain and its unpredictability. In the old days, as it is today, after planting farmers had to literally “pray” for the rain to fall. In all practicality, if the rain did not fall when it was needed, crops would suffer and yield poorly. The quality of soil was also an important factor in farming. If the soil was infertile the crop yield would be poor. The ancient farmers had to know that.

              When comparing today’s societies with those of 3000 years ago we find that ancient people did not have the technology or the means to transport food over great distances so a failed crop meant suffering and starvation. In ancient times all the necessary work was done manually by humans and animals (in some regions of the world farming is still done this way). Today we have technology to till the land, plant seeds and harvest crops. We have fertilizing to enrich the soil and water delivery systems to water it. We also have better methods (although sometimes questionable) of predicting the weather.

              Now that we have established that the ancient societies of 3000 years ago heavily depended on farming the land for their survival, we need to establish a rationale for their gods. First we need to establish the origin of these deities.

              It was Plato (500-600 BC) that said “most gods and their traditions we have received from the Barbarians.” A few hundred years later Herodotus confirms Plato’s statement.

              If these Barbarians, who according to Homer, were “as numerous as the leaves in the forest” had the capacity to create these gods and pass them on to the ancient Europeans, is it not possible that their other characteristics have also descended and remain with us today?

              It is important to note here that the original meaning of the word barbarian was “misunderstood”. Today we know that barbarian does not mean ignorant but rather a non-speaker of the languages of the ancient Greek city states.

              Many authors, I believe, have tried to interpret the rationale behind the ancient deities but did not go deep enough. In my opinion, their scope was too narrow and they could not find a rational and logical explanation. One of those authors was Edith Hamilton, a great scholar and world-renowned classicist who wrote a book about Greek and Norse Mythology. In her book, published in 1940, she talks about mythological fairy tales and stories of the imagination, pure fiction with little meaning or practicality that would connect the deities to every day life. Others too have hinged on the imagination of the ancients as the source for the creation of mythology.

              I do have to admit that over time mythological stories most probably have been embellished by the storytellers and as a result have somewhat changed. But still we must not underestimate the ability of the ancient Europeans to apply reason and logic. We also have to maintain the notion that at the time of the “mythological creation,” which most likely was over a long period of time, all the gods were created by necessity and were an integral part of peoples’ lives. I have been carrying this notion for many years and as a result have searched for more rational and practical meanings in mythology.

              Influenced by numerous literary sources connecting classical mythology to the ancient Greeks and Romans, most writers over the last hundred years or so have failed to widen their search and consider one of the largest linguistic groups, the Slavonic languages. Myself, I have discovered that the Slavonic languages offer an immense source of knowledge in many fields including mythology.

              For example, consider the following excerpt;

              ... The daughter of Doimater (Demeter), Prosorpina – (Persephone) is “snatched” by Hades the god of the underworld and is taken underneath the earth for four months of the year. In the beginning, Demeter is furious as she frantically looks for her daughter. Her absence causes the earth to freeze and become barren of all fruits and gifts to the mortals. After some time Demeter accepts Persephone’s fate and allows her to become Hades’ bride and spend the winters beneath the surface of the earth…

              In the spring, when Hades changes to Pluto (his brother), Persephone comes back to the surface bringing with her Pluto’s wealth of the agriculture and all Demeter’s gifts of nature back to the mortals …

              Looking at the excerpt from a farmer’s point of view we find that the changing of the seasons is perpetual and universal. As daylight increases and the sun warms the earth, the earth comes back to life. The soil is plowed, seeded and bears the fruits that sustain life. This is an annual transformation that goes beyond the control of mere mortals (humans). As farmers, the ancient people paid careful attention to the seasons.

              It is important at this point to note that the ancient creators of the gods modeled their deities after their own images and their relationships to one another. For example there were mother and father gods, children and sibling gods. These gods were part of their lives and daily existence.

              It is also important to note that the various “myths” come to us from the well known “Homeric Hymns”.

              For many thousands of years the ancient Europeans observed natural phenomena around them, phenomena such as the movement of the sun, lightning and thunder descending from the sky, the birth of new life, death, the falling of rain, the perpetual changing of day and night, the changing of the moon, the stars, the changing of the seasons, the enormous power of the uncontrollable seas, the phenomenon of fire, the fruitfulness of mother earth and many more.

              People could not explain or control these powerful natural phenomena but accepted them as forces of nature. In their minds these powerful forces were responsible for the existence of all life on earth so naturally the early Europeans greatly respected, feared, honoured and accepted them as gods.

              Today we are not much different. Even though our religions have greatly evolved, we still attribute things we don’t understand or wish for to our God. All religions basically teach us to be good, to love and respect one another, to be generous and to be honest and humble.

              Unlike our ancestors, today we understand most of the natural phenomena like how clouds and rain are formed, what causes the changing of the seasons, etc. and no longer have the need to attribute them to the gods.

              Also, in spite of what some modern scholars tell us, Ancient Europeans did not imagine or create their gods purely for fictional purposes but rather they modeled them after the powerful “natural phenomena” which they observed over long periods of time. The gods were created from the basic need to explain the natural forces that controlled their lives.

              This becomes apparent when we use the Macedonian language to explain the role of the gods from the meaning of their names.

              Most of the original names and characteristics of these deities clearly coincide with basic fundamental words found in the modern Macedonian and Slavonic languages. These words are part of language concepts that have created very large families of words with very deep etymological root connections pointing to a long and continual development. The Slavonic languages provide the most logical explanation and are unparalleled compared to other European and non-European languages. Evidence of this is very strong and is extremely hard to ignore.

              The following table provides examples of the relationship between the meaning of the name of the deities and their role in nature:

              Deity Name
              Greek or Roman Attributes Macedonian
              or Slavonic English Greek
              Semele Thraco- Macedonian
              Earth Goddess Zemja
              Zemje Earth Homa
              Saturn
              Sadir-Sadene Agricultural God Sadi
              Sadenje Planting Fiton
              Doimater (Demeter)
              Doi, Dos
              Dos, Doi Doi Dos Nourishing
              Feeding
              Rain Theripticos
              Pluto Riches of agriculture
              later- wealth Plodo
              Plod
              (Plot) Fruitful Karpoforos
              Hades Underworld
              Snake Ghades Snake Ofis
              The names of these Deities are interconnected in a most amazing functional conception. In fact they exist together in harmony in the Macedonian language today just as they always existed in nature. They are inseparable. If we separate them their meaning will be lost.

              Zemele - Zemle - Semelhs

              Zemele is an ancient root word that exists only in the Slavonic languages.

              The following are Macedonian etymological words associated with the root word Zemele:

              Zemja, Zemla the Earth
              Zemjodelie agriculture
              Zemjodelec crop farmer
              Zemjak fellow countryman

              Zemski earthly
              Zemjotres earthquake
              Prizemje partly underground
              Temeli (Zemeli) foundations (the foundations are always dug into the Earth)

              Temni to darken
              Temno dark (it darkens as one descends deep into earth)
              Temnica darkness
              Podzemle underground
              Nadzemle aboveground
              Zemjani inhabitants of the earth
              Zemun, Zemunik place names originally built with earth/ soil around them
              Also, the above have close family ties with the following pre-Into-European words:

              Zemle, Semle, Sem(l)e, Seme seed that is planted in the earth
              Semeto se see the seed is planted in the earth
              By losing the letter ’m’ above, we obtain;

              Zemele, Semele, Seele, sele inhabiting the earth “living on the Earth”
              Sele, na sele to inhabit, dwell
              Selo, sela, nasele village (pre Slav– house, habitat)
              and so on.

              The word Zemele also has a number of “sister words” such as Zmija and zmej a snake or snake like monster, cold-blooded creatures that live below ground or in the underworld.

              Now let’s review the characteristics and basic concepts associated with the earth.

              The Earth has two main attributes:

              1. It is able to bear fruit => Fruitfulness
              2. Richness of the Soil => Plod => Pluto

              Only a fruitful earth will bear “agricultural riches” associated with the god Pluto.

              The word Pluto is closely related to the Macedonian word Plod or Plodo. In older versions of the Slavonic languages the letters and sounds of o and u were interchangeable. This is significant because if we replace the current letter ‘o’ with ‘u‘, we obtain Pludo. By the way, it is important to mention here that Pluto’s original name, or more precisely, one of Pluto’s older names is “Ploto”.

              The word Plodo is part of a very large family of words many of which are functionally related in a language concept.

              The earth contains all the ingredients and ability to nourish life which is planted into it. This is reflected and expressed in the words “Plodna Zemja” or “fruitful earth” .This only happens when the earth’s two attributes “fruitfulness and richness of soil” come together.

              We know that everything that is alive bears fruit. Females (woman, Zhena) must be “fruitful” as well as be impregnated with a seed at the proper time or lunar cycle, in order to bear offspring and perpetuate life.

              The seeds of every plant, when planted at the proper time (the spring), will be nourished by the falling rain or Dos / Dosdoi, as we call it in Macedonian. Coincidentally, the original name of Demeter was Doi (Doi) and Dos (Dos)

              Also from the Homeric poems we know that Doine (Doine - qoine) means “feeding, nourishing”.

              Again according to Homer, when the goddess Demeter came to earth to search for her daughter she used the name Doi.

              There is also one important fact that I would like to mention at this point. According to one Macedonian tradition, which by the way is still practiced to this day in remote parts of Macedonia, there is a chant attributed to Doi that goes something like this;

              “Doi - dole - Doidule
              Dozhdo da zavrne
              Da na doi zemlata”
              These are actual words chanted to the rain goddess asking her to make it rain (Dos and Dozd) so that the earth can be nourished and the crops will grow and bear fruit.

              It is important at this point to mention that Persephone, Demeter’s daughter was also known by an older name as “Preseffeta” which in Macedonian means “to bloom”. As we know all living plants bloom in the spring when Persephone is released by Hades and returns to the surface.

              And now let’s look at Hades, the god of the underworld and his relationship to the natural world.

              Ghades - Hades

              We all know that during the winter months in the world where the climate is moderate the earth freezes and loses its ability to bear fruit. In other words, Doimater or Demeter “cuts off the fruitfulness, richness and gift of the soil” as Pluto (Plodo), the richness of the soil escapes into the underworld and becomes his brother Hades (Ghades).

              Hades renews himself as he again snatches Demeter’s daughter who symbolizes spring and summer, the warm seasons, and takes her below the earth for another cycle. Hades’ renewal brings the end of the warm season and the beginning of the cold one. For the farmers of old, Hades was the “bad attribute” of the earth or the time when the soil lost its Plod or ability to bear fruit. Hades is also associated with decomposition, darkness and fear of the unknown.

              Again, Ghades is a unique Slavonic word that does not exist in any other European language. In most Slavonic cultures, the word Ghades is associated with the snake but in Macedonian it could also mean something bad, unpleasant, terrible, undesirable, or slimy.

              Ghad
              Ghadeno
              Ghadesh
              Se ghadi

              To be continued...

              Odisej Belchevsky,
              Macedonian Language Researcher

              ------------------------------

              You can contact the author at: [email protected] or Risto Stefov at [email protected]

              All rights in using or propagating this material are strictly reserved by the author, Odyssey Belchevsky.


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              "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
              GOTSE DELCEV

              Comment

              • George S.
                Senior Member
                • Aug 2009
                • 10116

                assical Mythology Explained
                With The Use of Macedonian Vocabulary
                A Series of Studies in European Mythology

                Part 1 - Is There a Practical Meaning to Mythology?

                by Odisej Belchevsky

                November, 2003

                The information contained in this article is not of mythical or imagined content but is very real, which the reader should find exciting and interesting.

                In this article I will take the reader through a fresh new look at classical mythology and bring out alternative meanings of the identities of Demeter, Saturn, Pluto/Hades and Zemele.

                An inquiring mind may ask the following questions:

                How is it that for the last 200 years European scholars have been able to attribute mathematics, physics, astronomy, government, military strategies, natural principles and even the understanding of human behavior to the ancient people of southern Europe and the Mediterranean yet when it comes to interpreting mythological figures they could only manage to provide imaginary, unrealistic, impractical, hard to understand and confusing explanations?

                Is it possible that modern scholars and scholars of the “Romantic Era” in particular, did not have a clear understanding of the true meaning of the names of deities in relation to the deities’ roles and functions in nature?

                I will begin my interpretation by providing the reader with a foundation for understanding the process by which the ancient Europeans created what we today call Classical Mythology. I will then show how the ancient Europeans used practical methods for naming their deities and each name such as Demeter, Pluto, Hades, Zemele, etc., had a special meaning for them which, when interpreted properly, makes sense even today.

                To conduct our interpretations properly we must seek the oldest name of each deity and have a good knowledge of the deity’s attributes and characteristics. It is also essential that we have a good knowledge of the old Macedonian languages, Koine and Slavonic.

                It is particularly important to know the oldest name of the gods and goddesses because many deities have been borrowed by various cultures and over time their names have been changed.

                Over the years I have studied many details of these deities both from linguistic and historical sources and, although many books have been written on this subject, none can provide a simple and logical explanation. Most often the average person searching for meaning is left with a confusing, complicated, long, stretched out and generally difficult explanation.

                By applying my knowledge of the Macedonian language, some of its older dialects and Old Slavonic I have been able to find simpler and more practical meanings for the names of the deities which not only identify the deities with nature but also put them in harmony with their characteristics and attributes.

                In this article I would like to offer a practical meaning for the four deities: Demeter, Pluto, Hades and Zemele.

                After establishing the meaning of the names of these four we can use the same method to explain the meaning and role of almost all known classical deities. We must also keep in mind that some names and their meanings have evolved over the years.

                If we were to study the ancient societies from about 1500 to 500 B.C. we would find that their world was a world of agriculture. Most people in this period made their living from farming, so it is reasonable to assume that their survival depended on their ability to successfully work the land. More specifically, farmers had to have extensive knowledge of soil and weather conditions. They had to know the seasons, when to plant and when to harvest. They also had to know the importance of rain and its unpredictability. In the old days, as it is today, after planting farmers had to literally “pray” for the rain to fall. In all practicality, if the rain did not fall when it was needed, crops would suffer and yield poorly. The quality of soil was also an important factor in farming. If the soil was infertile the crop yield would be poor. The ancient farmers had to know that.

                When comparing today’s societies with those of 3000 years ago we find that ancient people did not have the technology or the means to transport food over great distances so a failed crop meant suffering and starvation. In ancient times all the necessary work was done manually by humans and animals (in some regions of the world farming is still done this way). Today we have technology to till the land, plant seeds and harvest crops. We have fertilizing to enrich the soil and water delivery systems to water it. We also have better methods (although sometimes questionable) of predicting the weather.

                Now that we have established that the ancient societies of 3000 years ago heavily depended on farming the land for their survival, we need to establish a rationale for their gods. First we need to establish the origin of these deities.

                It was Plato (500-600 BC) that said “most gods and their traditions we have received from the Barbarians.” A few hundred years later Herodotus confirms Plato’s statement.

                If these Barbarians, who according to Homer, were “as numerous as the leaves in the forest” had the capacity to create these gods and pass them on to the ancient Europeans, is it not possible that their other characteristics have also descended and remain with us today?

                It is important to note here that the original meaning of the word barbarian was “misunderstood”. Today we know that barbarian does not mean ignorant but rather a non-speaker of the languages of the ancient Greek city states.

                Many authors, I believe, have tried to interpret the rationale behind the ancient deities but did not go deep enough. In my opinion, their scope was too narrow and they could not find a rational and logical explanation. One of those authors was Edith Hamilton, a great scholar and world-renowned classicist who wrote a book about Greek and Norse Mythology. In her book, published in 1940, she talks about mythological fairy tales and stories of the imagination, pure fiction with little meaning or practicality that would connect the deities to every day life. Others too have hinged on the imagination of the ancients as the source for the creation of mythology.

                I do have to admit that over time mythological stories most probably have been embellished by the storytellers and as a result have somewhat changed. But still we must not underestimate the ability of the ancient Europeans to apply reason and logic. We also have to maintain the notion that at the time of the “mythological creation,” which most likely was over a long period of time, all the gods were created by necessity and were an integral part of peoples’ lives. I have been carrying this notion for many years and as a result have searched for more rational and practical meanings in mythology.

                Influenced by numerous literary sources connecting classical mythology to the ancient Greeks and Romans, most writers over the last hundred years or so have failed to widen their search and consider one of the largest linguistic groups, the Slavonic languages. Myself, I have discovered that the Slavonic languages offer an immense source of knowledge in many fields including mythology.

                For example, consider the following excerpt;

                ... The daughter of Doimater (Demeter), Prosorpina – (Persephone) is “snatched” by Hades the god of the underworld and is taken underneath the earth for four months of the year. In the beginning, Demeter is furious as she frantically looks for her daughter. Her absence causes the earth to freeze and become barren of all fruits and gifts to the mortals. After some time Demeter accepts Persephone’s fate and allows her to become Hades’ bride and spend the winters beneath the surface of the earth…

                In the spring, when Hades changes to Pluto (his brother), Persephone comes back to the surface bringing with her Pluto’s wealth of the agriculture and all Demeter’s gifts of nature back to the mortals …

                Looking at the excerpt from a farmer’s point of view we find that the changing of the seasons is perpetual and universal. As daylight increases and the sun warms the earth, the earth comes back to life. The soil is plowed, seeded and bears the fruits that sustain life. This is an annual transformation that goes beyond the control of mere mortals (humans). As farmers, the ancient people paid careful attention to the seasons.

                It is important at this point to note that the ancient creators of the gods modeled their deities after their own images and their relationships to one another. For example there were mother and father gods, children and sibling gods. These gods were part of their lives and daily existence.

                It is also important to note that the various “myths” come to us from the well known “Homeric Hymns”.

                For many thousands of years the ancient Europeans observed natural phenomena around them, phenomena such as the movement of the sun, lightning and thunder descending from the sky, the birth of new life, death, the falling of rain, the perpetual changing of day and night, the changing of the moon, the stars, the changing of the seasons, the enormous power of the uncontrollable seas, the phenomenon of fire, the fruitfulness of mother earth and many more.

                People could not explain or control these powerful natural phenomena but accepted them as forces of nature. In their minds these powerful forces were responsible for the existence of all life on earth so naturally the early Europeans greatly respected, feared, honoured and accepted them as gods.

                Today we are not much different. Even though our religions have greatly evolved, we still attribute things we don’t understand or wish for to our God. All religions basically teach us to be good, to love and respect one another, to be generous and to be honest and humble.

                Unlike our ancestors, today we understand most of the natural phenomena like how clouds and rain are formed, what causes the changing of the seasons, etc. and no longer have the need to attribute them to the gods.

                Also, in spite of what some modern scholars tell us, Ancient Europeans did not imagine or create their gods purely for fictional purposes but rather they modeled them after the powerful “natural phenomena” which they observed over long periods of time. The gods were created from the basic need to explain the natural forces that controlled their lives.

                This becomes apparent when we use the Macedonian language to explain the role of the gods from the meaning of their names.

                Most of the original names and characteristics of these deities clearly coincide with basic fundamental words found in the modern Macedonian and Slavonic languages. These words are part of language concepts that have created very large families of words with very deep etymological root connections pointing to a long and continual development. The Slavonic languages provide the most logical explanation and are unparalleled compared to other European and non-European languages. Evidence of this is very strong and is extremely hard to ignore.

                The following table provides examples of the relationship between the meaning of the name of the deities and their role in nature:

                Deity Name
                Greek or Roman Attributes Macedonian
                or Slavonic English Greek
                Semele Thraco- Macedonian
                Earth Goddess Zemja
                Zemje Earth Homa
                Saturn
                Sadir-Sadene Agricultural God Sadi
                Sadenje Planting Fiton
                Doimater (Demeter)
                Doi, Dos
                Dos, Doi Doi Dos Nourishing
                Feeding
                Rain Theripticos
                Pluto Riches of agriculture
                later- wealth Plodo
                Plod
                (Plot) Fruitful Karpoforos
                Hades Underworld
                Snake Ghades Snake Ofis
                The names of these Deities are interconnected in a most amazing functional conception. In fact they exist together in harmony in the Macedonian language today just as they always existed in nature. They are inseparable. If we separate them their meaning will be lost.

                Zemele - Zemle - Semelhs

                Zemele is an ancient root word that exists only in the Slavonic languages.

                The following are Macedonian etymological words associated with the root word Zemele:

                Zemja, Zemla the Earth
                Zemjodelie agriculture
                Zemjodelec crop farmer
                Zemjak fellow countryman

                Zemski earthly
                Zemjotres earthquake
                Prizemje partly underground
                Temeli (Zemeli) foundations (the foundations are always dug into the Earth)

                Temni to darken
                Temno dark (it darkens as one descends deep into earth)
                Temnica darkness
                Podzemle underground
                Nadzemle aboveground
                Zemjani inhabitants of the earth
                Zemun, Zemunik place names originally built with earth/ soil around them
                Also, the above have close family ties with the following pre-Into-European words:

                Zemle, Semle, Sem(l)e, Seme seed that is planted in the earth
                Semeto se see the seed is planted in the earth
                By losing the letter ’m’ above, we obtain;

                Zemele, Semele, Seele, sele inhabiting the earth “living on the Earth”
                Sele, na sele to inhabit, dwell
                Selo, sela, nasele village (pre Slav– house, habitat)
                and so on.

                The word Zemele also has a number of “sister words” such as Zmija and zmej a snake or snake like monster, cold-blooded creatures that live below ground or in the underworld.

                Now let’s review the characteristics and basic concepts associated with the earth.

                The Earth has two main attributes:

                1. It is able to bear fruit => Fruitfulness
                2. Richness of the Soil => Plod => Pluto

                Only a fruitful earth will bear “agricultural riches” associated with the god Pluto.

                The word Pluto is closely related to the Macedonian word Plod or Plodo. In older versions of the Slavonic languages the letters and sounds of o and u were interchangeable. This is significant because if we replace the current letter ‘o’ with ‘u‘, we obtain Pludo. By the way, it is important to mention here that Pluto’s original name, or more precisely, one of Pluto’s older names is “Ploto”.

                The word Plodo is part of a very large family of words many of which are functionally related in a language concept.

                The earth contains all the ingredients and ability to nourish life which is planted into it. This is reflected and expressed in the words “Plodna Zemja” or “fruitful earth” .This only happens when the earth’s two attributes “fruitfulness and richness of soil” come together.

                We know that everything that is alive bears fruit. Females (woman, Zhena) must be “fruitful” as well as be impregnated with a seed at the proper time or lunar cycle, in order to bear offspring and perpetuate life.

                The seeds of every plant, when planted at the proper time (the spring), will be nourished by the falling rain or Dos / Dosdoi, as we call it in Macedonian. Coincidentally, the original name of Demeter was Doi (Doi) and Dos (Dos)

                Also from the Homeric poems we know that Doine (Doine - qoine) means “feeding, nourishing”.

                Again according to Homer, when the goddess Demeter came to earth to search for her daughter she used the name Doi.

                There is also one important fact that I would like to mention at this point. According to one Macedonian tradition, which by the way is still practiced to this day in remote parts of Macedonia, there is a chant attributed to Doi that goes something like this;

                “Doi - dole - Doidule
                Dozhdo da zavrne
                Da na doi zemlata”
                These are actual words chanted to the rain goddess asking her to make it rain (Dos and Dozd) so that the earth can be nourished and the crops will grow and bear fruit.

                It is important at this point to mention that Persephone, Demeter’s daughter was also known by an older name as “Preseffeta” which in Macedonian means “to bloom”. As we know all living plants bloom in the spring when Persephone is released by Hades and returns to the surface.

                And now let’s look at Hades, the god of the underworld and his relationship to the natural world.

                Ghades - Hades

                We all know that during the winter months in the world where the climate is moderate the earth freezes and loses its ability to bear fruit. In other words, Doimater or Demeter “cuts off the fruitfulness, richness and gift of the soil” as Pluto (Plodo), the richness of the soil escapes into the underworld and becomes his brother Hades (Ghades).

                Hades renews himself as he again snatches Demeter’s daughter who symbolizes spring and summer, the warm seasons, and takes her below the earth for another cycle. Hades’ renewal brings the end of the warm season and the beginning of the cold one. For the farmers of old, Hades was the “bad attribute” of the earth or the time when the soil lost its Plod or ability to bear fruit. Hades is also associated with decomposition, darkness and fear of the unknown.

                Again, Ghades is a unique Slavonic word that does not exist in any other European language. In most Slavonic cultures, the word Ghades is associated with the snake but in Macedonian it could also mean something bad, unpleasant, terrible, undesirable, or slimy.

                Ghad
                Ghadeno
                Ghadesh
                Se ghadi

                To be continued...

                Odisej Belchevsky,
                Macedonian Language Researcher

                ------------------------------

                You can contact the author at: [email protected] or Risto Stefov at [email protected]

                All rights in using or propagating this material are strictly reserved by the author, Odyssey Belchevsky.


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                • George S.
                  Senior Member
                  • Aug 2009
                  • 10116

                  A Study of the Origins, Connections and Meanings
                  of The Indo-European words: Reeka, Ree, Rea and River
                  in Language and Mythology

                  By Odyssey Belchevsky

                  Abstract: “The Miracles of the River”

                  The rivers are one of the most wonderful creations of nature. They have existed long before the existence of men.

                  They are often things of great beauty. Some are colossal. They have flowed for ever and have accompanied men since time immemorial. They can be raging or calm. They are always exciting and inspiring. They run on the surface of the Earth as the veins run along the human body carrying life giving blood. People make and dedicate songs to the rivers. Every spring they swell and gush with ‘new life’as they bring water into the fields to sustain a host of living things. They “give” to all living creatures and plants for ever without discrimination.

                  Could it be possible that the river influenced men in creation of their early Mythology as well as helped in their language creation, building and organizing their existence and way of life? This should not be a surprise. .The rivers create natural lines on the surface of the Earth.These natural lines helped early men to create the concepts of division of land,create ownership,rule,order,and other concepts in their early existence.The study penetrates to a deeper level of actually understanding primary Language creation,from nature.

                  Logical explanations of how the very existence of the river created primary language religious and social concepts are given. These are as follows:

                  1. The part of the Classical Mythology associated with and created by the river. This study gives clear explanation of the classical relation of the Goddess Rea and supreme God Zeus. This part of the study, confirms the statement of the Ancient philosophers Plato and Herodotus in Classical Greece, that many of classical gods and their traditions were received from the’ barbarians’ The barbarians were the Ancient Europeans-non Greeks, whose speech was not understood by the Greeks according to the leading expert the German Linguist and Etymologist Georg Curtius from the Universiry of Leipzig in his grand study on the Principles of Greek Etymology in the late 19 th Century.

                  2.The Concept associated with the Latin words’ regio’ ’ rex’, which today are present as universal words in all European Languges.In English these are region, regal, rule, king, regulate- control. This is the most primary concept for establishing land division borders, control, ownership and social structure. Over time the concept of land division and ownership, evolved into the concept of kingdom and separate countries as they are known today.

                  3 The Devine existence of’ continual indiscriminant ‘loving and ‘giving’ of the River to all living creatures on earth, which explains one of the most fundamental Christian believes today.

                  Mother river, (Ma rika, Ma Rea,Maria ) in Classical times Rea, is the continual giver of life sustaining water that gives birth to all Life on Earth.

                  In Classical times Rea gives birth to Zeus, in Christianity Maria ( Ma Ria ) gives birth to Christ –Jihova that is Life itself on Earth.

                  4. The concept that is associated with the words recital, recite, and their related families, which in this study is named ‘the mode of speaking concept’.

                  Introduction

                  The rivers are the main ‘suppliers’ of water. They always move. The continuous flow of water in the river created the basic concept of movement[1].But the ‘primary function’ of water, is that it creates the basic requirement for life. It is one of the four basic elements that the world is made of according to the ancient and most learned man, scientist and philosopher Aristotle.

                  The river created a significant number of important language concepts at the earliest time of the Primary Language creation. The Macedonian and Slavic Languages offer the strongest support and the living proofs to the idea that ‘the creation of the Primary Languages was Conceptual and not random. This was the long process of language creation directly connected to the Laws of Nature.

                  Upon completion of this study and analysis of the concepts associated with a river, it become rather easy to see the existence of a remarkable symphony of Language Concepts and the associated meanings of the Mythological deity Rea- Rea revealed in all her glory.

                  This was accomplished with the use of the Macedonian and Slavic Languages. The vocabulary associated with this magnificent concept of nature is deeply and permanently imbedded in the Languages of all Slavic Nations and to a lesser degree as a ripple effect in the other European Languages.

                  This study provides the actual ’ ingredients’ that make up what can be considered as one of the most significant ‘ time layers’ of Primary Language Creation in Europe and possibly abroad. The information is given in a logical manner and is explained as long term permanent influence from Nature to human. The very fact that the given explanations provide simple and universal understanding on a number of Universal concepts confirms the validity of the study as a whole.

                  Study

                  1 .Explaining the Mythology associated with Rea the mother of Zeus-Zevs

                  Archeology and history teach us that most of the very early human settlements and villages were build along or close to steady flowing rivers. This was of course very practical and logical because in order to ensure existence, the agriculture work had to be successful and a river had to be nearby. A simple observation of the large deserts on earth shows that life in these parts of the planet is very limited and marginal for humans. So in fact the river /water always was the basic necessity and a requirement for living-existing. In order to provide convincing and reliable data, this study goes back to the language of the Homeric period

                  The Homeric word forms for river and associated with river ,river flow, flow, run etc. and the Macedonian/Slavic equivalent are as follows:

                  Homeric (approx.1500 BC) Macedonian/Slavic English Ref

                  riako - riako - rieka mountain river Henry George

                  ree - ree - reeka river, flow Liddell G/E.Lex

                  reei - reei rici, teci, reci flow, a flow of words 1940 Oxford

                  Vudati reei -( F)udati reei - vodata rici(teci) running water

                  errieka - errihka

                  rie - ruh - rie

                  Now, how and why are Rea and Zeus related? Was this relationship just the ‘imagination’ of the Ancient Europeans ?Or was it based on the logical evolution of human mind based on the continual observation of their surroundings and need to understand and record its importance in their language and daily lives.? All the Mythology books today tell us that Rea gives birth to Zeus. The true meaning and understanding as well as the importance of this birth of new life or mother-son relationship is easily explained with an in-depth study of the Slavic languages.

                  There is significant and indestructible information retained in these languages that indicates that the form/name Zeus – Zevs is phonetically and functionally connected with the massive root of everything associated with life, living, existence, propagating, creating new life /offspring with the ritual of marriage

                  We also know that Zeus is the Supreme God and’ rules’ the other gods on the tallest mountain Holimbo (Xolimbos) > Olympus ² We all know that life and joy of living is the greatest, most valuable, important, significant ,precious ,beautiful ,most dear irreplaceable joy of existence. It is what the whole world and existence on Earth and possibly everywhere in the Universe is all about. It is, therefore not unreasonable to propose that God=life

                  Let us propose that: Supreme God Zeus = life on Earth, or simply Zeus = life

                  It is significant that the presence of the root-word associated with life in the Macedonian and Slavic Languages is massive. Some of the forms associated with this root follow:

                  zi > ziv > zivi > ziti >ziviti > zivota >zitie > zivo > zivos > zivio> zivec

                  zivee > ,zivil³> ziveel = to live,lived, have lived ( to exist, existed )

                  What is very important however, is the existence of a defined conceptual relation of this massive number of words in these languages today. It indicates a long term of language development since primary language creation. This relation is unparalleled in any other language group in Europe.

                  Once this concept is understood, the true meaning of many other concepts, natural laws as well as the development of fundamental Christian beliefs and rituals and other world religions can easily be understood.

                  In Macedonian today, and to a lesser extent in the other Slavic Languages, there is an expression of the most solemn swear of trust and pleading that goes as follows:

                  Zi ti Bog, Ziv ti Boga, Ziti majka; ziti deca; = for the life of God, for the life of your mother; for the life of your children) etc.This carries with it a very familiar reflection of the expression “ by Zeus”. The human life, the family- children are the most valuable entities in our existence.

                  Also it is important to indicate that the relationship of and concept of the woman as directly connected to procreation –offspring –existence and life propagation is most profoundly expressed and connected in Macedonian and other Slavic Languages as follows:

                  zena ,zene,zeni, zeneti >gene> genesis>genetics

                  Only in these Languages there is the functional and phonetic/etymological root and word connection and relation between the following fundamental words:

                  woman >wife >marriage >creation and propagation of new life > living>existing.

                  The woman is the divine and only entity that bears new life. This relationship brings new fresh light and reconfirms the meaning of life itself. Now there is a very large group of related words in most of the Slavonic languages that are associated with this concept:

                  Macedonian….. Divos, divina, divno , deva , devica, devojka , devojce, Divovi

                  English………All nature divine young virgin girl-female Gods of Nature

                  Divos, divina, has the meaning of all living’ God created Natural world’ untouched by humans from which originated the word divine. An unmarried virgin woman in Slavic is deva, devica, devojka.She is the divine creation that propagates human life[2].

                  Zivos evolves into divos and has retained the meaning of’ all natural creation’. This is directly related to God and includes everything existing. Today God is equaled to life and all living. The forms divo>diva> divi>dii have very close affinity to and provide alternative meaning to the Latin’dii>die deus’.

                  What is very significant is that the form Divos has been found on inscription in the Balkans on Ancient coins [4] This is inscribed as “qibos [5] = Dibos = divos” This has very close affinity to the Greek word qeios=qeos which today makes a very significant part of our Society.

                  It is important to note here that in the other European languages the words associated with Theos> Deos> God, have very shallow etymological and functional root relationship. The German etymologist Georg Curtius, indicated a possibility that it could have evolved from the root/ concept related to divos,but he did not provide a complete and convincing study mainly due to not considering the Slavic Languages.

                  He quotes the Italian etymologist Ascoli who identified’ theos’ with the Sanskrit root div and divja-s [6] ‘heavenly’ and from div-eo-s arrives at dveos and theos.

                  divos > dibos > qibos > qeios > qeos

                  The Slavic group of words is firmly supported by the Sanskrit words Jiv =Ziv = living = life

                  Also according to the bible , Eve> Ive is the first woman/ life creator and propagator on earth. ( zive > ive > eve).

                  All the personal names with the base of Iva , Eva ,Ivan, have the fundamental base of the Macedonian personal names Ziva,Zive, Zivan, Zivko ,Zivka.

                  Furthermore the biblical form’ Evangelie’ or’ Evangelist’ can be clearly explained with the combination of

                  eva< z’eva =living ,life) +zelanie = (z)evanzelanie>zevanzelie >evangelie

                  zelanie is the old Slavic word for desire long for, or simply Zeva(n)zjelie= desire for eternal life.

                  (Also the older form of God in the bible was given as Jihova (The letter J can be pronounced as Zj>Ž ) this will yield a very close affinity to the Slavic words Zjiva> Zjivota)

                  In the Homeric writings we have the word/forms Zi,Ze, Ziti (Zi Zh,Ziti ) ,with the meaning to live, to breathe.

                  These are the characteristcs of Zeus and are virtually indentical to the Macedonian/Slavic Zi, Ze, Ziti and all its relations.

                  This connects this study to the study of the early European staple food Zito.

                  Žito (zeeto)

                  This is the fundamental staple food that sustains life and feeds the multitudes.

                  Zito is the general term for all grains obtained from agriculture in all Slavic Languages.This word has the base root ‘ži’and the particle to or ta( as in zita), which is a modified form of da and do ,that brings us to the fundamental meaning of dai doi, doe ,nado(e), = feeding nurishing ( Do mater> Demeter)

                  The grains are the most magnificent form of staple food that are functionally related to life –existence, because they were and still are the fundamental and lasting entity for feeding the multitudes and sustaining life in general. They are easily preserved in containers and can last for many years. They can be planted directly into the soil and will give new crops >new life.

                  The agriculture that is associated with the grains was the main trust of the early human society and development of all aspects of Civilization that we know today. This is again confirmed with the fact that the deity Demeter in Central Italy was called Zito [7]

                  In the Macedonian modern language there is the dialectical form/verb ,noun and adjective for’ feeding’ ‘ siti ‘’site ‘ sitost, nasite’ ‘sit’.All these forms belong to the the same concept. Food or feeding is what sustains life.

                  3. Concept associated with Fundamental Christian beliefs

                  Now to this point, this study has shown how and why the most important God – Deity of the Ancient Europeans Zeus is clearly related to life itself as the humans know it on Earth. This life is only possible with the existence and continual supply of water. Now it is very simple to see that this has been done most efficiently with the magnificent River Ree>Rea >Reeka

                  The word reka in Slavic has feminine significance, which again confirms a woman/mother and therefore

                  Rea- river> woman> mother of life itself>zeevos >zevs>zeus

                  She is the mother that’ bears’- creates life on Earth. This life is conected in all aspects with the Christian God .Water sustains life [8]

                  Today this concept is reflected in the Christian rituals of the Baptisam throughout the world . There is the unmistakable parallel of the ancient model to the Bathing –Baptism of the lord Jesus Christ in the River,recorded in the Bible. The Christening ritual is very much universal today as most of Christian Babies are baptized in the church.
                  This is the ritual of water bathing that signifies the birth of new life and the rebirth and renewal of men. Long before the emergence of Modern Christianity,this ritual was reflected in the ancient ritual of the Macedonian priests [9] ( 700-800 BC)
                  This is very significant as this study also provides alternative and understandable meaning of the name of Maria the Devine mother of Jihova –Christ which again connects the reader with the river concept.It is a recorded fact for thousands of years and an exact parallel to the Ancient European’ Mythological” concept as follows:

                  Mythology…………. Rea ,ree,riako,rieka-river > gives birth to Zeus-life

                  Christianity…………Ma-ria ,(Ma-rika) > gives birth to Jihova-Christ –life

                  In Macedonian today there is a very old and specific feminine name related to Maria and that is Marika-Mareeka [10]

                  In the central region of Macedonia the dialectical form of this name is pronounced MÀ-reeka.This name is recorded in numerous songs in many regions over centuries.

                  It is a basic combination of the root Ma (mother, Homeric Maia), combined with Reeka and has the inescapable meaning of Mother River. This name can be the remnant of an older name –form of a ‘divine river- mother’ that brings, always gives and maintains the life sustaining water to every living entity in the world.In Macedonia and the Balkans there are many rivers which names bear very close affinity to this concept.These are:Marica in southern Macedonia flowing in the Aegian Sea,Maris(a) a tribituary to the Ister( Danube)in Scythia as per Herodotus 4.48, Margos a river in Illiria, Marisos a river in Dacia flowing in the Danube, Mareia the name of a fountain in Alexandria.There is also a Roman female name Markia which can be obtained from Marika.

                  There are numerous additional Christian rituals that relate to the significance of water One important one is the Macedonian ritual” Vodici” ‘the day of the water’ that takes place in the early part of the year (close to the birth of Christ).During this ceremony the cross (symbol of Modern Christianity) is ‘thrown’ in the river and the young men dive into the water in order to retrieve it. People believe that whoever retrieves the cross from the water, will be blessed with health, long life and good fortune.

                  Another ritual that is related to the significance of water and dates back to Ancient times of European history, is the ritual of

                  Khladona >Khladones>Kladenci.This was specific to the Ancient Macedonians as per J.Kalleris [11].He struggled to provide logical meaning to this ancient tradition, and in his book “Les Ancient Macedonien”Athens 1968, could only provide scanty and general information.He did not consult with the Slavic and Macedonian Languages.

                  Other Miracles of Reka- Rea

                  2.Concept associated with the Latin words Regio ,Rex

                  A steady supply of water was essential to these early people as it allowed easy watering of their crops.

                  This was done and is still carried out today by digging channels from a flowing river and allowing the water to invade the field through gravity.

                  Later in human development the rivers became channels for traveling and trade. In many instances these settlements were positioned where two rivers joined into one. A good example is the Sumerian Civilization – Messo potamia (Land between rivers) as well as many cities in Europe today.

                  This was done with the use of good logic based on continuous observation of the surroundings as this location provided a degree of security and safety. One can easily cross a little brook that dries up in the summer, but a large steady flowing river is difficult to cross. Also if one river was affected in some way or dried up, there was the second river still available.

                  Now, according to Cassel’s D.P.Simpson MA an authority on the Latin Language, the Latin base word/root regio is connected with the words for line “in a straight/continuous line”, a space enclosed by lines, and from here an administrative division.

                  At this point of the study in an attempt to connect this important term with some reference or source from nature a more in depth etymology of this very important Latin word and concept was required.However it was nowhere to be found in the Latin or Greek Languages.For this reason a venture for the search of the actual etymology in the Slavic Language was considered.

                  This led to a very promising, challenging but functional affinity with the Macedonian words Riga =line; recka= a little line; and reka = river.

                  Now in nature, a continuously flowing river is a permanent, well defined, hard to cross, and reliable means for division of territory. The river cuts the land and creates a line. Therefore it was very simple that the easiest and most logical location to establish a boundary between two territories or groups of people was the river.

                  Now the rivers were there since time immemorial as constant companion and supplier of life giving water. In continuance with the functional analysis today we can observe that:

                  Land was the source of food and as families grew, there was a real necessity for establishing order and control. Division of property, and ownership became a basic requirement.

                  As territories got actually divided with the use of these” river lines” the concept of boundary and territorial claim developed. From the Concept of order and control emerged the concept of ruler and King.

                  The Slavic words reka , rieka,rika = river and the Macedonoan word’ riga’= line, developed into the Early Latin word regi and regio and from this it developed into region that later required one leader who was given the power to dominate and control the region , who logically attained the name of Regis , Rex - a King.

                  As additional support to this study all one has to do is observe that many countries today have their borders as rivers.All major cities in the world have rivers flowing through them. Today the countries of the world are still divided by borders mainly for the same reason as early humans divided their means of existence- the workable fields, control ,order and ownership.

                  A further study at this point indicates that a massive number of words associated with this Slavic concept developed in the English and other European Languages.

                  Regulate - to control

                  Irrigate, irrigation - watering the fields by controlling and channeling the water flow.

                  Rein (L. regnare) - Rule as a King or Queen

                  Regent, regatta, and many others

                  Now it is very important to indicate here that the Italian and Latin word for River is flumen bearing no resemblance to Regi, Reka, Reki.

                  But also in Latin Rigo, riguus = conduct water, flow. The word flow/riga/ rigo is functionally related to reka- river and rigo- flow..The rivers always flow.In the modern Greek Language ,the words vor river is potamos-potamos, which has very close affinity with the Slavic and Macedonian word potok.The word ‘potok’ in Slavic belonges to a large family of words such as potoce ,potece ,potok poture.etc.( little creek, a small flow of water , to pour water at one time), which is different than the continuous flow of a river.This is in agreement with the fact that most of the little rivers in ancient Greece dried up during the hot season.In fact there was no conceptual development associated with the word/concept of river.

                  A review of the Slavic words associated with the river follows ,and gives further support to this functional concept.

                  Rejati to push ( gurati) - the river breaks its own path and way.

                  Krece, Kreti, = to move, start moving

                  Riakos - Riakos - Homeric a mountain river

                  Reka, rieka,; Recica, Rekicka; River, little river; river as place name

                  Rika ( Ukrainian. )= River

                  Riciti , rici, teci = to flow

                  Riga = a line

                  Rie, riti = to dig up soil.In the spring the rivers are more powerful and displace soil.

                  According to P.Skok P.141 Book III, except for the Basque language where we have erreka [12]= river = reka , there are no other parallels in the other European Language with the word reka,rieka [13].

                  Also P. Skok indicates: “ ( Baski) ereka , is cega izlazi da bi praslavenska reč reka mogla pripadati pred-ie. substratu “

                  (translation: from which comes that the pre slav word’river’could belong to the pre indo-european substrate.) He had no idea how close he came to the real possibility of this having a very strong merit.

                  The Slavic Language Concepts associated and created with the word Reka- river have made an enormous influence on the languages of Europe and beyond. This kind of Language creation and development happens over a long period of time .This clearly indicates that the Slavic Languages are very ancient.

                  At this time further analysis of additional aspects of the River,has taken this study to a much higher level of appreciating and becoming part of the Natural phenomena associated with this magnificent natural wonder.

                  4.Concept associated with’the way of speaking- recital In Slavic, Reci recenica ’

                  When sitting by a river in a non populated area over a long period of time it is the most beautiful experience to hear the continuous pleasant and soothing to the ear sounds. This happens night or day” The river never ceases to flow and make natural sounds, it never” sleeps”. At times it seems that the river is” talking” in a continuous flowing voice. One can almost picture the ancient workers and planters of the soil as they walked along the river nearby all day long and many times at night since we know that most of the plowing was done on clear moon lit nights. They continually listened to the song of the River. No power could stop the river, even if one builds a dam, it will over flow and continue to flow.

                  From time to time these sounds appear to transform in melodies and words as if the river is repeating or reciting a beautiful natural recital or message. These” Recitals” of the naturally flowing water do change with the seasons as the volume and therefore the force of this flow changes. In the distant past stories were told that people believed in the songs of the River.Therefore it is logical that the natural sounds of the flowing water have influenced the creation of the Human speech.

                  In the Homeric Poems we have some very archaic forms and meanings associated with this Concept, and although these have been most likely altered over the years by many writers or story tellers, they still have some excellent clues and valuable indications.

                  Remanants of vocabulary related to the concept of river in the Homeric Language [14]

                  rhsos - resos a river in the Troade also called Roiths - Roites

                  Rhsso , rhxhnwr - Resso,.reksinor- “one or somethig that breaks the way”

                  Rhsos - A River and River God - Father of the Trachian King Resos (Reses)

                  - and son of the River Strumon ( Struma) …. ( Hesoid .Th.339 – Hdt. )

                  As per Homer- In Bithinia known as Ribas- Rivas, Ribas [15]

                  Also we have the following words and forms in the HP with the associated meanings:

                  rhsis, rhsios , (resis, resios,recis, recios) = to talk, a saying!

                  This brings us to the Slavic and Macedonian forms:

                  Recis , reci , rec , recnik, recenica = to talk, to say, a word,dictionary,sentence

                  Recitira , recitacija, rekao, ja reko, = to recite,recitation,he said(told),I said(told)

                  It is important to the study of this Concept, to indicate that in the Macedonian and Slavic Languages the word ‘reci’and its related forms are generally used when saying a sentence or reciting words without having a conversation.

                  A recital is always an uninterrupted’ flowing’ form of talk, given to others that listen and it is most of the time in a poetic “” singing style” or form of speech There is no” response expected from the listeners” after a recital. Many times, even if one listens to a recital or song in a language not understood ,it is still adored and appreciated A good example of this is when listening to an Opera.

                  This is supported in the following observation: If one sees and hears one person just taking (zbora), he may wonder what is going on and might ask the person: Are you talking to yourself?

                  But if we hear a person reciting or singing a song, we usually stop and listen.

                  Also in Macedonian, the form “Recenica “indicates a “flow of words “Reci” expressed in one continuous sequence. This can be compared to’ zbora’ which is related to zbir, zbira, sobor, etc. when more than one person is gathered, indicating an interactive conversation.

                  In conclusion

                  The concepts associated with the river are many. These are true miracles of the river, Mother-river.The Slavic Languages have ‘recorded’in them an amaizing number of language concepts directly from nature, many of which are yet to be discovered.These languages have in them the most valuable and important linguistic information that will help all future linguists and etymologists achieve a better understanding of the European Languages, and in general provide simple and logical meaning to many Natural laws.

                  ‘Language is the most remarkable and the most characteristic of all human creations’

                  ‘Jazikot e mediumot kade prirodata se odrazila i zabeležala.Toj ja prestavuva najčudotvornata i najgenialna kreacija na čovekot’

                  Translation: (‘Language is the media where nature is reflected and recorded. It represents the most miraculous and most genius creation of man’)

                  Author: Odyssey Belchevsky

                  © All rights reserved by the author

                  Other Articles by the Same Author



                  References

                  1. The concept of movement / travel, was created from the basic property of water –liquid.This is a massive conceptual development of language in the Slavic group of languages. It is analyzed and recorded as a separate study by the author.

                  2 In modern Macedonian there are the related forms, Gholimbo’< Gholimboz <Gholim bog= Great god

                  3.The form’ zivil’has very close affinity and relation to the German word’ zivil’= civil = regular or civilian life ,compared to millitary life and brings us to the modern words civilian , civilisation etc. A civilization is related to living /existing of the Human race over a period of time. ( ż>z>s(c))

                  5 Georg Curtius,Principles of Greek Etymology, Lon .Vol II p.131,134 connects’ theos’ to’ theo’ =run “thought of even in antiquity by Plato”Crat. P.397, stating with his own words that ‘though a single god may have been called a ‘runner’this would be strange if applied to the race of the gods in general.’

                  6 Ascoli in the Vol.II of Georg Curtius, London p. 135( Rendiconti del Reale Instituto Lombardo Classe de letter e sc.moral.e polit.iv.fasc.6,)

                  7 As part of the marriage ceremony the Macedonians as well as other European cultures throw the grains( zito) on the bride and groom. This again symbolizes new life, procreation as the seeds are the procreators of new life begining,Also the word sitno is related to something small like the grain. In the bible, God gave men seeds to plant and procreate. Also the Macedonian peasants today when starting new trees or plants from the cuttings of the old existing trees, embed a grain /seed (wheat) at the bottom of the cutting .This procedure facilitates the development of new roots from the cutting,
                  Demeter was called Zito -Studies in Ancient Greek Society-George Thompson, Lawrence & Wishhart

                  8 Water, watta , voda , is also an inseparable and virtualy ‘fused’ part of the dialectical form –word for life ’ zivota ‘ ( t > d > t , w > v )

                  9 John Jamieson D.D The Radical affinities of the Greek and Latin Languages to the Gothic, Edinburgh 1814 , Page 66.



                  10 In the Ukranian Language the word for river is ‘rika’(reeka)

                  11 The Macedonian ritual of ‘khladone’- ‘kadones’-‘kladenci’ is recorded in Macedonia over a long period of time. The meaning of this term in Macedonian is connected to the water wells –springs, that come from the depts of the Earth.Originaly the young brides visited these wells with the notion to ‘bath –wash themselves with the water of these springs with the belief that the water that comes from the ‘depth of the Earth’ will ensure fertility and long life.The details of this ritual are connected to the concept of Pluto-Hades –Presefatta .They are postulated in a separate study of the author

                  12 This form has a very close affinity with the Ancient Macedonian river in Pelagonija-Errigon
                  13 A small correction is in order here. There is the English word’ creek’ ( ‘kreek) meaning small river that has the same base as reeka=river.Also the Slavic word /verb kreta, krece=move, flow.

                  14 Ludwig Franc Passow, Greek English Lexicon by George Liddell .1846 Oxford

                  15 The ancient Homeric form ‘riva-riba’ is not an error. It is a form given in the Homeric Poems. This may give light to the long sought explanation and relation of the words river > rive >ribe> riba -fish.It is natural and logical that at the time of primary Language creation ,that the word for fish-riba was associated with the word for river.This is currently under review in a separate study by the author.
                  "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                  GOTSE DELCEV

                  Comment

                  • George S.
                    Senior Member
                    • Aug 2009
                    • 10116

                    Prof. Dr. Kosta Peev

                    Macedonian Language from Greece
                    ‘ Speaks’ of the Macedonians living there.

                    by Odisej Belchevsky

                    January, 2006

                    Dr. Prof. Kosta Peev a Macedonian scholar and a Linguist-Dialectologist. Currently one of the most advanced and known linguists in Macedonia.

                    Professor –Doctor Kosta Peev dedicated a large portion of his life in exploring documenting and recording the language of the Macedonian people from the Aegean Macedonia. After a great effort and two decades of work his books

                    "a Dictionary of the Macedonian Dialects from the South east part of Aegean Macedonia" in three volumes and 1500 pages was published as the first Dialectical Monograph based directly on materials collected analysed and recorded by the author.

                    Dr. Kosta Peev was born in Strumica Macedonia, where he completed his Public School and gymnasium-High School. He continued his higher education in Skopje Macedonia. Here he graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy and after the Masters on the ‘Dojranski Govor’ he obtained his Doctorate with the Book –Study of the Kukushki Govor.He was a professor in Strumica Macedonia and later became Assistant Professor at the Institute for Macedonian Language, and Professor at the Faculty of Philology.

                    His Life Work has epic significance as it is an official and documentary work and proof of the existence of Macedonian people in what for long time was called Northern Greece. His work includes numerous live encounters with the people from this region and recording their tragic stories from the periods of 1913- 1918 and 1948-1949.

                    What motivated this great scholar to spend over two decades of his life working on the subject of Aegean Macedonian language?

                    ‘During the first world war in this part of the world, the Greek regime leashed their armies in Macedonia and literarily slaughtered the Macedonian population in the fields and their homes. The farmers were working in their fields, and as they were shot they ran not knowing what happened to their wives and children The families separated as they ran in all directions and many of them never saw each other again. Mothers with young babies and children ran for their lives, in many instances forced to leave their children on the roads and fields as they could not carry all of them. The elderly men and women and the sick were left behind.

                    It was one of the most brutal and uncalled for extermination of human life in this region of the world. The city of Kukush and the surrounding 36 villages were completely burned and destroyed. This region was the most industrious and established of Macedonia and the nucleus of Macedonians.

                    Many eye witnesses that escaped and survived told the tragic stories of the genocide to the Macedonian population. These stories are very tragic and are living proof of the atrocities inflicted on the innocent population.

                    This tragic event greatly touched the heart of the author .His desire to record these events reflected in his work in recording and documenting the language of these Macedonians.

                    This was not an easy task as the Greek regime of the 1960’s in Macedonia did not allow anyone to conduct official work related to language and history of this region of Macedonia from the older generation of Macedonians that remained there.

                    It was necessary to locate the now aged refugees from the First World War that had crossed the border between Greece and Yugoslavia .Therefore most of the work was carried out in Yugoslavia. The author had to travel to the various villages to meet with the Macedonian refugees and conduct the interviews and recordings.

                    The author has also used various related literature and information that was available in other European Centers such as Belgrade, Prague, Warszawa, Krakow, Paris and others.

                    What is the situation with the Macedonian spoken Language in Aegean Macedonia (Greece)?

                    According to Dr. Kosta Peev although minimal, the Macedonian Language is still spoken. However due to the current situation in Greece, where the Macedonian Language is not allowed and is under powerful influence of a ‘foreign language system’ this language is in the process of quick decline as less and less people of the younger generation have a chance to hear it or speak it.

                    Acceding to Dr. Kosta Peev and his work the Macedonian Language Spoken in the vicinity of Solun was the Language of the well known Macedonian brothers Kiril and Metodij who lived in the 9th Century in Macedonia and were the initiators, promoters

                    And educators of all the Slavic Nations. There are archaic forms that have been preserved in the Solun (Salonica) Macedonian Dialect that are only present in the Macedonian Language.Originaly similar type of work was carried in the late 1800’by some Slovenian Educators . These are Vatroslav Oblak in 1896, and his Professor at the University of Vienna Vatroslav Jagic .These Vienna Scholars traveled to Macedonia in 1890’near Solun (Salonica) recorded and confirmed the Macedonian Language spoken in this part of Macedonia.

                    The Importance of the Life Work of Dr. Kosta Peev is increasing everyday. His book is currently on the desks of the Russian University Scholars who are using his work to create the Russian Etymological Dictionaries. Kosta Peev’s has received a very high recognition by scholars, educators and professors, throughout the world.

                    Odyssey Belchevsky
                    "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                    GOTSE DELCEV

                    Comment

                    • George S.
                      Senior Member
                      • Aug 2009
                      • 10116

                      Stabilizing Relations Between Ethnic Macedonians and Ethnic Albanians in Macedonia

                      By Victor Bivell

                      printable version

                      Macedonian version

                      The relationship between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia has been a source of concern for many years, but it is unlikely to be resolved by ad hoc or piecemeal concessions by either side. What is required is a Government policy that will ease the tensions permanently.

                      While similar minority problems exist in many countries, the source of ongoing tension in Macedonia is twofold: the large size of the ethnic Albanian minority, and the rising proportion of ethnic Albanians to ethnic Macedonians in the general population. Both these factors contribute to unstable power relations between the two groups. Thus any solution to the problem must address the issue of population balance.

                      However, the policy positions on minorities adopted by other Balkan countries: denial of the existence of minorities, understating minority population numbers, overt and covert ethnic cleansing strategies, are not appropriate and are rightly condemned.

                      There are many other policy options that can achieve stability and that are based on acceptable international human rights norms and concessions from both ethnic groups.

                      What is at stake

                      For ethnic Macedonians, Macedonia is their long sought after and only homeland - the one place on Earth where they can fully enjoy their culture and develop it freely. This feeling is shared by ethnic Macedonians in Macedonia and by the relatively large Macedonian diaspora. Thus the preservation of Macedonia as the Macedonian homeland, as stated in the Constitution, is paramount.

                      For ethnic Albanians, the issue has at least three perspectives: one group of Albanians is content to the extent that they choose to live in Macedonia rather than in Albania and Kosovo, for a second group the issue is about greater human rights in Macedonia, and for a third group it is about the expansion of Albanian controlled territory.

                      From the Macedonian perspective, the Albanian desire for more rights must be seen in the wider Balkan context. Macedonia argues that the Albanian minority in Macedonia enjoys far greater rights than other ethnic minorities in the Balkans, and that these rights far exceed the human rights of ethnic Macedonians in Albania, Greece and Bulgaria, and also far exceed the human rights of all ethnic minorities in Albania and Kosovo, for example.

                      It is also true that Albanians, like Macedonians, are among the more than 200 privileged nations in the world which have their own homeland. Any ethnic Albanian who seriously feels they lack human rights need only travel the very short distance to Albania, a choice which the many hundreds of ethnic groups without a homeland do not have.

                      Macedonians see that ethnic Albanians have a homeland in Albania - as is clearly stated in the Constitution of Albania - and that no one is asking them to relinquish this. They also see Albanian demands for changes to the Macedonian Constitution as attempts to de-Macedonianize Macedonia - that Albanians are demanding that Macedonians give up their human right to have a homeland, something which Albanians are not being asked to do. In this situation, who is oppressing whom?

                      Thus ethnic Albanian demands for human rights are weakened by the strong elements of hypocrisy and political opportunism.

                      The solution to this is the granting of equal rights to the Macedonian minority in Albania, so that the rights of the two minority groups - ethnic Albanians in Macedonia and ethnic Macedonians in Albania - can advance together and equally.

                      Meanwhile, it is the third group of ethnic Albanians, the territorial expansionists, who are the most serious ongoing threat to stability.

                      The Albanian minority has claimed that it respects the territorial integrity of Macedonia, but the recent terrorist offensives in Tetovo and Kumanovo in north west Macedonia by organized ethnic Albanian military groups was widely seen among the international community and within Macedonia as an illegal and undemocratic attempt to gain territory.

                      The ability to mount a military offensive and the support given to that offensive are also indicative of the increasing power of the Albanian minority.

                      Even if Macedonia were to concede to Albanian minority demands for greater rights and changes to the Constitution, there is no guarantee that the Albanian minority’s demands would end there. The terrorist offensive shows that these demands are likely to continue at least until territory is conceded to the ethnic Albanians.

                      It is also certain that these demands will increase, not decrease, as the Albanian minority increases its proportion within the total Macedonian population.

                      Thus Albanian minority claims that they do not seek to annexe territory are insufficient. A mere verbal or written statement by ethnic Albanians that they will preserve Macedonia will never satisfy the Macedonian public and diaspora.

                      Policy of National Stability

                      This has placed the Macedonian Government under pressure to find a solution that preserves both Macedonia as a homeland for the Macedonian people and ethnic stability within the country.

                      To achieve these, the Government needs to make it clear that the Albanian minority has to be prepared to offer more than verbal comfort. They also need to make real concessions that will prove their bona fides and achieve national stability.

                      These concessions should be based on the core issue for ethnic Macedonians - stabilizing the intercommunity relations by stabilizing the ethnic Macedonian and ethnic Albanian populations in Macedonia.

                      The Macedonian State Statistical Office shows the following dramatic rise in the ethnic Albanian population, from 12.5 per cent in 1953 to 22.7 per cent 1994. Much of this was due to immigrants from Kosovo during the 1960s and 70s when Macedonia and Kosovo were both part of Yugoslavia.

                      POPULATION STRUCTURE ACCORDING TO DECLARED ETHNIC AFFILIATION, BY CENSUSES

                      year

                      1953

                      1961

                      1971

                      1981

                      1991 1)

                      1994 2)

                      TOTAL

                      100

                      100

                      100

                      100

                      100

                      100

                      Macedonian

                      66

                      71.2

                      69.3

                      67

                      65.3

                      66.6

                      Albanian

                      12.5

                      13

                      17

                      19.8

                      21.7

                      22.7

                      Turkish

                      15.6

                      9.4

                      6.6

                      4.5

                      3.8

                      4

                      Roma

                      1.6

                      1.5

                      1.5

                      2.3

                      2.6

                      2.2

                      Vlach

                      0.7

                      0.6

                      0.4

                      0.3

                      0.4

                      0.4

                      Serb

                      2.7

                      3

                      2.8

                      2.3

                      2.1

                      2.1

                      Others

                      1

                      1.4

                      2.3

                      3.8

                      4.1

                      2

                      Stabilizing the population proportions would provide comfort to the ethnic Macedonians in Macedonia and in the diaspora that their homeland is not being gradually lost from within, and in doing so provide a more conducive environment for the favourable consideration of advances in human rights and economic circumstances for all minorities in Macedonia, including the ethnic Albanian minority.

                      As part of developing a long term solution, the Macedonian Government should formulate and articulate a clear Policy of National Stability that addresses this issue. It should then implement a set of policies to achieve this based on a two fold strategy of increasing ethnic Macedonian numbers, principally through encouraging ethnic Macedonians to return to or migrate to Macedonia, and secondly stabilizing or reducing ethnic Albanian numbers, utilizing a selection of internationally accepted means including where appropriate the finding of desirable emigration opportunities.

                      The policy should guarantee political and ethnic stability within the country while also preserving the human rights of the ethnic Albanians.

                      The policy should be based entirely on voluntary and individual choice and positive incentives and should scrupulously avoid any suggestion of coercion or untoward forcefulness.

                      The method of implementation is crucial. The so called "voluntary" population exchanges between Greece and Turkey and Greece and Bulgaria in the 1920s - which involved hundreds of thousands of ethnic Macedonians as well as Greeks, Turks and Bulgarians - were humanitarian catastrophes that have forever given such government controlled population measures a bad name. But the agreement between Macedonia and Turkey in the 1960s for the return of muslim Turks to Turkey appears to have been a much more successful exercise proving that such a policy can work if it is the right policy and implemented well.

                      One option that does not appear to be workable in the current situation is that of separating the predominanlty Albanian region of Macedonia from the predominantly Macedonian region including as part of a land swap between Albania and Macedonia. Such a separation worked well for Czechoslovakia when it became the Czech Republic and Slovakia, but two factors make it difficult in Macedonia: it would clearly reward the aggression of the Albanian separatists, sending the wrong signal to the many other Balkan minorities, and the Macedonians in the Albanian majority region are clearly against it.

                      Implementation

                      What is the optimum balance between the ethnic groups that will ease tensions and generate stability? Many countries struggle with this issue, and perhaps there is no definitive answer to such a difficult, value-based question.

                      One option is to nominate a target: for example a long term target of returning the ethnic Macedonian proportion of the total population to its 1961 level of 71.2 per cent.

                      A second option is simply to increase the proportion of ethnic Macedonians incrementally until stability is achieved.

                      Either way, the desired level of stability would need to be achieved by policy measures that encourage an increase in ethnic Macedonian numbers along with if needed a stabilization or perhaps also a reduction in ethnic Albanian numbers.

                      There are numerous acceptable policy options available for further consideration that can achieve this.

                      Policy Options to Increase the Ethnic Macedonian Population:

                      1. Incentives to encourage ethnic Macedonians to form families and to have larger families. These could also be offered to other, non ethnic Albanian, minorities.

                      2. Measures to discourage migration by ethnic Macedonians, such as:

                      A. Government request under a Temporary Declaration of National Need.

                      B. Limitations on the movement of private capital out of the country by intending ethnic Macedonian migrants.

                      3. Incentives to encourage the return of expatriate ethnic Macedonians, including those from Tetovo, Kumanovo and north west Macedonia.

                      4. Incentives to encourage the migration to Macedonia of ethnic Macedonians from the diaspora who were born outside of Macedonia.

                      The diaspora is a massive resource that can assist Macedonia in the same way that the large scale immigration of Russian Jews in the 1990s assisted Israel, and the Pontian Greeks in the 1920s assisted Greece. Strategies could include:

                      A. Government appeal

                      B. Financial incentives (perhaps travel assistance, interest free housing loans, State flats or land grants) for such Macedonians who settle in approved regions such as Tetovo and Kumanovo and surrounds, and stay for a predetermined period, say 5 or 10 years.

                      5. A longer term program to encourage young ethnic Macedonians in the diaspora to consider living in Macedonia. For example, one target group could be single people who have at least one parent who is ethnic Macedonian. The program could provide free or subsidized housing for a set period, for example up to one year, and a refund on travel expenses to Macedonia, while they either study, work, seek work, set up a business or other approved activity. The young people could be housed in the same complex to encourage friendships and integration.

                      Policy Options to Stabilize the Albanian Minority’s Population:

                      1. Firm Government statement and policy that ethnic Albanians who desire to live peacefully in Macedonia are welcome but ethnic Albanians who desire the annexation of territory are unwelcome.

                      2. Repatriation of illegal immigrants.

                      3. More efficient border controls.

                      4. Return to Kosovo of all remaining refugees from the Kosovo War and Milosevic period.

                      5. Moratorium on granting of further citizenships for resident ethnic Albanians until the desired level of stability is achieved.

                      6. Increased higher education opportunities for ethnic Albanian women.

                      7. If stability is achieved, more dramatic policy options such as encouraging voluntary migration would not be required.

                      Conclusion

                      The lists are not exhaustive and there are numerous other policy options that can be explored in regard to both strategies.

                      Such a program, if implemented within all the accepted international human rights norms, should satisfy ethnic Albanians by providing desirable economic and other opportunities, and a better climate for improved human rights.

                      For ethnic Macedonians, it will guarantee that they will preserve their only homeland, demonstrate the bona fides of the ethnic Albanians in Macedonia, and create a safe climate in which human rights can advance for all citizens.

                      17 June, 2001
                      "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                      GOTSE DELCEV

                      Comment

                      • George S.
                        Senior Member
                        • Aug 2009
                        • 10116

                        Time to Reclaim Macedonia

                        By Victor Bivell

                        August, 2001

                        click here for a printable version

                        The outbreak of military hostilities in northern Macedonia this year is the first "hot war" episode in a longer "demographic war" between Macedonians and Albanians that has been brewing in Macedonia since the 1960s. History and current models of multiculturalism both show that when two large ethnic groups occupy the same space, conflict and or separation are inevitable.

                        Opinions are mixed among Macedonians as to how the Macedonian Government has handled the crisis so far. For my own part, I have three concerns:

                        1. The Macedonian Army failed the win a short and decisive military victory against the insurgents.

                        2. The Macedonian Government has not sought help from the large and very interested diaspora at a time crucial for the existence of Macedonia.

                        3. Both the present and previous Government have failed to develop a policy to reverse the rapid increase in the Albanian proportion of the Macedonian population, a trend which lies at the heart of this undeclared war.

                        When the insurgents entered Macedonia from Kosovo and were joined by some local Albanians, the international community gave the Macedonian Government a clear signal of support for a short, sharp, decisive military victory. Had the Army delivered such a victory, the insurgency would now be history.

                        Most unfortunately, the Government and the Army failed to deliver. Then, in a suspiciously short period of time, Macedonia lost the backing of the EU and NATO for a military solution. We can speculate as to why, and I think there are at least two relevant factors.

                        Instead of seeing a quick and clean end to the terrorists, the world saw many thousands of civilians leaving for Kosovo to avoid the line of fire, and at a time when NATO and the EU in particular have no more stomach for refugees from former Yugoslavia.

                        As it became clear that the Macedonian Army lacked the strategy and wherewithal for guerilla warfare and could not prevail easily with its artillery strategy, the attitude of NATO and the EU changed to one of taking the path of least resistance. As always in politics, any power will respect strength and the side that can deliver. NATO and the EU have found it easier to bully the Macedonian Government than to bully the terrorists. NATO and the EU seek only a solution and seem not to particularly care at what cost to Macedonia. Thus we have the national humiliation of Macedonia having to negotiate away parts of its sovereignty and even its "Macedonian-ness" with, indirectly but in fact, Albanian invaders and murderers.

                        The lesson is that strength works. On the two occasions when the Macedonian people have made their feelings plain, they were quickly given something for their effort. In less than two days after the people demonstrated en masse in front of parliament, US president George Bush issued his list of banned Albanians and promised to halt the flow of Albanian-American money to the terrorists. (Although we should not dismiss the possibility that this was a quid pro quo for the capitulation at Arachinovo.) On the second occasion, after the Macedonian Government threatened an all-out assault and the people demonstrated outside Western embassies against the ethnic cleansing by the terrorists, NATO quickly brokered an agreement for the terrorists to withdraw to the positions they held at the start of the present cease-fire.

                        This is how "real politik" seems to work.

                        It is not too late to show strength. But the Macedonian people, both inside and outside of Macedonia, must ask the hard questions:

                        1. Why was the Army not fully prepared for the insurgency?

                        2. Why does the Army not have specially trained and equipped units that can fully secure Macedonia's borders?

                        3. Why does the Army not have specially trained and equipped anti-guerrilla warfare

                        units that can stop the terrorists and end the insurgency? 4. Why are the Macedonian police not able to capture the "Albanian mafia" and stop their criminal activities that are reported to be behind the terrorists' activities?

                        If it is to survive in a form that Macedonians can recognize, Macedonia must obtain these competencies as soon as possible, and, in the case of anti-guerrilla warfare, be prepared to act decisively at the first opportunity.

                        "Demographic War" It is also imperative that Macedonians tackle the real issue: the longer term "demographic war" between Macedonians and Albanians that will decide who will form the majority group and eventually control Macedonia.

                        The Macedonian Government must formulate a policy that addresses this issue in a way that both preserves Macedonia as a homeland for the Macedonians and is acceptable internationally.

                        As no policy on this has ever been forthcoming by any Macedonian Government, I have taken the liberty of writing such as policy myself, titled Discussion Paper: Stabilizing Relations Between Ethnic Macedonians and Ethnic Albanians in Macedonia. The Discussion Paper was recently published in Nova Makedonija and can be downloaded from the MakNews Web site at http://www.maknews.com/html/articles/bivell.html.

                        The paper presents a range of internationally acceptable policy options for reversing the trend that has seen the Albanian proportion of the population rise from 13 per cent in 1961 to 22.7 per cent in 1994, while at the same time the proportion of Macedonians fell from 71.2 per cent in 1961 to 66.6 per cent in 1994.

                        While Macedonians were busy leaving Macedonia during the 1970s and 80s, Albanians from Kosovo were busy coming in. It is this dramatic change in demographics that has made possible the current insurgency and uprising.

                        Here is a clear example of the expression "politics is a numbers game". If Macedonians wish to keep "Macedonia for the Macedonians", we need to play this numbers game and win.

                        There are more than enough Macedonians around the world to re-assert the Macedonian right to control Macedonia. The problem is that more than half, on a conservative basis at least 1.5 million, live outside of Macedonia compared to 1.3 million inside Macedonia. It would go a long way towards solving the demographic problem if it were possible to some how pick up the Thomastown-Lalor-Epping region of Melbourne and place it between Tetovo and Gostivar. Likewise with the Macedonian part of Toronto, and for a number of other parts of the world.

                        Of course, this is not possible physically, and would be difficult socially, but it illustrates that Macedonia has more than adequate resources in terms of people, capital and talent.

                        There are many ways to tap these resources. One key strategy is the need to reverse the century old trend of Macedonians leaving Macedonia in search of a "better life": be it leaving ethnographic Macedonia for political freedom and economic opportunity, or, as in the 1970s to 1990s, leaving the Republic of Macedonia for economic reasons. Once these people leave and settle elsewhere, Macedonia loses not just them, their skills and capital, but also their children and grandchildren.

                        If the Macedonian Government or the Macedonian people so desire, it is possible to reverse this historic flow so that ethnic Macedonians including those born outside of Macedonia start to return to Macedonia in significant numbers.

                        While some Macedonians in the diaspora in a position to do so can simply vote with their feet and return to Macedonia at any time, for many others there is a need for Government encouragement and incentives and the creation of a Macedonia favourable to economic growth and political accountability.

                        Thus it is a matter of concern for many that when the Republic gained its independence the Government did not appeal to or encourage the diaspora to participate in the development of Macedonia, as did for example Croatia with its diaspora. This mistake has been repeated in the current crises. To date, there has been no request or initiative to encourage the diaspora to assist Macedonia in its time of need. By excluding the diaspora, Macedonia has been fighting with only one arm and, dare it be said, half of its brain.

                        One reason the diaspora is ignored is because it lacks formal economic clout. Informally Macedonians send many millions of dollars back to their families in Macedonia, and while this helps the families and the economy, it does not bring commensurate political voice.

                        So far, no one has harnessed in a formal way the economic resources of the diaspora as a means of economic development for Macedonia. It is a fact that well-to-do and well meaning Macedonians in the diaspora can invest almost anywhere in the world except in the development of Macedonia.

                        This because there are no professional, investment-grade funds and companies in which expatriate and other ethnic Macedonians outside Macedonia can invest and which use that capital for real business and development projects in Macedonia with measurable outcomes for the economy and real dividends for investors.

                        One example. Over the past nine years I have had the privilege of being the only full time venture capital journalist in Australia. Venture capital is new equity capital for start-up and fast growing businesses. Private equity, as it is also called, is itself a new financial service industry and a major world wide trend bringing huge economic development including employment and exports to those countries that are catching the wave.

                        Macedonia is not among them. The European Private Equity and Venture Capital Association lists Greece, Finland, Israel, Slovakia, Slovenia, Ireland and even Iceland among its 28 member countries - but it does not list Macedonia.

                        We need to change the view of Macedonia as a poor nation always with its hand out to other countries, and the attitude that the Macedonian people need to go somewhere else to seek work and fortune. Let's take back the responsibility for the economic development of Macedonia. Let's take back responsibility for the ethnic composition of Macedonia. Let's make Macedonia a place where Macedonians want to go back to, not run away from. In short, let's reclaim Macedonia.

                        The above article was published in Australian Macedonian Weekly

                        Victor Bivell is of Aegean Macedonian background. He is a journalist, editor, and founder of Pollitecon Publications which has published numerous books on the need for human rights for ethnic Macedonians in northern Greece.

                        Victor can be contacted via Pollitecon Publications at:: http://www.pollitecon.com
                        "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                        GOTSE DELCEV

                        Comment

                        • George S.
                          Senior Member
                          • Aug 2009
                          • 10116

                          Restoring Peace and Prosperity to Macedonia
                          -- The Rule of Numbers

                          By Victor Bivell

                          July, 2002

                          click here for a printable version

                          To read this page in Macedonian click here

                          The 2001 Albanian insurgency and terrorism in Macedonia - together with its appeasement by the international community, the one sided concessions by the Macedonian side in the Ohrid Agreement, and other national problems such as the slow pace of economic development, have left many Macedonians around the world pondering the future of Macedonia, and what they can do to help their homeland.

                          One of the hardest things for Macedonians to accept is that under the Ohrid Agreement the long-sought-after ideal of Macedonia as a homeland for the Macedonians has suffered a setback. Under the new Constitution, Macedonia is no longer a homeland for the Macedonians in the same way that Albania is the homeland for the Albanians and Greece the homeland for Greeks. Commentators have said the Constitutional changes mean that Macedonian society is no longer based on an “ethnic” model like its neighbours. Although the international community calls it a “civic” model, in reality it is a bi-ethnic model: before the Ohrid Agreement Macedonia was a country of one nation, the Macedonians, now it is a country of two nations: the Macedonians and the Albanians.

                          How did the ideal of a homeland for the Macedonians come to suffer this set back, and what can people of Macedonian background, including those who live outside of Macedonia, do to help build Macedonia into a secure, peaceful and prosperous country?

                          The Answer Is In The Numbers

                          In the absence of a military victory by the Macedonian military and a resolute response to the Albanian terrorism by the international community, the Albanian terrorists were successful in winning political concessions for the simple reason that the Albanians form a large minority within Macedonia.

                          In international minority politics, numbers count. Whether it is right or wrong, small minorities have small rights and large minorities have larger rights. Minorities of one to two per cent are everywhere and are unexceptional. Minorities comprising say around 10 per cent of the population, such as the Turks in Bulgaria, are large enough to cause severe international stress. The Albanians in Macedonia, at 22.7 per cent of the population, are by world standards a very large minority and this size brings certain rights and privileges not afforded to smaller minorities.

                          This does not excuse terrorism nor insurgency, made worse in the case of the Albanians because they were already a privileged minority by every Balkan and world standard.

                          But it does explain, for example, why large minorities are often allowed official use of their own language while small minorities are not.

                          This fact of international politics explains why the Albanians in Macedonia continually exaggerate their numbers, bandying about percentages of 30 and 40 per cent, without any regard for the most recent internationally monitored census. It also explains why Greece continues to swear against all the evidence that it is “98 per cent Greek”, and why it recognizes only a “Muslim” minority, even though the world knows there are Macedonians, Turks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Vlachs, Roma and others. It explains why the Greek Government does nothing to clarify the situation and why it does not have a question on ethnicity in its census.

                          As a rule, large minorities are very unpopular with governments and with majority populations, both of whom see them as representing large political and social trouble. Worse still is a situation such as that in Macedonia where there is a large minority yet the majority ethnic Macedonians, at only 66.7 per cent of the total population, are well below the level for most ethnic majority populations around the world. This is an inherently unstable situation. The point can be illustrated if we look at four multicultural countries: Australia, USA, Canada, and Fiji.

                          Australia has become a world leader in multiculturalism for at least two reasons: because the dominant ethnic group, in this case those of British descent, comprise about 75 per cent of the population, and secondly, while there are over 200 minority groups, the largest is only 4.3 per cent of the total population. In this model, no minority is large enough to constitute a threat to the dominant culture. This is a formula for long term peace.

                          In the US, white Americans form the majority at 75.1 per cent of the population, but among the minorities are two very large ones: the Hispanics and Latinos who are 12.5 per cent of the people and the African Americans who are 12.3 per cent.

                          These are large percentages. However, their respective political force is diminished because the populations are dispersed throughout the country. If each group were to compact itself into certain States, their right to further rights would improve. For example, if enough Hispanics were to move to say New Mexico, California or Texas where they are already strong and enough African-Americans move to say Louisiana, Mississippi or Georgia, so that each group became the majority in its chosen State or States, then they would gain new rights. Among them, if they chose to exercise it, would be the right to a referendum on independence and secession from the US.

                          This is in fact the situation in Canada, also a multicultural country with many ethnic groups. Those of French origin comprise about 23 per cent of the people, but they are a compact group, particularly in Quebec where 81 per cent of the population have French as their mother tongue. Already Quebec has had two referendums on independence, both failing by only a small percentage of votes.

                          If we take this process one step further and look at Fiji, we see a country that historically had one dominant group, the Fijians, but where under British colonialism Indian workers were brought in whose descendants since the second world war outnumbered the indigenous Fijians. In 1988 the Indians won the majority of parliamentary seats, a situation untenable for the indigenous Fijians. In the 14 years since, there have been three coups d’etat to maintain Fijian rule. After some population displacement, the current ethnic mix is 50.8 per cent Fijians and 43.7 per cent Indians.

                          The Macedonian Model

                          How does Macedonia fit into this model? The majority Macedonians comprise 66.7 per cent of the population, the Albanians 22.7 per cent, and the other minorities are less than 4 per cent each. Furthermore, the Albanians are compacted into the north west of the country and form the majority in Tetovo and Gostivar and some smaller localities. This is a situation conducive to long term political instability, particularly as current demographics indicate an increase in the proportion of Albanians and because the Albanians have shown a willingness to use ethnic cleansing of Macedonians to further compact their community.

                          The roots of Macedonia’s demographic dilemma lie in the influx into Macedonia of 150,000 Albanians from Kosovo in the 1970s and 80s. Had this not happened, Albanians would comprise around the 12.5 per cent of the population as they did in 1961, a large minority but not sufficient to threaten political stability or Macedonia as the Macedonian homeland.

                          The converse is that the percentage of ethnic Macedonians has fallen from 71.2 per cent in 1961 to the current 66.7 per cent. Compare this with say Slovenia where the Slovenians are 88 per cent of the population. The Slovenian homeland is secure, and free of ethnic divisions they have been able to get on with the serious business of economic development.

                          Clearly, the Macedonian politicians have been negligent in allowing the proportion of ethnic Macedonians to fall to such a dangerously low level and the proportion of ethnic Albanians to rise to such a high level. The following chart places into an international context just how diluted has become the ethnic Macedonian population in Macedonia.

                          Perhaps we should not be surprised that the stability of the country has now been shaken by terrorism, insurgency and near civil war between the two groups.

                          Comparing Ethnic Majorities in Their Homelands

                          Country

                          Ethnic
                          Majority

                          % of Total
                          Population

                          Largest
                          Minority

                          % of Total
                          Population

                          Japan

                          Japanese

                          99.4

                          Koreans

                          <0.6

                          Albania

                          Albanians

                          95.0

                          Greeks

                          3.0

                          Armenia

                          Armenians

                          95.0

                          Kurds

                          2.0

                          Germany

                          Germans

                          91.5

                          Turks

                          2.4

                          Romania

                          Romanians

                          89.0

                          Hungarians

                          7.1

                          Croatia

                          Croats

                          89.6

                          Serbians

                          4.5

                          Slovenia

                          Slovenes

                          87.8

                          Croats

                          2.7

                          Slovakia

                          Slovaks

                          85.7

                          Hungarians

                          10.7

                          Taiwan

                          Taiwanese

                          84.0

                          Mainland Chinese

                          14.0

                          Bulgaria

                          Bulgarian

                          83.0

                          Turks

                          8.5

                          United Kingdom

                          English

                          81.5

                          Scots

                          9.6

                          Singapore

                          Chinese

                          77.0

                          Malays

                          14.0

                          USA

                          White Americans

                          75.1

                          Hispanics & Latinos

                          12.5

                          Australia

                          British descent

                          75.0

                          Italians

                          4.3

                          Thailand

                          Thais

                          75.0

                          Chinese

                          14.0

                          Sri Lanka

                          Sinhalese

                          74.0

                          Tamils

                          18.0

                          Macedonia (1961)

                          Macedonians

                          71.2

                          Albanians

                          12.5

                          Macedonia (1994)

                          Macedonians

                          66.7

                          Albanians

                          22.7

                          Malaysia

                          Malays

                          58.0

                          Chinese

                          26.0

                          Belgium

                          Flemings

                          58.0

                          Walloons

                          32.0

                          Fiji

                          Fijians

                          50.8

                          Indians

                          43.7


                          Sources:
                          • Australian Bureau of Statistics
                          • NSW Government
                          • US State Department
                          • and various national census agencies

                          While the majority numbers for Albania and Bulgaria are likely overstated, they indicate the relative ethnic strength of two of Macedonia’ neighbouring countries.

                          The international comparison shows that, like Macedonia, many small countries are homeland states for their ethnic majorities, but unlike Macedonia they are not threatened by a diminishing majority or rising minority. The size of the majority is sufficient to secure its homeland.

                          Countries where this is not so are Fiji, which has suffered extreme political and social instability, and Malaysia which has had to resort to numerous affirmative action programs to preserve the majority’s position within its homeland.

                          Sri Lanka, where the Tamils are 18 per cent of the population, has suffered many years of civil war between the two ethnic groups.

                          Also interesting is the situation in Croatia where the Serbians where a 12.5 per cent minority until the recent civil war which saw their numbers fall to 4.5 per cent.

                          Belgium is an interesting case where peace between the Dutch speaking Flemings and French speaking Walloons is maintained by a Federal system and ethnically based autonomous economic regions.

                          A country’s political and social stability are also affected by how ethnically assertive or even aggressive is the minority, and by the attitudes of the majority.

                          However, as the chart shows, it is a general rule that the presence of a dominant ethnic majority is a factor for social stability.

                          The Way Forward

                          There is a clear need for Macedonia to achieve long term political and ethnic stability, and the international comparison shows that achieving these can be assisted by increasing the proportion of the majority Macedonian population to a level in line with other successful multicultural societies.

                          What that level should be is a decision for the Macedonian leadership and the Macedonian people. It would be interesting indeed to see the Macedonian people have such a public discussion.

                          For my own part, I believe a safe level would be a minimum of 75 per cent of the total population, as this would bring Macedonia in line with the Australian model, which I believe is world’s best practice.

                          Such a level would deliver many significant benefits. It would:

                          * Clearly secure Macedonia as the Macedonian homeland

                          * Help to avoid civil war with the Albanians

                          * Restore harmony between the ethnic groups

                          * End forever Macedonian concerns over the Albanians becoming the majority

                          * Make it easier for Macedonians to make available high level rights to the minorities, including the Albanians.

                          * Provide a dramatic boost to the economy and economic development.

                          How To Achieve It?

                          How such an increase is achieved should also be part of the discussion. For example, it need not be achieved through a reduction in Albanian numbers, although there exist internationally acceptable options if this is desired. Rather, it could be achieved relatively quickly through an influx of ethnic Macedonians from the diaspora.

                          No precise numbers exist for the size of the Macedonian diaspora, but it is credibility estimated on the conservative side at between 1.5 to 2 million and on the generous side at 3 to 4 million including those who have given up or lost their Macedonian consciousness. Certainly there are sufficient to achieve almost any target. The real problem is motiving a significant number of them to return to Macedonia.

                          So far the Macedonian Government has shown no inclination to use population policy to achieve political stability. Should this attitude continue, the policy can still be implemented by the Macedonian people, although it will take longer to achieve.

                          There are many expatriate Macedonians who are very willing to return, and many ethnic Macedonians from outside the Republic who would like to move to Macedonia. It happens continually. Many others would do so with only the slightest encouragement. Many feel a strong desire to help their homeland, and some of these may respond to the idea that they can help Macedonia by simply returning home, by having their feet on the ground and being a Macedonian in Macedonia.

                          But there are many others who would like to return but see no future for themselves in Macedonia, due mainly to the limited employment opportunities. Ironically, Macedonia’s level of economic development makes it a land of opportunity, and the growth of existing businesses and the formation of new businesses are areas where returning Macedonians would have both the ideas and the capital to make a big impact. There are many successful business people and professionals in the diaspora who could provide a real economic impetus if they could be enticed into establishing a business in Macedonia.

                          In addition, the large influx of Macedonians would immediately boost demand and therefore employment, enhance the country’s pool of capital and skills, and increase the formation of new businesses.

                          In this way, if it chooses, the Macedonian diaspora can play a substantial and even a decisive role in resolving the ongoing political tension between the Macedonian majority and the Albanian minority, and also speed up the pace of economic development and reduce the related social problems of high unemployment and poverty.

                          This is one way to help bring peace and prosperity to Macedonia and secure its long term future.

                          The above article was published in Australian Macedonian Weekly, July 2, 2002

                          Victor Bivell is of Aegean Macedonian background. He is a journalist, editor, and founder of Pollitecon Publications which has published numerous books on the need for human rights for ethnic Macedonians in northern Greece
                          "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                          GOTSE DELCEV

                          Comment

                          • George S.
                            Senior Member
                            • Aug 2009
                            • 10116

                            My First Visit To My Birthplace, The Village Neret Near Lerin in Aegean Macedonia

                            By Atanas Strezovski

                            printable version

                            I am Atanas Strezovski, an Australian citizen and passport holder. In July 2003, while on holiday in Europe, I decided to visit my birthplace to see my relatives and friends and to be present at the wedding of the daughter of aunty, Georgiou Elefterija.

                            While in Bitola, the Republic of Macedonia, I had received an invitation, written using the Greek alphabet to make Macedonian words. The letter said that I would be welcome “dear nephew” to attend the wedding of Hrisula and Atanasios and that they would wait “with warm heart” for me to arrive.

                            On my first attempt to return to Greece for a visit in August 1994 I had been denied entry - the border official told me this was because my passport had my birthplace as “Neret” and the country as “MKD”. Neret is the original Macedonian name for my village, and MKD is the international abbreviation for Macedonia. However, after the Balkan Wars the region became part of Greece and the village was renamed into the Greek “Polipotamos”. The border official said that there was “no way” I could enter Greece while the terminology “Neret” and “MKD” were in my passport.

                            On this occasion, because I had the invitation, I had a small hope that the Greek authorities would permit me to enter Greece when I arrived at the border checkpoint at Medzitlija. To encourage me, my mother, Paraskeva, who was also born in Neret but now lives in Bitola, had said to me that many people had been let into Greece because they had such an invitation. But I later realized that the invitation was irrelevant to the Greek authorities.

                            I made a deal with a Macedonian taxi driver that he would take me to the village Neret for 25 euros.

                            We set out at 8.30 am. The whole time I was afraid that they would not let me into Greece, as I know that many Macedonians born in Aegean Macedonia (now called northern Greece) have been wiped out from the records forever by the Greek authorities.

                            Despite the history and my own experience in 1994, I kept my small hope that they would let me enter. On the way, the owner of the taxi said that many hundreds of Macedonians with Australian and Canadian passports had been denied entry at the border simply because their birthplace was written under the original Macedonian name, for example “Buf, Makedonia”. According to the taxi driver, the Greek Government does not want to see Macedonian names and that is why they turn people back. The Government wants to see these toponyms written only under the new Greek names with which they had Christened them.

                            He said that when the Macedonians were denied entry they became very unhappy and that as a taxi driver he was also unhappy as the passengers paid for their journey but had not reached their destinations. What the Greeks are doing is very unfair, he said, but they are very powerful internationally and what can the Macedonians do? He then added that he has two Greek border officers who are good friends of his and that if one of them is on duty there is a small possibility that I could pass through. Otherwise there would be no chance at all, he said.

                            About 9 am we reached the check point, Medzitlija. He told me to wait in the taxi and he would test the ground for me. A few minutes later he returned and said it was successful.

                            When I saw the stamp in my passport, I was surprised that I would be allowed to pass the border, as I could clearly remember not being allowed to pass through in 1994. I could not believe the situation. I was overjoyed.

                            As soon as we started the car, I said to the taxi driver “The ice is broken, the times are softer, and even the Greeks can see that the Macedonians are people too. This is probably because of criticism and pressure from human rights organizations and the European politicians and community.” The young taxi driver said “Do not be so happy until the job is done and we reach your village.” The driver said that although he had been to many villages, this was the first time he was going to Neret. We would need to ask directions from somebody and, as there were a lot of Greek agents in plain clothes, to be on the safe side we would need to ask in the Greek language and to ask for the village using its Greek name. “Pujse to Polipotamos” he said to me in Greek to show me how, as I was on the footpath side of the car.

                            And that is what happened. When we met a women, I said the above words and she answered something in Greek which I did not understand. But the taxi driver told me even if I do not understand what she is saying, she was showing with her hand that we need to turn right at the T junction.

                            We continued on for another 10 minutes. But to ensure we were going in the right direction, we stopped again and asked a man who was plastering a house - using the same Greek words above. His short answer - in perfect Macedonian - was that we were on the road to the village Neret (“pa Vie patuvate za selo Neret”). With a similar short reply - also in Macedonian - I said to him with a smile “Yes, we are going there.” ("Da, tamu odime.”) He gave us precise directions. “Turn left at the third bridge. It is the last village. You cannot miss it.”

                            In 15 minutes we arrived at the village Neret. At once I was greeted by my relatives, my aunty Elefterija and my cousins Dimitrios and Vasili Tolis.

                            The wedding was underway when we arrived. The band played Macedonian and Greek music. But there was only music - no singing. Even well known Macedonian national songs, such as “Mariche Le Lichno Devojche” (Maria You Pretty Girl) were only played by the band but no one sang to the music.

                            Until 4 pm the ceremonies were only in the centre of the village. Around 3 pm I went to the church to speak with the priest. There was no sign of the name of the church - not in Macedonian nor in Greek. I asked the priest but he refused to answer. He seemed frightened. I asked one of the guests near me “What is the name of this church?” The lady replied “Sv Bogorodica” (St Mary). I asked why there is no name on the church? Why it is blank? She said “We know the name”. When I asked the priest if the church is called Sv Bogorodica he said “Yes” in Macedonian, but made no further comment. But the service in the church was entirely in the Greek language.

                            Outside the church and in the village, when there were no Greeks present, the people generally spoke Macedonian, so my impression was that the Macedonian language at least is no longer forbidden. However, it is a shame that there is no Macedonian school and that the Macedonian language is not used or taught at school.

                            That evening in the nearby town of Lerin, in the hall where the wedding celebrations continued, the band played Macedonian music but the words were sung in the Greek language.

                            After the wedding we returned to Neret and I stayed with my cousin Dimitrios.

                            The next day I awoke about 10 am. I was alone in the house. I looked at the photograph albums, which my cousin had already pointed out to me.

                            Most of the photographs were of my relatives, and I saw photographs of my dead grandfather, Hristos Strezos. I also saw photos of his son, my uncle, Kosta Strezov, who now lives in the town of Burgas in Bulgaria. It was Kosta who had originally told me about this wedding and suggested I try to enter Greece to attend. Kosta had previously not been allowed to enter Greece and so on this occasion had not tried to enter to attend the wedding.

                            I also saw a photograph of my grandfather’s other son, my father, Giorgi Strezovski. I was in the photograph, a child of about four sitting on his knee. The photo was taken in Bitola in about 1948. I was born in 1944 and my family had left Neret and gone to Bitola while I was a baby. My father was a patriot. He had told my mother that if we stayed in the village we would become Greeks but if we left we would have a chance to remain Macedonians. Many other Macedonians in Greece had felt the same.

                            I believe that as a Macedonian intellectual my father was persecuted by Serbian nationalists. My father was a professional musician, a clarinet player and composer, but in the photograph he was wearing a Yugoslav army uniform. Because of the split between Tito and Stalin, he was imprisoned for about three years in Serbia during the time of the “Informbiro”. His health deteriorated through maltreatment, and the prison doctor diagnosed that he would soon die. They let him free so that he would not die in the prison hospital. From Serbia he moved to Bitola and then Skopje but no doctor could help him and he passed away.

                            I also saw my mother, Paraskeva Strezovska, with her sons Lenin and myself, Atanas, photographed in Ohrid, although I do not know in what year. I was about 10 years old.

                            I also saw a photograph of myself as a Serbian soldier in the Yugoslav National Army. The photo was dated 25.10.1964.

                            I also saw a photograph of my cousin, Toli Dimitrios, dressed as a Greek ‘Evzon” guard.

                            At my request, my cousin, Vasili Tolis, took me to the monastery Sv Naum, where there are the graves of my relatives, including that of my grandfather Hristos Strezos, who died in 1975. The family believes this was from beatings by Greek agents whom the Macedonians call “andarti”. We believe the reason is that he received a letter from Australia which was addressed to Risto Strezovski and not Hristos Strezos, the Greek version of his name.

                            I also saw the graves of my cousin Hristos Tolis and his wife Fane Filippoi, for whom I lit candles.

                            Again, in this monastery also, I could see no writing to indicate its name.

                            In the village cafe, I met with a group of Macedonians who spoke in Macedonian. I joined the group and they accepted me. I told them I was born in the village but had left as a baby and this was the first time I had come back in 59 years.

                            They asked to see my passport and when they saw written the word “Neret” they were surprised and said how good it was that I could successfully enter Greece. I told them the story of the taxi driver.

                            They mentioned that even a letter which has Macedonian script or names and surnames is not delivered. They believed such letters are returned to sender but I believe they could be kept by the Greek authorities or even destroyed.

                            After three days the time came for me to leave for Bitola. Around 5 pm I said my goodbyes to my relatives, and my cousin Vasili took me to the border at Medzitlija.

                            On the way my cousin said he would bring me to Lerin to see my grandfather’s old shop where he practised as a tailor. My father also worked there as a boy before he became a musician. The shop has been closed since the late 1920s or early 1930s when my grandfather travelled to Australia to look for work. The shop looks as it was then and I took several photographs.

                            We started again for Bitola and my cousin said to me “Oh cousin, Tanase, if you had stayed here instead of emigrating you would have a house in Neret, a farm in Neret, and a shop in Lerin. Because your family was not here your grandfather Hristos gave everything to us and made us promise we would not sell the shop to anyone.” I did not have a comment to this, except to say “Good luck to you for your inheritance and may you have a happy life. If I have another chance in my life time I will come back again. All I want is for us to be healthy and happy.”

                            At the border, I wanted to make my farewells and to continue alone, in case there was some problem at the check point which I did not want my cousin to suffer. But my cousin said he would take me to the Macedonian border.

                            At that moment I had a feeling that something unexpected could happen.

                            But my cousin insisted with the words “Don’t worry. I was an evzon guard here and everyone knows me.”

                            When I gave my passport to the Greek official, he opened it and carefully read every part. He looked aghast and said “Selo Neret”.

                            As he said the Macedonian word “Selo”, which is nowhere in the passport, I immediately realized that he may be of Macedonian background. The possibility that he could be reminded me of a “Janichar”, a Turkish word from the Ottoman period that meant a Macedonian child who had been confiscated from their parents and raised as a soldier to kill Macedonians.

                            I got a feeling that I would have a problem. I was mostly worried about my cousin Vasili as I would be returning to Australia but he would remain there.

                            The official asked me in Greek “What is Neret?” and what is “MKD?”. I shrugged my shoulders and as I do not speak Greek I answered to my cousin in Macedonian so that he could translate “I do not know”, even if I did know.

                            He rolled the passport nervously in his hands. He made a phone call and looked up some books, ostensibly to find out what “Neret” and “MKD” mean, although I believe he already knew what they meant. I waited for about an hour at the counter. Meanwhile a number of people with Greek passports passed through trouble-free at the same window. As I waited on my feet I began to feel I was being punished. The officer held his head with both hands and looked as if he could not believe what he was reading. I wondered how a person including myself could have passed the check point and not have been checked properly. Clearly there had been some sort of “error” by the officer who had allowed me to enter Greece. I felt that the officer could get into serious trouble for allowing me in, and I felt sorry for him as what he had done was right from a humanitarian point of view. Meanwhile the officer I stood before still could not believe what he saw and continued to fidget with the passport. Finally he asked me when and how I entered Greece and who had let me in? My answer through my cousin who translated was that I did not know which officer it was but that I passed through the same road on which I now wished to leave. I told him the date and the time and that now two days later I am waiting patiently to leave as relatives of mine were on the Macedonian side of the border with a car.

                            The officer seemed exhausted from asking me the same questions over and over and did not know what else to ask me. Finally he gave back the passport. I thanked him and quickly left the building.

                            As I opened the car door and was about to sit, I saw an officer, a large man with a uniform, coming towards me. Unlike the other officer, he had a pistol on his hip. He spoke in rapid Greek, of which I could only understand the word “passport”. Immediately I understood the problem and gave him the passport. He entered the checkpoint office from which I had just left.

                            I waited on the footpath for about seven minutes. The large officer then returned and gave me the passport. I thanked him in English.

                            We entered the car and left immediately for the Macedonian border.

                            I wondered why the large officer had taken my passport when the first officer has already cleared me to leave. As we were driving I opened the passport to see if there had been any changes. I saw that the stamp for my entry into Greece had been badly smudged with blue ink so that the Greek words were no longer identifiable. There was also some new handwriting - the word “AKYION”, presumably a Greek word.

                            I also noticed that there was no stamp for my exit.

                            In those moments I asked myself what all this meant? Whether that by destroying my entry stamp it made it look as if I had entered Greece illegally, perhaps by jumping the fence or crossing some farmland or bush etc, rather than having passed through the checkpoint? Was that the reason for defacing the passport - to destroy the evidence that I entered Greece legally? However I did not believe that they could fully destroy the evidence of my legal entry as surely the information would have been entered in their computer system?

                            I decided I would take action to make these events known to various Macedonian human rights organizations in Bitola and Sydney and to the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs in Canberra.

                            A year later I am still asking myself - what is the real problem? Is it that I entered Greece under my original Macedonian name and surname; is it that I entered Greece under the original Macedonian name of my village - Neret, instead of the Greek Polipotamos as they have renamed it; or is it that I entered Greece with the international abbreviation for Macedonia - MKD. I think it is that any or all three of the above would signify official recognition for the Macedonian people and country.

                            Sydney, June 30, 2004

                            The author can be contacted at PO Box 179, Ramsgate NSW 2217 Australia, or [email protected]


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                            "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                            GOTSE DELCEV

                            Comment

                            • George S.
                              Senior Member
                              • Aug 2009
                              • 10116

                              My First Step Abroad

                              By Micho Stefanovski

                              printable version

                              It was early March in 1948. The ground was still wet after a record snowfall early in February, the sub-zero temperature did not deter the villagers to venture out from their semi-hibernation to begin the cycle over the land as their fathers and grandfathers did for centuries before them.

                              This coming spring, however, must have been very difficult for the villagers to begin their never ending chores as most of their equipment and grain supplies were lost six months earlier when the army burnt down most of the village.

                              They were willing to recoup their losses however if only the two warring factious had left them alone. Drenichevo (Kranohori in Greek) a small village situated close to the highway between Kostur (Kastoria) and the small provincial town of Nestram (Nestourion) was the meat in the sandwich between the Greek army and the partisans. The army had kept a garrison in Nestram and that garrison had to be supplied with food and military equipment every second week.

                              Every time the army had tried to bring in some supplies to Nestram, the partisans would attack the convoy, consisting of trucks, mules, horses and donkeys, to disrupt the supply lines. The partisans would enter my village, taking positions in the church, school and strategically placed houses to fire on the convoy. The army in return would fire back with machine gun fire, mortar and artillery shells into the village.

                              These never-ending battles had a devastating effect on the villagers, disrupting their daily lives with fields unharvested, fodder and hay uncollected, firewood uncut and so on. Early in March, rumours reached Drenichevo that the army was about to launch an offensive against partisan lines near the village of Gradche (Ftelia) about four kilometres west of Drenichevo. It was crystal clear that the partisans would never allow at any cost the army to reach their front line positions so the battle would be fought between Drenichevo and Gradche. There was another rumour however, even more disturbing for my village than the first one. The army will occupy Drenichevo and send all the population into exile.

                              My father was very disturbed about these rumours. He actually worried more about our livestock than the safety of my family. After all the land and our animals provided us with food to live on, without them there would be no life. We decided that the only way to beat the army offensive was to get all our animals out of Drenichevo and into partisan controlled territories. By the 10th March, my father and I and with many other villagers set out with our animals to reach safety behind partisan lines which were situated a couple of kilometres west of Gradche. I never said good-bye to my mother, brothers, sister or to my aunty Melyovitsa. We assumed that the trip would last only a week or two as it did during WW2 fleeing the Germans for the same reasons.

                              The exodus from Drenichevo was slow and painful. People would get out from their charred houses to see where we were going. Some of them wanted to join us, but others just cursed us for creating an unnecessary panic and mayhem. It took us nearly two hours to reach the outskirts of Gradche where two plain clothed partisans with guns were manning a checkpoint. They wanted to know about us and where we were heading. A written pass or some kind of permission was issued to us on a scrap of paper to enter the partisan controlled zone. We went through Gradche very quickly and headed for the hills of Sveti Ilija and Popov Vr. Actually, Gradche means 'a little town' in Macedonian. I wonder what history and ancient past glories lies buried under the ruins of this little village.

                              About one kilometre west of Gradche, we came to another checkpoint manned by several uniformed partisans. They took away our passes and let us continue our journey. The narrow path was taking us higher and higher into the hills. We could see bunkers nearby and partisans sitting or lying around. They were dirty, badly clothed and possessing a variety of weapons, such as English made 303 rifles and Bren guns, Italian made sub machine guns and machine guns, German made ERMA MP40 or Stager and Smazer submachine guns and of course the famous German made fast firing M634 machine guns. They were just as deadly as any modern weapon in the Greek army armour. Half way up the hill, we could see more bunkers and more partisans sitting or lying around. One young partisan no more than 18 or 19 years old came to my father asking for food. He said it was a hard and difficult winter and he said that they were practically starving. My father reached for the bag he was carrying, gave him one large loaf of bread and kept one for ourselves.

                              The young partisan got down on his knees, grabbed my father's hand and kissed him. "Thank you chichko" (uncle), he said several times and went back to share the meal with his comrades. It was obvious that these boys were starving. How they fought the enemy on a empty stomach was anybody's guess. When we reached the top of the hills, a place called the Cradle of Garleni (Hionatou), we could see many women and older men constructing or repairing a series of bunkers. They would drag timber logs from great distances to reinforce these bunkers damaged during recent fighting. Heaps of spent machine-gun and rifle cartridges were lying around. Hundreds of artillery made craters were scattered near the bunkers. The land was practically covered with small and large pieces of rusting shrapnel. It looked like a moonscape.

                              From there on it was all the way down to the Turkish built little village of Garleni (Hionatou). The present inhabitants were refugees from Turkey brought in by the Greek government in 1923 after the Greco-Turkish war in 1922. Most of these people were monarchists siding with the army. During the early days of the Greek Civil War, they fled their homes for the safety in army controlled territories.

                              The task of finding accommodation for us and the animals was left to the partisan officials. There were many empty houses but the influx of people from other villages fleeing the army had made the matter a lot more difficult. We were given a half burnt house near the centre of the village. The large earth floored room with a large fireplace must have been a kitchen and a storeroom combined. Another room on the other side of the house was occupied by the partisans using it as a telephone or telegraph room relaying messages to other units in the area. My father and I together with at least ten other people had to share the room for the duration of our stay in that village.

                              We slept on the cold and hard floor with one blanket as a mattress and another to cover ourselves. To keep us warm, we kept the fireplace going 24 hours a day. Next to our room there were some barns for our animals. From the first day of our arrival, my job was to take our sheep and lambs for grazing in the countryside. Father would look after the bulls and other animals at home. Soon after the second day we completely ran out of food. We drank some milk from our sheep but milk after all is only water and not very filling. This problem was widespread throughout the village. People complained of hunger and partisan authorities were powerless to rectify the problem. After all they needed more food themselves to fight the enemy than us. Some shipment of cornbread was organized to be shipped from Albania with mules during the night. It was equally distributed throughout the village. Our ration was one slice of cornbread a day. I would take my slice with me out to work, cut it in half with my penknife. I would eat half of the slice for lunch and bring the other half home to be eaten for dinner before going to sleep. At night before going to sleep the older people would tell stories about their terrible experiences since the days of the 1903 uprising. Their fight for freedom against the Turks. Stories about the war in 1912-13 when our neighbours divided our land. Stories about the Greek army arriving in Macedonia from the south and how badly they treated our people. Many more stories about how some of them emigrated to America, their stay there and why they returned back home again. I would listen to all these stories with great interest and I would compare them with our problems we were facing now. During the early hours in the morning, we would be awaken by noise made by horses or mules on a cobblestone road just next to our wall. The partisans were ferrying supplies to the front. These supplies were apparently coming from Albania across the border with great secrecy. Every morning, I would take my sheep and lambs to the pastures around the village exploring the countryside for unusual and interesting spots.

                              Sometimes, another child would accompany me to the pastures making my life more bearable. I would take my sheep miles away without any fear from anyone. Partisans in groups would walk to their destinations. Some of them would search my pockets and take away my slice of bread. I would go back home at night very hungry and ask my father if he had some of his slice for a rainy day like that. Sometimes I would follow a group of partisans for miles with my sheep to find out what they were up to. They would set up some rough made targets and use them as practice shooting. I would go behind them and beg them so I could have a go. Many times I was chased away but sometimes they would give me a rifle, teach me how to aim and squeeze the trigger. I would miss the target by a mile. They would wet themselves laughing, telling me that I would make a bad partisan. By the second week, I began to feel a bit homesick. I was missing my mother, younger brothers and sister.

                              I would take my sheep to the highest spot in the district where the panoramic views were spectacular. I could see all the plains below as far away as Kostur. I could see my village below, the hills where I used to play and take my animals to graze. It looked so peaceful from afar. Then I could see some smoke mushrooming into balls. I knew exactly by experience what they were. Mortar bombs were falling around the village. The rumours we heard earlier about the army offensive were not rumours after all. I used to take my sheep to a plateau, a few kilometres east of the village. It was not very far from the bunkers the women and men were earlier constructing and repairing. The ground was littered with war junk. I was desperately searching to find something to eat. I was so hungry. One slice of cornbread a day was not enough for a growing 12 year old boy like me.

                              There were several graves of soldiers hastily buried by their comrades. Some of their boots were clearly visible above the wet soil. While removing a pair of boots from one of the semi decomposed soldier, I unearthed an army pack (sack) buried close to the corpse half full of sultanas. I was so happy. I took the boots and the army pack back to my father. He washed the sultanas and shared it with the other people in the room. It smelled like earth, but god it tasted so good. The next day I would go back to the same spot searching for more food, maybe a can or two left behind by the army. I became a scavenger actually competing with the vultures flying round in circles searching for food too. An army plane would fly around in circles perhaps on a reconnaissance mission photographing partisan targets. At times it would sweep so close to the ground for a second look that the pilots face was clearly visible. It would spook my sheep in all directions. I would curse him for his action for hours, praying to God that the bastard was dead. I never tried to hide, I felt that my life was so cheap and was not worth living. By now some of the first casualties from the battle below had started to arrive. Young women with stretchers bringing in a lot of badly wounded partisans. Some of them were without an arm or a leg or their stomachs were ripped apart by a bomb that their intestines were clearly visible. They would cry with pain and ask for water. There was very little the women could do for them. With no doctors or medical supplies, the badly wounded ones would die. The legendary Macedonian partisan officer P. Shiperko was killed by a mortar bomb in the same battle. His body was brought in on a white horse for burial. He was mourned by thousand of partisans and civilians alike who knew him. About 1,500 metres east of Garleni close to a small creek, I found hundreds of partisan graves marked by a simple wooden cross and without any name.

                              One evening a high ranking partisan officer visited Garleni to address the people about something of great importance. He said that the army offensive below us was gaining momentum. It is very important he said that every child between the age of two and 14 be evacuated to a safer place. The only safe place around was the territory of Albania some 10 kilometres away.

                              The preparation for the removal of the children from Garleni to Albania had to be carried out within two days. About 4 o'clock in the morning on the 25th of March 1948, we set out from Garleni for the Turkish built border village of Shak. We had to move in the dark because of fear of being bombed by Greek military planes. A lot of mothers and fathers came with us to see us off across the border. My father came with me carrying my blanket and the army sack I found filled with sultanas. This time, however, the sack was full of cooked meat. He slaughtered a lamb especially for the occasion to make sure that I had something to eat for at least several days.

                              When we arrived in Shak, the sun was already up. We sat with my father under a huge willow tree close to a small river running through the village. We ate some of the meat we had in the army pack. Later on, we visited a church and went inside to pray. My father was a very religious person, he believed that god would never abandon us. He would be with us no matter where we went. Outside the church about two metres from the bell tower were two graves side by side close together. The locals claimed that during the early days of the civil war a vicious battle took place in the village. Several people were killed. Among them were young brothers. One was a partisan and the other one a soldier. They buried them close together near the church. Later on we went to the centre of the village to hear what the partisan authorities had to say about our departure. The partisans were celebrating the Greek National Day. We stood there for a while. It was time for the mothers and fathers to say good bye to their children. I could hear cries that the children did not want to be separated from their loved ones. I stood there with my father. We did not say much. He had his arm around my shoulder and he was looking at me. Through his tired and sad eyes I could sense what he was thinking. That this probably will be the last time he sees me. I tried to be cheerful convincing him and myself that his is not the end of the world. That one day, god willing, we will see each other again. He said good bye, he turned around and left.

                              I stood there in silence watching him slowly disappearing on the horizon. He did not turn around for the second time to say good bye. I believed that he was devastated and heartbroken as I was and he did not want me to see his face with tears running down his cheeks. I knew he loved me a lot and I loved him too. That was the last time I saw my father alive.

                              I stood there for a few minutes though it looked like eternity. For the first time in my life I had found myself alone, abandoned by the last member of my family.

                              Cries were still coming from the crowd. Children as young as three had to be separated from their mothers and left alone. It was a heartbreaking moment. One by one all the mothers and fathers had left. Only two elderly mothers, one from our village and the other one from Gradche or Chuka remained with us. They became our foster mothers and supervisors for the journey into Albania and beyond.

                              That afternoon the partisan authorities collected all our blankets promising us that later on they will be loaded on a truck and sent to our destination. We never saw our blankets again. Late that afternoon an order was given for us to cross the border. They told us to follow one of the goat made tracks to reach Albania but no partisan or partisan official came to lead us for the final journey.

                              We took the narrow path up the hill, one mother in front of us and the other behind. Over one hundred children one by one slowly but surely moved closer and closer to the border. A large white stone about one and a half metres high and 60 centimetres wide was marking the Greco-Albanian border. We continued with our slow pace until we reached a barrier consisting of a thick horizontally stretched copper wire with other smaller vertical wires every few metres connecting the main wire to the ground.

                              The leading mother had gently lifted the wire about one metre high to let the children through. When half of the children managed to cross that part of the section to the other side of the wire two Albanian soldiers with their guns ready were seen running down the hill towards us. They were screaming at us and telling to stop immediately. We did not understand a word of what they were saying but we knew whatever it was it must be very serious. When they realized that we could not speak Albanian they asked us to sit down and wait. One of them went back to wherever they came from and minutes later returned with another soldier. The other soldier was a Greek-Albanian speaking Greek perfectly. Gently he explained to us that the wire we were lifting was indeed a booby-trap connected to mines on the ground. It was a miracle he said that the mines did not go off. He also said that the border guards have no knowledge from their higher authorities for children like us to cross the border. The soldiers asked us to go back to the village that was only one kilometre away. By the time we returned back to Shak it was already dark. The locals come to our assistance taking us in small groups to their homes.

                              Next morning the red faced officials were lost for words about what went wrong. Apparently while they were busy telling us what to do, they forgot to notify the Albanian authorities about our trip. A typical Greek bureaucratic bungle. Somehow the word that the children had returned to Shak reached Garleni like grass fire. Scores of mothers and fathers came to greet their children back. The trauma of separation was repeated again for the second day. My father unfortunately was not one of them. I understood perfectly that he had no time for a second farewell. He had plenty of work to do. He had to look after the animals himself now.

                              The partisans sent a representative to meet the Albanian border guards to discuss the matter. Permission was given for us to cross the border on the same day.

                              When we reached the border two Albanian soldiers escorted us to their barracks some two kilometres away from the border. They gave us some cornbread and water and put us on four military trucks for the long trip to the city of Korcha. About two and a half months later and thousands of kilometres behind us we reached Brno (Czechoslovakia), our final destination.


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                              A Girl From Neret by Lefa Ognenova-Michova and Kathleen Mitsou-Lazaridis. Childhood in an old Macedonian village, and a child’s view of war... more »


                              Macedonian Spark

                              Reprints of Makedonska Iskra (Macedonian Spark), the first Macedonian newspaper in Australia - 1946 to 1957... »

                              New Article
                              A Life in Macedonian Affairs - Interview with Mick Veloskey ... more »


                              Life in Aegean Macedonia
                              Original articles and essays on Aegean Macedonia, its politics, culture, history and diaspora... more »


                              Macedonian Communities
                              Profiles and information on Macedonian communities around the world... more »

                              Reprints
                              Articles and reports on Macedonian human rights reprinted from other sources... more »


                              Macedonian Essays
                              Articles and essays on Macedonian themes by the publisher of Pollitecon Publications... more »


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                              Order any of our books here ... more »


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                              How to submit an article or manuscript... more »
                              "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                              GOTSE DELCEV

                              Comment

                              • George S.
                                Senior Member
                                • Aug 2009
                                • 10116

                                The Migrant Experience: From Village to Suburb

                                By Alexander Glafchev

                                printable version

                                “You may not think much of this old cottage with the allotment by the hedge and the muddy path to the spring, but I have seen this daily for fifty years. I do not know how I shall be when I leave it.”1
                                Introduction

                                By examining the sociocultural patterns which exist in our society, we are able to better understand how we can best address the needs of our urban environment. The patterns of life which exist form an intricate and complex web, encompassing all aspects of human existence. These patterns are dependent upon the forces and factors which mould our lives and shape our physical environment.

                                Comparisons will be drawn between the sociocultural patterns of a Macedonian village and the urban pattern of life in Adelaide. Much of the information presented is based on the life experiences of one Macedonian2 in the village and in South Australia, and I thank him sincerely for sharing his experiences with me. This paper will also overview the changes and challenges faced by the Macedonian community in adapting to the wider Australian community and their relationship with the urban landscape. Particular emphasis will be placed on the built form in the village of Visheni, which is situated in the Southern Balkan region of Europe.

                                It is hoped that this overview will allow a closer self-examination by architects, planners and designers of the need to carefully consider the sociocultural factors which influence the Australian cultural fabric and the need to seek community involvement and participation in the design process.

                                Background

                                The village of Visheni3 (Visinca in Greek) is located within the borders of Northern Greece, and lies within the geographical territory of Macedonia. This territory was under the control of the Ottoman Turkish Empire for approximately five hundred years until 1912, when the Turkish armies were defeated by an alliance of Balkan countries. The resultant victory saw the partition of the territory amongst Greece (which acquired 51%), the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (acquired 38%), Bulgaria (10%) and Albania (1%). The Macedonian people who inhabited the region were given no role, nor representation in determining their fate with the disembowelment of their land, under the Treaty of Bucharest (ratified in 1919 by the Treaty of Versailles). These treaties in effect paid little heed to the ethnic composition of the Macedonians within the region and only acted as a catalyst quickening the process of denationalisation, proselytization, forced assimilation and persecution of Macedonians by successive Greek, Yugoslav, Bulgarian and Albanian governments. Today, Macedonians have been left a legacy where their basic and fundamental human rights have been seriously denied and their very existence threatened.

                                The Macedonian situation is not an isolated occurrence in the annals of twentieth century history. Parallels can also be made with other countries and peoples who have suffered similar fates, such as Kurdistan, Palestine, and more recently East Timor, and not forgetting the disenfranchisement of Australia's own Aboriginal population

                                The Village

                                The form of the village was shaped by the rural pattern of life and the immediate physical environment. The village was located in a valley through which a mountain stream ran, and was predominantly surrounded by tree covered hills. Thus it was ideally situated to make full use of the catchment area provided by the hilly terrain and the availability of water from the stream.

                                At its peak in the 1920s, the village of Visheni had a population of around 800 people. It had no electricity, no mains sewer or water and was totally dependent upon the physical environment for its survival. The main activity in the village centred around maintaining a rural life, the farming of crops, tending to livestock, orchards, and vineyards. People were up at sunrise making preparations for the day’s work ahead and normally worked until sunset. There was a clear social delineation of the work that men and women were expected to do. The men primarily worked in the fields and open spaces, which were located on the outskirts of the village perimeter, irrigating their crops with water diverted from the stream or tending to the animals (sheep, goats and cattle) which were left to graze. Men were also able to freely roam the hills, to other close lying villages and to the nearest local town of Kostur (Kastoria in Greek). The men's physical environment extended far beyond the confines of the village, to other villages, other towns and other regions. The women also worked the fields, and had the added responsibility to ensure their houses and small farm lots were well maintained, that food was prepared and children cared for, but essentially they were expected to remain within the limits of the village.

                                The villagers had a close affinity with their surroundings, the hills, the forest, the animals and especially the stream. Distances were measured in terms of time, by walking or travelling by drawn cart or pack animal such as donkeys. The stream was the source of the village life. Their crops drew sustenance from its waters, their children played on its banks and swam in its waters during the summer, the village women washed their clothes on its rocks and talked about all manner of things. Water was in abundance; in addition to the stream, most of the houses had their own wells from which they drew drinking water from underground springs. This was supplemented by seven continuously running village taps, where the women often gathered to collect the icy cold mountain water. The taps also served as meeting places for the women affording them the opportunity to exchange news and gossip and provide them with a break from their monotonous daily household chores. The men had their own meeting place in the cafe which was adjacent to the modern equivalent of the village square known as the Ano, offering them a more convivial and relaxed atmosphere for social discourse. The Ano was also the cultural centre of the village, and was used as a gathering place to celebrate various religious feast days.

                                Village Social Structures

                                The village was socially based on a patriarchal system. An administrative structure was in place to look after the welfare of the village and to make decisions which affected the livelihood of the villagers. The positions of Village President and Village Secretary were elected from amongst the men in the village, while the Village Treasurer (who normally kept and maintained records and accounts) was usually someone with some degree of bookkeeping knowledge from the nearby town of Kostur, selected by the Greek authorities.

                                The older men of the village were held in high regard, and often were sought to provide advice and direction. Whenever disputes arose, redress was sought from the elected officials and on occasions arbitration was sought from the local parish priest who was deemed to be independent. Once a year, the village would appoint amongst themselves various overseers to look after the cooperative interests of the village. These men would have responsibilities as the village shepherd, swineherd, goatherd, orchard and vineyard overseer and the village forest keeper. The forest keeper had an important role in ensuring that the villagers only cut certain trees in the forest for their needs. Trees not earmarked for felling were strictly protected and anyone caught trying to cut these trees was severely reprimanded and in some cases fined.

                                The women’s role on the other hand was seen as subservient to the men. Even though they ran every aspect of the households, they needed to exercise servility to the male members of their households. The church also reflected the delineation of male and female. Men were allowed into the inner sanctum and aisles, whilst the women were confined to the rear of the church and its upper mezzanine level. Family ties and kinship bonds were exceptionally strong, and help explain why many of the houses were occupied by more than one family, often incorporating up to three generations under the one roof.

                                The main social occasions of the village centred around religious days which were eagerly awaited. Namedays (Imenden in Macedonian) or Saints days were a continuous occurrence and took the place of birthdays. Families would attend a church service on such days, returning home afterwards to prepare food and drink and to greet the guests who would arrive unannounced.

                                The Village House Form

                                The form of the village house had changed very little for centuries. They were built without reference to plans or drawings and relied on the accumulative knowledge of the villagers, which was passed on from one generation to the next. House building was a cooperative effort, involving many of the villagers, especially those with specific skills such as stonemasonry and carpentry. The villagers had a close affinity with the building materials they used, which were extracted from the earth, stone and forest around the village. Stone and mud mixed with what chaff created walls 600mm thick. Local clay was shaped and left to dry and used as roof tiles. Timber was cut and used for the main roof structure and as lintels, load bearing posts, doors and window frames. Their homes sprang from the very earth they walked upon.

                                Houses were either single storey or two storey and orientated on the north-south axis, with the main rooms orientated south to make full use of solar orientation. The floor plans for all the village homes were essentially the same with slight variations. Most homes had two main rooms (Odaja in Macedonian) serving as both bedrooms and meal areas. One of the Odaja known as the Novata Odaja (new Room) also served as a visiting room for the guests. In fact the term Novata Odaja is still used to this day even in Australian homes when referring to the formal living room.

                                There was little privacy, as many as six people would share one room, which included in many cases three generations. This physical closeness also meant that family bonds had to be strong to endure such overcrowding, and indeed they were. The Keral was a room used to store various barrels of foodstuffs and wine. The main entry served as a transitory space and was also used to store grain in sluice-gated cupboards called Umba.

                                Handwoven Kilim rugs and carpets were placed on the earthen floors upon which mattresses and cushions were placed serving as both beds and eating spaces. In the warmer months, food was prepared outside the home in a detached area known as the Ushchalak, which incorporated a large mud and stone domed baking oven, Umba, timber troughs, various earthenware storage vessels (Stomni, Brdache), and an open fireplace where meals were cooked. The livestock consisting of sheep, goats, pigs, chickens, cow and calf, oxen and horses, mules or donkeys were housed in various sheltered pens adjoining the Ushchalak.

                                The house was used primarily as a space for rest and a sanctuary from the elements for both people and animals. “The house was sanctioned as a place of refuge – from weather, flies, work, even people. Mostly it seemed to be a refuge for both men and women, except that it was still the women’s responsibility to maintain and care for the house.”4

                                Migration to Australia

                                Though the villagers were able to sustain themselves, they could not improve their lifestyle. Stories were told of others who had left to go overseas to the USA and South America in search of wealth and fortune. In the 1920s, 1.3 million Greeks from Asia minor were resettled principally in the northern part of Greece, which included Macedonia. This created enormous social and economic pressures in the region. In 1926, the Greek government introduced laws whereby all Macedonians had their names changed into Greek and all the topography (mountains, rivers, lakes etc) of the region likewise had the names changed from the Macedonian into Greek, the village of Visheni had its named changed to Visinea.

                                With this backdrop of social and political upheaval, many men set out to travel to foreign lands to seek a better life. They were known as Pechalbari, (meaning those seeking fortune) and they journeyed by ship for one and a half months to reach South Australia. They arrived in Australia without any knowledge nor understanding of the land, its language, culture, traditions or customs. As one would expect, they stuck together in groups, which in many cases included Macedonians from other villages, and wherever possible pooled their resources to overcome the obstacles of just surviving. “In 1921, there were estimated to be around fifty Macedonians in Australia”.5

                                Work in Adelaide, especially during the Depression, was scarce and so they became “…itinerant workers who travelled the countryside in small groups, taking whatever work they could get, and they were often the victims of discrimination. In most urban centres, union opposition prevented their being employed in factories.”6 Many found work clearing scrub on the West Coast, in places like Ceduna and Cungena and in building the East-West Railway, or fruit picking in Barmera or in the rest of the Riverland. They lived in tents, some for as long as eight years, their only belongings were those they carried with them.

                                The Pre-War Period

                                Money saved was sent back to their families in the village. Their isolation from their families placed enormous pressures both on them and their families, some were unable to withstand such pressures and returned home after several months, whilst others remained. Those that did knew that their sacrifices had to be worthwhile for them to stay. The wives and particularly the children left behind in the village had to take on the extra work of their husbands and fathers and in many cases children were raised by their grandparents, not even knowing their fathers. During the mid 1930s, the Greek government, under the military dictator Metaxas, passed laws which prohibited the use of the Macedonian language within Greece. The families of the Pechalbari were forbidden to speak their own language in the village and lived in constant fear of arrest, beatings, imprisonment and in extreme cases exile to one of the Greek islands. They communicated these developments to their menfolk in Adelaide by the only means available to them, by mail. This more than ever gave the Pechalbari the added incentive to work even harder, and to secure for themselves a stable economic base.

                                When the South Australian economy began to recover, they gravitated back towards the city in search of stable work. Some found work in factories doing manual labour, while others worked in the shops, cafes and businesses of other immigrants. They rented accommodation in lodgings within the inner city of Adelaide, and in most instances were sleeping six to eight people to a room. These lodgings were chosen as they were in close proximity to their workplaces, which were within walking or bicycling distance, thereby enabling them to save money on transport. They worked long hours for very little monetary reward, sharing whatever they had amongst themselves.

                                In 1939, the first Macedonian café called “Makedonija” opened for business in Hindley Street amongst other émigré cafes. These cafes provided an important cultural and social focus for the Pechalbari who regularly stayed there to exchange news, reminisce on old times and to seek help in finding gainful employment. These places played a vital role in drawing together the Macedonians and helped to facilitate the establishment of invaluable social networks. Where financial support was sought by those worse off, they would pool their resources to assist them and rarely would ask for repayment. The café area of Hindley Street took on the ambience and cultural atmosphere of a small European village, with various nationalities readily mixing and interacting with one another. This was a far cry from the mainstream Australian society of the time.

                                The War and Post-War Period

                                With the outbreak of war in Europe, the South Australian economy geared itself to produce weapons and equipment for the war effort. Masses of Australians enlisted for armed service, resulting in critical labour shortages in the factories. Those Macedonians who did not or could not enlist found work alongside other immigrants in the factories. Surprisingly they found that the war had swept away some of the racial bias which for years had plagued them, as they were now seen to be contributing to the Allied effort. Though their economic fortunes were improving during this period, they were effectively cut off from any contact with their families in the village.

                                Even though peace was declared in 1945, the end of the war in Europe had reignited political divisions within Greece, resulting in the Greek Civil War of 1946-49. As a consequence, many of the Pechalbari had not had contact with their families for more than ten long years. The Civil War in Greece resulted in the massive displacement of tens of thousands of Macedonians. In one case alone, around 8,000 Macedonian children aged fifteen and under were evacuated from their homes by the Red Cross. These child refugees (Detsa Begaltsi) sought sanctuary in the Eastern Bloc countries willing to take them (primarily in Poland, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Romania, Czechoslovakia and the USSR). Some of the villagers managed to flee the country by different routes, making their way to Australia to be reunited with their husbands and fathers. For the first time in more than twenty years the first Macedonian families began to arrive in Australia. The Post-War period saw a massive influx of migrants to Australia, many of whom were displaced persons. In 1947 1.5 per cent of the Australian population were registered as having been born in Europe (excluding the UK and Ireland) increasing to 5.5 per cent by 1954.7

                                The resettlement of families meant that men who had lived in Adelaide had to change their lifestyle to one which was conducive to stabilising the family both economically and socially. Initially families lived and shared lodgings with others until such time as they could find more suitable accommodation. The Macedonians tended to settle collectively in the same areas, establishing their own social networks. When new Macedonian migrants arrived they would gravitate towards these areas, reinforcing the social pattern. They rented houses and land towards and on the outskirts of the Adelaide urban fringe, in Kilkenny, Challa Gardens and Croydon. Others settled in Fulham, Lockleys and Ferryden Park where they found large unused tracts of broad acres, which at that time was used primarily for agistment.

                                They commenced working the land using the only real skills they knew, those of farming. They created market garden plots and built their own glasshouses, growing primarily tomatoes which at that time were in short supply. They also commenced to build their first homes, which were constructed out of the most readily available and least expensive materials, using timber framework, asbestos cement cladding and galvanised iron. This was a great departure from the solidly constructed stone and mud homes they had left behind in the village. These early Australian houses were built alongside their packing sheds where they graded and packed their produce. As they were not restricted to a small plot of land, as in their village, they soon discovered that they had ample space to extend to accommodate new family members. Due to the materials they used, walls and roofs could be taken down and put up without difficulty, unlike their homes in the village, thereby giving them greater flexibility and choice in satisfying their needs. Though these first homes were not suited to the harsh Australian climate, the Macedonians for the first time began to firmly establish themselves within the urban landscape.

                                The Community Form in Adelaide

                                The establishment of families also meant that they could revive some of their village traditions. Religious feast days and traditional celebrations for weddings, christenings and other special occasions were transposed into their Australian lives. Initially, small gatherings were held at individuals homes, making use of the large packing sheds where they danced traditional Macedonian Ora, and played and sang old village songs.

                                As the families and population increased, they began to hire assembly halls in Hindmarsh and on Henley Beach Road to accommodate the growing throngs of people. There was also a conscious decision to formalise their activities and once again pool their resources. A committee was established ostensibly to undertake the responsibility of coordinating their social activities, such as traditional dances and picnics where up to two hundred people would attend. In the late 1960s, after the influx of more Macedonian migrants from Yugoslavia, they decided the time was right to commence building their own community hall. A campaign of fundraising was commenced, seeking donations from all Macedonians throughout Adelaide. An Italian builder by the name of John Pinta was engaged to design and build the hall and it was officially opened in 1968, on Crittenden Road, Findon, in close proximity to one of the most concentrated areas of Macedonian settlement, that of Fulham and Seaton.

                                The hall design bore a strong resemblance to the packing sheds and glasshouses which were built at the time. One can only speculate that neither the builder nor the local Macedonians had the necessary expertise in building or designing a structure which would echo the built form of their homeland. Even in the event that they had, the cost of undertaking a more complicated structure may have been cost prohibitive. Another possibility may have been that they did not wish to draw attention to themselves by creating a structure which may not have been in keeping with mainstream Australian society, and in so doing afforded themselves a degree of anonymity within the urban fabric. Whatever the reason, the completion of the hall symbolically represented another step in establishing themselves within Australian society and cemented their ties with their new homeland. The Hall also filled a cultural void, as it symbolised the reaffirmation of the existence and identity of the Macedonian people, an identity which was totally denied them in their own homeland. The act of building a permanent community structure also meant that social foundations had been put into place and the process of redefining their cultural identity within the Australian social fabric had well and truly begun.

                                During the 1970s and 1980s the community expanded its activities significantly. It had its own soccer club, youth group, school, women’s section, folkloric dancing group, a cultural society and even its own locally produced community radio program. It was also around this time that a move was made to build the first Macedonian Orthodox Church, on a vacant lot adjacent to the hall. In the past an enclosed space directly behind the community hall was utilised as a chapel, but it was unable to accommodate larger gatherings such as at Easter and Christmas, resulting in religious services being carried out in other non-Orthodox Churches. In the 1980s Jim Petrie, a local architectural draftsman of Macedonian descent was engaged by the building committee to undertake the design of the new church. The final design chosen encapsulated their new found confidence in proclaiming their Macedonianism to the wider Australian community.

                                The design emulated the basic form and appearance of the eighth century Byzantine architecture found in the Balkans, especially in Macedonia. The church was built with the cooperation and financial support of the community members, many of whom freely donated their services and labour. Cost once more played an integral part in the final design, materials such as clay bricks and pre-formed concrete panels, steel framework, a fibreglass dome and compressed sheet roof shingles were used, rather than stone, timber and terracotta.

                                The floor plan and interior of the church follows the Byzantine Orthodox tradition, with a central nave and two aisles, reflected in the vaulted ceilings. The main central feature of the interior is the iconostasis (wall of icons) upon which is adorned copies of icons dating back centuries and to which all believers in the Orthodox faith pay veneration and alms. The congregation still followed the traditional physical separation of men and women within the church, men sat on the right and women on the left. A carry over of both the village custom and the religious tradition. A cultural centre incorporating a library/ meeting room, radio recording studio and a social welfare office were later added to the existing community hall and church, thereby addressing other cultural and social needs of the community. All of the community buildings created a distinctive imprint on the cultural fabric of South Australian Macedonians, allowing them to reaffirm their identity and culture. It also provided them with a physical reference point which linked their past, present and future.

                                The Adelaide House Form

                                The homes of the Macedonians on the other hand, unlike the church, did not attempt to emulate or reinterpret the Macedonian home in the physical sense. There is nothing externally which differentiates their homes from the surrounding homes. There is no sense of uniqueness or of cultural diversity in the streetscapes. This possibly again may mean that they are content to accept the Australian homogenous approach to house form and do not see the exterior of their homes as a form of self-expression or of extrovertness in the same way that other ethnic groups do. The interiors unlike the exteriors are richly decorated with photos, emblems and artefacts which reflect their cultural and historical heritage. The pride of place in many of the homes is taken up by a photo of their village or of their village house. Thus creating in a sense a nexus between their old and new way of life, and emphasising the acceptance of the physical built form as the symbolic embodiment of their culture.

                                The Social Structure in Australia

                                The family unit and the patriarchal structure which was embodied in the village pattern of life was transferred into the Australian landscape. In the majority of instances where both the husband and wife worked, sometimes taking on more than one job, the wife was still expected to prepare the food and maintain and care for the house and children. There were however increasing instances where both the husband and wife shared the household duties and parenting, but these more often than not were undertaken by those Macedonians who had come to Australia at a relatively young age and had been influenced by their new Australian lifestyle. Generally even today, if one visits a Macedonian household, the female will serve guests while the male will be waited upon. Strong family links remain, and it is still not uncommon to find three generations living in the same home, with grandparents sharing in the parenting and caring of children while their parents work. This again reflects a similar social pattern found in village life.

                                The first Australian born children had been brought up in the Macedonian way of life, instilled with many of the old traditional village cultural values and norms. Many of this generation found conflict with such cultural attitudes and rebelled. Females in particular were expected to follow the village traditions and adhere to the social hierarchy, actively being encouraged to be efficient in house keeping and to marry and raise families.

                                Males on the other hand were still seen as the centre of the social fabric, and as in the village were given freedoms and liberties not afforded to the females, encouragement was given to succeed in all their pursuits. Today, what we see are the last remaining remnants of a culture and a way of life that is slowly disappearing. The other Macedonians in the community who lived in the village are the last custodians of that unique culture and once they are gone, the link between the village and the suburb will be severed forever.

                                Conclusions

                                In Australia today, there are approximately 110 different ethnic groups representing a myriad of cultural and social diversity. “One in five Australians are not born in Australia and a further one in five have parents who were born overseas.”8 Add to that the uniqueness of Australia’s own Aboriginal people and one can see that we have a rich and diverse culture which needs to be articulated into the built and urban form. Yet such a cultural diversity is not reflected in the architecture and urban pattern of Australia.

                                Moreover, the approach adopted by many architects, planners and designers has merely regurgitated the myth of addressing the cultural and social needs of Australians in a way which treats all Australians in a monocultural fashion, without regard for their cultural and social heritage. “There is an assumption that most migrants will eventually have more or less the same housing as Australia-born citizens.”9 It is pertinent to note that one of the most authoritative documents published in regards to the makeup and social composition of the Australian community, The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Their Origins, made specific reference to the fact that “Little has been written on migrants and housing from a national perspective, and few writers on housing have said much about migrants. Studies of migrants have rarely focussed on their housing except in the case of settlement difficulties.”10

                                The overview presented in this paper on one ethnospecific group, on their cultural, social and urban patterns highlights the complex nature and composition of only one of the many groups that make up South Australian society. In order to effectively reflect and interpret the cultural diversity of our society through the built and urban form, we as architects, planners and designers must be able to perceive, understand and respond to such cultural differentiation.

                                The best way of achieving this is through increasing our perception of the way our society functions. Even if we have achieved a certain degree of perception, we may not be able to understand the social and cultural context of what we have found, as our own cultural reference point could be far removed from that of the other culture. Once we have perceived and understood what we have found we are in a far better position to respond.

                                Our response will be better complemented by directly involving the communities and encouraging participation in the design process. In this way we can better judge whether or not our response is in keeping with the social and cultural determinants of that particular culture, by the very people who make up that culture.

                                The idea of openly inviting community involvement and participation is seen by many as an anathema to their select professions. It is incorrectly perceived as a threat and an undermining of their professional training, practise and expertise. The truth however would tend to suggest that the fear lies in the individual’s reluctance of self-examination and a re-evaluation of a system that clearly has painted all people with the same cultural brush. There are however an increasing number of architects and educators who take a different stance and have seen the sociocultural responsibility that architects and other environmental designers must address.

                                The seminal work, “A Modern Theory of Architecture” by the renowned architectural historian and philosopher, Bruce Allsopp, foresaw such a need and stated that “Architecture requires sympathy with understanding of and satisfaction of the emotional needs of people. All people are different and all communities of people differ. The concept of “one architecture” is a totalitarian monstrosity.”11 Other researchers too have been equally cognisant of this need elaborating that “Rather than thinking in terms of producing finished and complete environments for people of a common culture they (architects and environmental designers) need to establish environmental alternatives among which the public can choose. There need to be alternatives in settings for different lifestyles and preferences for physical settings expressive of different values; there need to be different forms of housing and different urban areas.”12

                                The realisation of the need to involve people and communities has gained a global dimension, in addition to the United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development, the European Communities Commission Green Paper on the Urban Environment stated that, “Planning without broad participation by and concern for the city’s inhabitants will result in a narrow view of its efficiency which ultimately condemns it to sterility”.13

                                In South Australia, the need for community involvement in the urban environment has also been clearly emphasised. Government social policies have been developed and acknowledged that “…the Planning Review saw community involvement as an essential component of effective planning and decision making as well as providing one mechanism through which the community identity and belonging can be achieved.”14 Specific reference was also made to cultural diversity which further stated that, “…the need to create an urban environment which is responsive to public values and reflects Adelaide’s diverse cultural and community heritage.”15 All of these recommendations and thoughts reinforce the view that we much readdress our way of thinking and our approach if we are truly to reflect and interpret society’s needs in the built and urban environments.

                                “A major aim should be to challenge the widespread cultural values of an antiurban society – a society that stresses cultural homogeneity, fleeting fashions, consumerism, and degradation of cultural symbols, a society that replaces community interaction with instant communications.”16



                                This paper was written as part of a Post Graduate Urban Ecology course for a Master of Architecture Degree at the University of South Australia, June 1994

                                Notes

                                1. Nottridge, Harold E, 'The Sociology of Urban Living', Routledge & Kegan, London, 1972, p.83.

                                2. Interviews with Peter Kiosses, a well known and respected member of the local Macedonian Community

                                3. Visheni is the local Macedonian name given to the village. Names in brackets denote the current Hellenised version changed by Greek law in 1926.

                                4. Lozanovska, Mirijana, ‘Gender and Architecture in a Macedonian Village’, Exedro, The Journal of the School of Architecture, Deakin University, Vol. 1, No. 2, Summer 1989, pp.26.

                                5. Jupp, J, (Gen. Ed.), ‘The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation. Its People and Their Origins’, The Settlers: Macedonians, Angus and Robertson, NSW, 1988, pp, 685-691.

                                6. Ibid.

                                7. Ibid pp. 166.

                                8. Jupp, J, op. cit., p.1.

                                9. Jupp, J, op. cit.

                                10. Ibid

                                11. Allsopp, B, ‘A Modern Theory of Architecture’, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1977, p.27

                                12. Whitley, G.S., “Immigrants in the Australian Environment’, Hardboard’s Australia Ltd Scholarship, Research Paper, 1972, p.89.

                                13. Commission of the European Communities, ‘Green Paper on the Urban Environment’, Directorate-General Environment, Nuclear Safety & Civil Protection, Brussels, 1990, p.45.

                                14. Community Information Services, Department of Housing and Urban Development, ‘Social Policy Aspects of Urban Development’, S.A. Govt, 1993, pp. 5-6.

                                15. Ibid.

                                16. Lozano, Eduardo, E, ‘Community Design and the Culture of Cities: The Crossroad and the Wall’, Cambridge University Press, 1993, p.305.

                                Bibliography

                                Allsopp, B, ‘A Modern Theory of Architecture’, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1977, p. 27.

                                Commission of the European Communities, ‘Green Paper on the Urban Environment’, Directorate-General Environment, Nuclear Safety & Civil Protection, Brussels, 1990, p. 45.

                                Community Information Services, Department of Housing and Urban Development, ‘Social Policy Aspects of the Urban Development’, S.A. Govt., 1993, pp. 5-6.

                                Jupp, J, (Gen. Ed), ‘The Australian People: An Encyclopaedia of the Nation, Its People and Their Origins’, The Settlers: Macedonians, Angus & Robertson, NSW, 1988, pp. 685-691.

                                Lozano, Eduardo, E, ‘Community Design and the Culture of Cities: The Crossroad and the Wall’, Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 305.

                                Lozanovska, Mirijana, ‘Gender and Architecture in a Macedonian Village’, Exedra, The Journal of the School of Architecture, Deakin University, Vol. 1, No. 2, Summer 1989, pp. 26.

                                Nottridge, Harold. E, ‘The Sociology of Urban Living’, Routledge & Kegan, London, 1972, p. 83.

                                Whitley, G.S., ‘Immigrants in the Australian Environment’, Hardboard’s Australia Ltd Scholarship, Research paper, 1972, p. 89.

                                Recommended Further Reading

                                Arias, Ernesto. G (Ed.), ‘The Meaning and Use of Housing’, Avebury Ashgate Publishing Ltd., England, 1993.

                                Kee, Pookong, ‘Home Ownership and Housing Conditions of Immigrants and Australian-Born, Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research, Aust. Government Publishing Service, Canberra, 1992.


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