Risto Stefov - Articles, Translations & Collaborations

[George S.]

Medals for seven brave Macedonians
Translated and edited by Risto Stefov



Wednesday, December 21, 2011

http://kurir.mk/makedonija/vesti/54355-Medali-za-sedum-hrabri-Makedonci

Today Macedonia’s President Dr. Ivanov awarded medals for valour to six distinguished members of the Army Special Operations regiment and to citizen Sami Nuredini.



The six Special Ops medal recipients were Lieutenant Colonel Orce Jordev, Major Dragancho Vojneski, Major Dimce Velkov, Senior Sergeant Stojce Stoilov, Senior Sergeant Zoran Ristov and Sergeant Zoran Trajkov.



In March of last year the six Special Ops Army members volunteered for an extremely difficult and dangerous mission during which they extracted the body of deceased worker Vlatko Iliovski from the mine “Buchim”.


In January 2010, Sami Nuredini, without giving it a second thought, jumped into the waters of the Vardar River to save the life of a drowning young woman. Before that, in the summer of 2009, Sami had saved the life of a young boy who was drowning in the River Treska in Saraj.


Dr. Ivanov emphasized that courage and self-sacrifice are among the most basic but rare human virtues. He stressed that he is pleased with the courage that is present in the citizens, courage which does not know or recognize ethnic, religious or linguistic differences.



“Brave citizens of Macedonia, I want to tell you that the significance of your contribution is even greater because you have shown that true heroism does not stem from the desire to be better than others or from valuing your own life more than the lives of others. Quite the opposite, true heroism stems from the desire to help others at the cost of your own life. With your sincere deeds you have accomplished great things which serve as examples for others,” stressed Dr. Ivanov.


As the head of state said, Macedonia is glad to have brave and honest people who appreciate life like a gift from God.




Медали за седум храбри Македонци



Среда, 21 Декември 2011 13:36

http://kurir.mk/makedonija/vesti/54355-Medali-za-sedum-hrabri-Makedonci

Претседателот на Република Македонија Ѓорге Иванов денес со Медал за храброст одликуваше шест припадниците на полкот за специјални операции на АРМ и граѓанинот Сами Нуредини



Потполковник Орце Јордев, мајор Драганчо Војнески, мајор Димче Велков, постар водник Стојче Стоилов, постар водник Зоран Ристов и водник Зоран Трајков се шестмината припадници на АРМ кои во март месец минатата година доброволно се пријавија при екстремно тешки и опасни услови да го извлечат телото на загинатиот работник Влатко Илиовски од рудникот „Бучим“.



Сами Нуредини, пак, без расмислување во јануари 2010 година скокна во водите на Вардар за да го спаси животот на 24-годишна девојка која се давеше. Претходно Сами, летото во 2009-та година му го спасил животот и на младо момче кое се давело во Треска во Сарај.



Претседателот Иванов истакна дека храброста и пожртвуваноста се меѓу основните, но ретки човечки доблести. Сепак, нагласи Иванов, е задоволен од храброста која е присутна кај граѓаните која не познава и не признава етнички, религиски или јасзични разлики.



-Храбри граѓани на Република Македонија, сакам да ви кажам дека значењето на вашите дела е дотолку поголемо бидејќи покажавте дека вистинскиот хероизам не произлегува од желбата да се биде подобар од другите и по цена на сопствениот живот. Напротив, вистинскиот хероизам извира од желбата да им се помогне на другите и по цена на сопствениот живот. Со вашата искрена пожртвуваност, направивте големи дела и со тоа давате пример на останатите, нагласи Иванов.

Како што додаде шефот на државата, Македонија е среќна земја и земја на храбрите и чесните кои го ценат животот како дар од Бога.





Testimonies of Macedonian heroes
Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

http://www.kanal5.com.mk/default.aspx?mId=37&egId=13&eventId=84578

See video for comments made by Lieutenant Colonel Orce Jordev and young Sami Nuredini, two recipients of the medal for bravery. Jordev speaks about how the media and the deceased worker’s family, a man who lost his life in the “Buchim” mine, prompted him and his team into action. Nuredini talks about how he saved a young woman from drowning in the River Vardar in January last year and since then has not seen her.

Seven Macedonian citizens were awarded medals for bravery by President Gjorge Ivanov. Six are specialists in the Army. They are Lieutenant Colonel Orce Jordev, Major Dragancho Vojneski, Major Dimce Velkov, Senior Sergeant Stojce Stoilov, Senior Sergeant Zoran Ristov and Sergeant Zoran Trajkov. The six were awarded medals for bravery for recovering the body of a dead miner who lost his life in the “Buchim” mine.


When everyone else failed to recover the deceased miner’s body, the Army specialists stepped in and did it in five days, responding to appeals for help from the dead man’s family.



“We did not do this for a medal, but to help, it was our mission,” said Lieutenant Colonel Orce Jordev after the ceremony.


In January 2010, Sami Nuredini unselfishly jumped into the Vardar River to save a young woman from drowning. This was the second time he jumped into a river to save a life. Sami saved a young man from drowning in the summer 2009. The young man had fallen into the River Treska in Saraj. Nuredini said he has not seen the young lady he saved since the rescue.


Miomir Serafinovikj

Statements made by two winners about the medals for bravery can also be seen in the video.



Сведоштва на македонските херои

http://www.kanal5.com.mk/default.aspx?mId=37&egId=13&eventId=84578

Во видеото ги пренесуваме изјавите на потполковникот Орце Јордев и младиот Сами Нуредини, двајца од добитниците на медалот за храброст. Јордев раскажува дека медиумите и семејството на загинатиот работник во Бучим ги натерале да тргнат во акција. Нуредини откако лани во јануари ја спаси девојката од Вардар потоа не ја видел веќе.



7-мина македонски граѓани добија медали за храброст од претседателот Ѓорге Иванов. Шестмина се специјалци на АРМ, потполковникот Орце Јордев, мајорите Драганчо Војнески и Димче Велков, постарите водници Стојче Стоилов и Зоран Ристов и водникот Зоран Трајков се одликувани со медал за храброст поради извлекувањето на телото на загинат работник во рудникот Бучим.

Сите се откажаа од мисијата, но армиските специјалци по 5 дена успеаја да го извлечат телото на загинатиот работник по многубројните апели на семејството за помош.

-Не го направивме тоа за медал, туку за да помогнеме, тоа е нашата мисија- изјави по церемонијата потполковник Орце Јордев.

Сами Нуредини во јануари минатата 2010 несебично се фрли во Вардар и спаси 17-годишна девојка. Тоа му беше втор пат од река да спасува човек во невоља. Летото 2009-та Сами спаси дете што се давеше во Треска кај Сарај. Нуредини вели дека по спасувањето лани во јануaри никогаш повеќе не ја видел девојката што ја спасил.

Миомир Серафиновиќ

Изјавите на двајцата добитници на медал за храброст погледнете ги во видеото.




Lieutenant Colonel Orce Jordev’s Speech at the Ceremony

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov



Mr. President of the Republic of Macedonia and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, Mr. Minister, Mr. Chief of General Staff of the Army, distinguished families, representatives of the media, dear guests,


Today, for the first time in independent Macedonia’s recent history, personnel from the Army of the Republic of Macedonia (ARM) and civilians have been awarded medals for bravery. It is an honour to receive such high recognition, especially from the President of the Republic of Macedonia and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, which acknowledges and honours the courage and sacrifice made by members of the Army and civilians, in the presence of so many highly esteemed guests, members of our families and the media, giving special importance and dimension to this event.


Today’s Army, a successor of historic Macedonia’s army, since Alexander the Greats’ time, has shown moments of courage and self-sacrifice, during Uprisings and Rebellions and during World Wars. It had always had heroes performing heroic acts of self sacrifice for the security, independence, and survival of the Macedonian Nation, of Macedonia and of its citizens. Historic courage and sacrifice about which, to this day, people are taught worldwide.


Aided by the civilian sector, today’s ARM is relatively small but modernized and mobile. This event, today, is proof that in the ARM’s ranks there are professionals and patriots who are completely dedicated to their profession, to the Macedonian cause and care for the protection of Macedonia’s citizens and for social justice.


Among the many accomplishments of the ARM is also the recent event which, after the tragic incident at the “Buchim” mine in Radovish, prompted army personnel to take action. Acting on family appeals and information released by the media asking to resolve a complex situation, the ARM special unit, the “Wolves”, trained for years to deal with complex and crisis situations, under its own initiative volunteered for the job. With financial help and special equipment from the Skopje based ProtPozh Brigade, a rescue mission was planned and organized, and despite the great risks involved, the mission was successfully carried out without incident.



This latest event is yet another accomplishment that can be added to the careers and experience of these ARM members. The Army of the Republic of Macedonia, especially members of the special units, who have trained and participated in complex missions, inside, as well as outside of our country, wherever they were called upon to serve and protect the interests of the Republic of Macedonia, be it in Iraq, Afghanistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Lebanon and wherever they have interacted on an equal footing with other foreign armies, have done so and proven themselves to be fully compatible and capable of successfully performing all kinds of tasks and missions. They have proven themselves capable of working with NATO and allied coalition forces and in some cases have proven to be better prepared than some of their partners, showing a high degree of courage, sacrifice and dedication.


Missions and effort undertaken by members of the ARM have not gone unnoticed by high foreign authorities. For that, they have been appropriately evaluated and assigned proper acclaim, both to individuals and to the Republic of Macedonia. Some of those individuals are here with us today at this ceremony where they are decorated with another tribute, the most valued from all decorations to date, the medal for valour, awarded by the President of the Republic of Macedonia.


It is not necessary to have special skills, knowledge and training in order to possess courage and determination. There was no hesitation in our distinguished citizen’s action when he was faced with the heroic deed of having to jump into the cold, rising Vardar River water to save a life. Our courageous citizen, who put his own life at risk to save another human life, in a difficult and dangerous situation, is here with us today.



Today, where modern challenges are intertwined with political, financial, territorial and state and coalition national interests, especially in our immediate environment, represents a special challenge for us, members of the ARM. We are challenged to continue with the commitment to our profession, to improving the knowledge, equipment and training for full interoperability. A challenge with aims of being ready to perform our main sacred duty; to defend our country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and to protect our democratic values and the citizens of Macedonia.



Long live Macedonia! Long live the Army of the Republic of Macedonia!


Lieutenant Colonel
Orce Jordev





Почитуван Г-динe Претседател на Р.Македонија и Врховен командант на вооружените сили, Г-не министер, г-дине НГШ на АРМ, почитувани семејства, представници на медиумите, драги гости,



Денес, за прв пат во поновата историја на Самостојна Македонија, на припадници на АРМ и цивили им се доделуваат медали за храброст. Гордост и чест е да се прими вака високо признание и да се оддаде почит за храброста и пожртвуваноста на припадниците на АРМ и цивилните лица, лично од ПРМ и врховниот командант, во присуство на вака голем број високи гости, во присуство на нашите семејства и медиумите со што се дава особено значење и големина на настанот.

Припадниците на АРМ, како наследници на Македонската војска низ историјата, уште oд Александар, за време на буните и востанијата, светските војни, секогаш имала херои и херојски настани, моменти на храброст и пожртвуваност за безбедноста, самостојноста, и опстанокот на сопствената нација и граѓаните на Македонија, кои и ден денес се изучуваат низ светот.



Денес, АРМ, потпомогната од цивилниот сектор, е релативно мала но мобилна и современа армија. Денешниот настан покажува дека во своите редови има професионалци, пожртвувани патриоти кои се целосно посветени на својата професија, на Македонската кауза за грижа и заштита на своите граѓани и општествените добра.



Меѓу многубројните подвизи на овие припадници, во поново време се истакнува настанот кога утротото, после неколку дена од трагичниот настан во колекторскиот систем на рудникот Бучим во Радовиш, осамна информацијата во медиумите и молбата на семејството за помош и разрешување на комплексната ситуација. Оваа група припадници на АРМ, од специјалната единица „Волци„ , која со години е обучувана и оспособувана за вакви и посложени моменти и кризни ситуации, самоиницијативно преку надлежните институции, побараа и се понудија да се обидат да помогнат и да ја разрешат сложената состојба. Плански и организирано, со добра подготовка и специјална опрема, помогнати со средства и опрема од ПротПож бригадата на град Скопје, по детално разработен план, и покрај ризиците по сопствениот живот, свесно и самопожртвувано успешно и без последици ги надминаа сите предизвици на општо добро за сите.



Активноста представува уште едно искуство во низата извршени и реализирани задачи и мисии кои овие припадници ги имаат во својата кариера. Да напоменам дека, позади припадниците на АРМ, посебно припадниците на специјалната единица на АРМ, се сложените мисии, обука и специјални задачи, во нашата татковина, како и секаде каде се бранеа и сеуште се бранат интересите на Р.Македонија, во Ирак, Афганистан, Босна и Херцеговина, Либан, каде во содејство и на исто рамниште со останатите странски армии докажавме и покажавме дека сме целосно компатибилни и способни за извршување мисии во рамките на НАТО и здружени коалициски сили, а во одредени области и подобро подготвени од одредени состави и поединци, особено покажувајќи висок степен на храброст, пожртвуваност и посветеност на извршување на поставените задачи.



Реализираните мисии и вложениот труд не помина незабележано од високите странски авторитети. За тоа, истите се врднувани и се доделени соодветни високи признанија, како за поединци, така и за Р.Македонија. Дел од тие припадници се и денес тука со нас на оваа церемонија каде се закитија со уште едно признание, најдраго од сите досега, медалот за храброст доделен од Претседателот на Р.Македонија.



За храброст и одлучност не е потребно само да се поседуваат посебни вештини, знаења и обука. Храбриот подвиг за спасување на лице од надојдените води на р.Вардар не го поколеба одликуваниот граѓанин, кој е денес тука со нас, по цена на сопствениот живот да спаси друг човечки живот, во тешки и опасни услови.

Денешницата, современите предизвици каде се испреплетени политичките, финансиските, територијалните како и националните интереси на државите и коалициите во светот, а посебно во нашето потесно опкружување, представуваат посебен поттик за нас припадниците на АРМ, да продолжиме со посветеноста на професијата, надградување на знаењата, опремување и оспособување за целосна интероперабилност, се со цел да бидеме подготвени за основната наша света должност, одбрана на територијалниот интегритет, одржување на целовитоста, суверенитетот и демократските вредности на системот и граѓаните на Р.Македонија.

Да живее Р.Македонија!!! Да живее Армијата на Р.Македонија !!!



Потполковник

Орце Јордев

[George S.]

The Great Lie – Chapter 9



By Petre Nakovski

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

[email protected]

January 1, 2012



“In order to realize our plan we will need at least five to seven thousand fighters. But from where, where can we get these fighters? I know, from the refugee masses. Not from Albania, we can’t do it from there because there we only have older people and mostly crippled fighters. But we can get some three to three and a half thousand from the ranks of the refugee children, the ones we sent to Eastern European countries. The remainder, the larger share, we can get from Yugoslavia. Unfortunately our job will be difficult because of Tito’s betrayal. As a last resort we could always talk to and negotiate a deal with him but without the knowledge of comrade Stalin. It would be very bad for us if comrade Stalin found out that we had negotiated with Tito. I once agreed to send Mihali, Vangeli and that madman Goche there but up to now I have no desired results. Instead of letting them go we should have killed them and declared that they were spies and traitors to our movement and our Party. But it is still possible! There is time! I want Miltiadis,” said Zahariadis.



When Zahariadis wanted to entrust a very important job to one of his close associates he always addressed them by their first name.



“Miltiadis, I want to entrust you with a very important task. I want you to go to Skopje, but not alone. Take Paskalis, Mitsopoulos, Mangos and Marika Elkova with you. There you will meet Nikos Daphnis, the person who manages our affairs in Skopje,” said Zahariadis.



“Understood!” said Porphirogenis in a quiet tone of voice. “What am I to do there?”



“You are to lead the entire group. In the beginning you will only listen to what they have to say, the Slavo-Macedonians, and you will note everything. At the end, you will act harshly. How? We will decide. Those who will keep you company will each have a separate task and their own say. I spoke with each of them separately and everyone knows their role. The aim of the visit and talks in Skopje are; the mobilization of four to five thousand fighters and more if possible,” concluded Zahariadis.



“And the children? I think the older ones?” asked Porphirogenis.



“It will be easy with them. You will be responsible for that job too. You will select several good speakers and propagandists and, as you know yourself, you will excite the fighting spirit in the children and after that all you have to do is open your notebooks and enlist volunteers. The rest will be done by others…



Our representative in Skopje has already been informed about your visit and has made arrangements for you to meet with the people you are going talk to in Skopje. Pay careful attention to Keramitzhiev. He is sly and does not easily lose his nerve. He knows how to listen and how to convince others. Always speak on behalf of the Party and act harshly…” advised Zahariadis.



Late at night on February 8th, Porphirogenis sent a coded message, via the contact office in Skopje, to Zahariadis informing him that he had run into difficulties and as a result he wanted to return for more consultations. About an hour later he received a coded reply which simply read “Return immediately!”



Before dawn Porphirogenis crossed the border at Markova Noga and in the evening he reported to Zahariadis.



“They left me with the impression that they don’t trust us and they ignored us. We will require more time to explain the position of our Central Committee and define what we meant in the Fifth Plenum. And did you know what Oche (Father) told me? This is what he said: ‘With the decision that you made during your Fifth Plenum you sentenced to death the thousands of Macedonians and Greek Communists who are now in prison camps. Be assured,’ he said, ‘that they will now have to sign statements that they agree with your views.’” concluded Porphirogenis.



Zahariadis stopped pacing for a moment and said: “Party discipline is important for all. And he, Oche, I know him, he is an OZNA (Peoples’ Security Department) and UDBA (State Security Bureau) collaborator who we were supposed to execute last year.”



Zahariadis went closer to the window and opened it. He looked far away into the mountains. He always felt terrible being closed in. He did not like small windows or dark, narrow rooms. They felt like cages. He often said to his associates that his prison cell in Akronavplia was larger than the largest rooms in these damn village houses. He never stayed more than one or two days in the same house. There was a deep sense of mistrust imbedded in his temperament. He did not trust anyone.



Zahariadis turned and said: “Let us go out for a walk. Let us breathe some fresh mountain air…”



They went outside. Cold air was blowing on their faces. The frozen snow was crunching under their feet. A dog was barking. They walked side by side. The road was leading them to the house at the end, at the village exit, closest to the forest. They entered the last house. It had a large spacious room. A wood burning stove was stirring in the corner. They took their boots off. Zahariadis stood by the stove and extended his hands, rubbing them vigorously. He was warming up. With his back turned to Porphirogenis, he went to the window, opened it and looked outside. High up on top of Mount Pelister was a full moon. The wavy waters of Lake Prespa were almost invisible in the moon’s reflection on the whiteness of the snow. Far away to the north, the lights of Resen twinkled and above them was the Golema Mechka (Great Bear). Whenever he found the Great Bear in the sky his thoughts turned to Prague. He closed the window, turned around and went to the kerosene lamp. He raised the wick. The dim light illuminated the room. He saw Porphirogenis place his officer’s briefcase on the table and from it take out his thick notebook. Porphirogenis opened it and stood there waiting. Water was boiling in the large kettle. Zahariadis opened the cupboard and took out two glass cups and brought them close to the lamp and wiped them, one by one, with a white towel. He put them on a silver tray (a gift from Stalin), placed a teaspoonful of tea in each and filled them with hot water, which slowly acquired a warm amber colour.



“Please, help yourself,” Zahariadis addressed Porphirogenis. “It’s Georgian tea sweetened with honey. Strong. From comrade Stalin’s fatherland. It’s best when it’s hot. It refreshes and soothes the spirit. Drink…”



There was silence in the room. The silence was interrupted by the quiet steps of the guards in front of the house. The frozen snow could be heard crunching under their feet.



Zahariadis drank the tea and, while reaching for the tea kettle, said: “Докладивай…” (Report…)



In his circle of closest associates, he had a custom of starting and ending a conversation with the Russian words “докладивай” (report) and “понятно” (clear).



Porphirogenis opened his notebook and, after clearing his throat, began his report:



“In accordance with your directives, our contacts in Skopje called a meeting with Goche, Keramitzhiev, Aianovski, the so-called Oche (Father) and Slavianka. We agreed that Stavros Mangos (whom they called Krste Mangov), who knew the four who are sheltered in Skopje, would speak first. He began by giving us information regarding a NOF (Peoples’ Liberation Front) Plenum during which a decision was made to call a second Congress, during which discussions were to take place for resolving the Macedonian National Question and strengthening of the Macedonian Peoples’ Struggle and to amend the program and status. His talk was not well tied. He jumped from subject to subject. He spoke an hour about the desertions and an hour about the weaknesses, about successes, etc. At one point he literally said: ‘The Macedonian people, after Greece’s liberation, will take the opportunity to self-determine, self-separate with the right to establish an independent Macedonian state.’ He also stressed that the Macedonian people would be free and equal in a Balkan Federation.”



Porphirogenis turned the page and continued: “Mangos also indicated that there are many desertions among the Macedonians, which the people condemn and view as cowardly and for their acts to be forgiven they need to return. He said that the new government must have a Macedonian minister and there must also be a Macedonian member in Headquarters who would form a separate Macedonian communist organization as part of the Communist Party of Greece. This Organization will then manage the 11th Division of DAG (Democratic Army of Greece) which will carry the name ‘Macedonian Division’. Mangos also quoted you often. Among other things he said that, according to Zahariadis’s assessments, as long as DAG possesses more troops, then it will hold Olympus and that is why it is very important that those who fled Aegean Macedonia to Yugoslavia be mobilized. There was strong discussion among them, which sounded more like a squabble and mutual accusations. Ours, if I may call them that, performed sternly. Here are some statements: ‘I do not agree with you here. In my opinion your posture is incorrect. Perhaps because you are dissatisfied!’ That’s one. Here is another: ‘Comrades, I want to know what your reasons are for staying in Yugoslavia? Please explain! What is keeping you here? You need to return. You are not helping the leadership of NOF by staying here. It is important that you return as soon as possible at this critical time when the people, young and old, are all struggling at the forefront. If you don’t return the people will condemn you. If we don’t achieve that which we want to achieve, you will be blamed for it. Zahariadis openly told us that you can come with one or two divisions and you can organize your own leadership and you can even lead Tito’s politics if you like…’ And here is one more: ‘Your stay here represents a centre which influences all disillusioned and frightened elements and creates further division. Whether you like it or not, you are responsible for this whole situation for which you will be characterized as traitors. Our NOF movement today is facing many difficulties, there is a struggle for life and death and in such a situation your stay here inflicts great evil on our movement. If you return it is possible that this evil will disappear and, from another side, you will correct your past errors. But before you return it would be a good idea if you could find an understanding with the authorities here, ask them to close the doors on all deserters…’ Nikos, these few statements confirm that in the NOF leadership exists…”



“Shorten it,” commented Zahariadis. “It is good that they are not united… That I know. Tell me what did they say with regards to your mission, that’s important. Continue,” concluded Zahariadis.



“They, Nikos, most brazenly and harshly attacked our Party’s policy with regards to the Macedonian question, insisting that you personally are responsible. In short, they claim that they had been lied to and that they are not in a position to mobilize Macedonians that had been lied to. He, Goche principally, with an elevated tone of voice literally said… one moment I have written it down. Yes I have it. He said, ‘The issue of establishing Macedonian units is a lie. This is your demagogy and we here believed you and, based on your lies, we also deceived our own people. How can we tell this was a lie? By the fact that it was by your initiative that Macedonian Partisan units created in Prespa were dismantled. And that the agreement which NOF and CPG (Communist Party of Greece) signed in 1946 was not honoured…’”



Porphirogenis paused for a moment and then said, “Paskalis reacted to this.”



“What did he say?” asked Zahariadis.



“Paskalis basically echoed Mangos’s words indicating that the Macedonian people in Aegean Macedonia were granted the right to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent Macedonian state, and that...”



“Give me the short version!” interrupted Zahariadis.



“Okay!” continued Porphirogenis. “Regarding the 1946 agreement between NOF and CPG, Paskalis said ‘I will argue that work was done in honouring that agreement. We as the then leadership strove to achieve unity and in pursuit of this, we broke up the existing Macedonian units.’ Paskalis later said, ‘I personally do not agree with comrade Oche’s assessment that the Macedonian people in Aegean Macedonia have no confidence in the democratic leadership and no desire to continue to fight. The truth is that there are a small number of injustices and under estimates of the Macedonian cadres by the Greek party and military officials. The truth is that there was nothing achieved in practice by the 1946 NOF-CPG agreement. But we should not duel on such trifling matters and we should have confidence in Comrade Zahariadis to do the right thing for us Macedonians. For example, let me remind you what Comrade Zahariadis said during the Second Plenum of the Central Council of NOF. He said that the National Question of the Macedonian people will be declared with their participation in today’s struggle and that will go a long way towards creating an Independent Macedonian State… Is this a small thing?’”



“And you Miltiadis, what did you say?” inquired Zahariadis.



“I, as we agreed, listened and made notes. I left them to argue amongst themselves and persuade each other and then realized that, how can I say, ‘our side came up insecure and without arguments. I got the impression that the only argument was the frequent reference to your last name, which probably convinced them that its very mention was enough to be convincing.’ What did I say? One moment please…” paused Porphirogenis as he flipped through some pages in his notebook, coughed a while and then took a sip of his cold Georgian tea and continued.



“Ah, here it is, I found it. I have written it here. This is what I said: Comrades, by Zahariadis’s orders, I brought here Comrades Paskalis, Mangos and Marika Elkova with aims to do whatever is possible to find and send back new Macedonian fighters – reservists. I and you together, we need to help our comrades to achieve success. In my thinking here, in Yugoslavia, we need to find and send back to Aegean Macedonia five thousand Macedonians, which means we need to fulfill fifty percent of the plan put together by the General Staff. Finding five thousand Macedonians and sending them back can be done voluntarily or by force, meaning by forced mobilization. In addition, I gave them a wider explanation of our Central Committee’s resolution drafted during the Fifth Plenum indicating that we dismissed a few opportunists, such as Markos, from the ranks because they were incapable of understanding the capability of the Democratic Army of Greece in leading a frontal war against the enemy. These people were weak and only knew how to survive through Partisan style warfare. Furthermore I emphasized that any misunderstandings between NOF and CPG were meaningless and only principled in character. Then I finally told them to declare in writing that they would immediately begin mobilization of the Aegean Macedonians and send them back to the front. They did not say that they would not come back or would not mobilize fighters, I believe they will do that, but under certain conditions.”



“And what did they want?” asked Zahariadis.


“They want us to admit that we have not approached the Macedonian issue properly with regards to the composition of DAG to form separate Macedonian units, a separate Macedonian headquarters with an all Macedonian command to act independently on Macedonian soil. They want us to remove Koichev, Kotsopoulos and Gisopoulos from NOF command. They want us to give permission to all the sick, to those who are unable to work and carry ammunition, to all the old men, old women and children to leave for Yugoslavia. They do not want us to mobilize children ages 14 and 15 and women older than 36 years old. They do not want us to mobilize the high spirited Macedonian children who feel Macedonian in their souls and who have already been sent to Eastern European countries. They want us to allow the Macedonians from the two parts of Macedonia to have free contact with each other. They want us to allow NOF to speak freely about the Macedonian Question and how it was correctly solved by the Yugoslav communists and to stop the propaganda against Tito. They want the Communist Party of Greece to apologize to those so-called deserters and to publicly admit that it made many mistakes with regards to the Macedonians. They do not want us to hold accountable those Macedonians who fled to Yugoslavia and they do not like us calling them deserters and traitors. And all these things they are asking for they want listed in a written and signed agreement and if we don’t agree, they will hold us responsible for all the resulting consequences. At the end they said that all their comments and requests would be their official position, which would soon be submitted to us in the form of a letter,” concluded Porphirogenis.



“Понятно…”(clear) said Zahariadis in a stretched tone of voice. He then got up, walked around the table in a circle and went to the window. It was early dawn and the tops of Mounts Pelister and Bela Voda were hidden in the clouds. The lake was covered with fog. Zahariadis opened the window and the room suddenly became cold. Small cold flakes of snow were blowing from the north. Zahariadis turned, came close to the table and filled his cup with tea. He then went to warm up his hands and muttered something quietly. He said: “Like hell you understood each other. I admit I made a mistake. Not that they believed Goche and Keramitchiev. No! Them they never believed, like I don’t believe Paskalis or the entire NOF. But, tell me, what are our chances of bringing those five thousand here?”



“In my opinion, Nikos, we have no chance. Tito is on their side. If it were not for the Cominform resolution ... But I, Nikos, think that we should not leave things to chance. Those who found shelter in Yugoslavia are our citizens and therefore we are entitled, according to Greek law, to mobilize them, even by force. If Tito will not allow us, then we will declare ideological warfare on them and their communist party…” replied Porphirogenis.



Zahariadis put his cup down on the table and looked into Porphirogenis’s eyes. He looked for a long time while Porphirogenis looked down and bowed his head.



“We should declare ideological warfare you say?” asked Zahariadis.



“Well, not exactly like that, but…” replied Porphirogenis while being interrupted by Zahariadis who said:



“And you like the others, always rushing. Don’t rush. We have time. Everything has its time. Tito is still on our side. The border is still open, material arrives regularly and hundreds of our fighters are hospitalized in the Yugoslavian hospitals. Our bases are there full with ammunition and food. And as long as things remain this way we will not say a single bad word publicly about Tito or his Party. We have already taken our position and reported it to Comrade Stalin that at the right time we will perform our obligation to the Informbureau. When that time comes we will harshly criticize Tito and his Party, in other words, we will attack them…” concluded Zahariadis.



“Yes, of course, Comrade Zahariadis, you are right, it is understandable. I may be rushing and sometimes I am not careful about what I say. We are under extreme pressure which, unfortunately sometimes, leads to uncontrolled thoughts. Forgive me...” replied Porphirogenis.



“And Kolishevski?” inquired Zahariadis.



“Kolishevski? I believe he is stirring up things. We spoke for more than an hour. I informed him of all our needs, especially of our need to mobilize our Slavo-Macedonians,” replied Porphirogenis.



“And what did he say?” asked Zahariadis.



“He said that their side would deliver on the 1946 promise to continue to equip us with weapons and food and provide hospitalization for our wounded fighters. But when I mentioned to him that we needed to mobilize our Slav-Macedonians, noting that they are our citizens and under our laws we have the right to mobilize them, even by force, he strongly objected and told me that we have no such right. We are the first, he said, who strongly supported your movement and we are the first, despite our difficulties, who came out to help you, but, he said, no one recognized you or your laws and therefore you have no legal rights. During the meeting I familiarized him with the decision our party made at the Fifth Plenum, noting that the Macedonians in Northern Greece would have the right to self determination and to create their own state. I told him that they would have their own communist organization, one member in the interim government and membership in the General Staff and that it was decided that the Eleventh Division of DAG is to be renamed the Macedonian Division…” concluded Porphirogenis.



“And what did Kolishevski say?” inquired Zahariadis.


“Here is what he said: ‘The Macedonians,’ he said sharply, ‘have their own country, which they won by struggling and making great sacrifices. Their country was not created by some Plenum decision.’ This is what he told me. I got the impression that he was protecting those culprits and deserters. He is certainly giving them shelter. After leaving his office he added: ‘You underestimate the Macedonian Organizations NOF and AFZH (Women’s Anti-Fascist Front). You are nothing without them in that part of Macedonia. Have you not realized that they are your central strength? Without those Organizations you would have no Macedonians in your ranks, except for those few who are devoted members of your party. Don’t forget that it was with NOF’s help that you succeeded in mobilizing the Macedonians’…” concluded Porphirogenis.



Zahariadis took a walk around the room and said: “If it wasn’t for that damn Informbureau, I, through Tito, would have boiled Kolishevski’s wheat. If he acts this way then you know for sure he has Tito’s support. This is more confirmation of Tito’s treason… You say that we have no chance of collecting the Macedonians?”



“Honestly, Nikos, we have none… I want you to know that Kolishevski wholeheartedly supports our deserters. This is what I was told by our contacts in Skopje,” replied Porphirogenis.



Walking towards the exit of the room, Zahariadis turned and said: “Maybe someone from our NOF or perhaps they in Skopje will be pleased by the decisions we made to bring changes to the NOF leadership…”



“And I, Nikos, think…” interrupted Porphirogenis.



“What do you think?” inquired Zahariadis.



“I think that they are asking for too much under these war conditions,” replied Porphirogenis.



“Again that which they sought they obtained. We promoted many military cadres to high ranks and they had their own representative in the government and in the military and council… their children over in the Eastern European countries are learning Macedonian, and in the units in which there are a large number of fighters of Macedonian origin they are organizing classes to learn the Macedonian language… Soon we will also establish a communist organization for them… Our Fifth Plenum decision was unexpected for them and in that spirit we should hold NOF’s second Congress. We are well aware that we are doing harm to the pure Greek character of our movement, from which we have negative reactions from some members of the Central Committee, and let us not speak about the reactions of our enemies… It is clear that we need to meet their demands, because only that way will NOF be able to succeed in mobilizing those people, and it is possible that our struggle can be taken away from us… And for that not to happen, we must not allow the NOF leadership to unite. There has been animosity and suspicion between them for a long time and that situation needs to be fostered carefully and diligently…” concluded Zahariadis.



The field telephone rang loudly. Zahariadis quickly turned the handle several times and picked up the receiver.



“The Units are in motion… operations have commenced…” said the voice on the other side of the telephone.



“Good… I wish them much success…” said Zahariadis with a trembling voice and slowly hung up.

[George S.]

The Great Lie – Chapter 9



By Petre Nakovski

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

[email protected]

January 1, 2012



“In order to realize our plan we will need at least five to seven thousand fighters. But from where, where can we get these fighters? I know, from the refugee masses. Not from Albania, we can’t do it from there because there we only have older people and mostly crippled fighters. But we can get some three to three and a half thousand from the ranks of the refugee children, the ones we sent to Eastern European countries. The remainder, the larger share, we can get from Yugoslavia. Unfortunately our job will be difficult because of Tito’s betrayal. As a last resort we could always talk to and negotiate a deal with him but without the knowledge of comrade Stalin. It would be very bad for us if comrade Stalin found out that we had negotiated with Tito. I once agreed to send Mihali, Vangeli and that madman Goche there but up to now I have no desired results. Instead of letting them go we should have killed them and declared that they were spies and traitors to our movement and our Party. But it is still possible! There is time! I want Miltiadis,” said Zahariadis.



When Zahariadis wanted to entrust a very important job to one of his close associates he always addressed them by their first name.



“Miltiadis, I want to entrust you with a very important task. I want you to go to Skopje, but not alone. Take Paskalis, Mitsopoulos, Mangos and Marika Elkova with you. There you will meet Nikos Daphnis, the person who manages our affairs in Skopje,” said Zahariadis.



“Understood!” said Porphirogenis in a quiet tone of voice. “What am I to do there?”



“You are to lead the entire group. In the beginning you will only listen to what they have to say, the Slavo-Macedonians, and you will note everything. At the end, you will act harshly. How? We will decide. Those who will keep you company will each have a separate task and their own say. I spoke with each of them separately and everyone knows their role. The aim of the visit and talks in Skopje are; the mobilization of four to five thousand fighters and more if possible,” concluded Zahariadis.



“And the children? I think the older ones?” asked Porphirogenis.



“It will be easy with them. You will be responsible for that job too. You will select several good speakers and propagandists and, as you know yourself, you will excite the fighting spirit in the children and after that all you have to do is open your notebooks and enlist volunteers. The rest will be done by others…



Our representative in Skopje has already been informed about your visit and has made arrangements for you to meet with the people you are going talk to in Skopje. Pay careful attention to Keramitzhiev. He is sly and does not easily lose his nerve. He knows how to listen and how to convince others. Always speak on behalf of the Party and act harshly…” advised Zahariadis.



Late at night on February 8th, Porphirogenis sent a coded message, via the contact office in Skopje, to Zahariadis informing him that he had run into difficulties and as a result he wanted to return for more consultations. About an hour later he received a coded reply which simply read “Return immediately!”



Before dawn Porphirogenis crossed the border at Markova Noga and in the evening he reported to Zahariadis.



“They left me with the impression that they don’t trust us and they ignored us. We will require more time to explain the position of our Central Committee and define what we meant in the Fifth Plenum. And did you know what Oche (Father) told me? This is what he said: ‘With the decision that you made during your Fifth Plenum you sentenced to death the thousands of Macedonians and Greek Communists who are now in prison camps. Be assured,’ he said, ‘that they will now have to sign statements that they agree with your views.’” concluded Porphirogenis.



Zahariadis stopped pacing for a moment and said: “Party discipline is important for all. And he, Oche, I know him, he is an OZNA (Peoples’ Security Department) and UDBA (State Security Bureau) collaborator who we were supposed to execute last year.”



Zahariadis went closer to the window and opened it. He looked far away into the mountains. He always felt terrible being closed in. He did not like small windows or dark, narrow rooms. They felt like cages. He often said to his associates that his prison cell in Akronavplia was larger than the largest rooms in these damn village houses. He never stayed more than one or two days in the same house. There was a deep sense of mistrust imbedded in his temperament. He did not trust anyone.



Zahariadis turned and said: “Let us go out for a walk. Let us breathe some fresh mountain air…”



They went outside. Cold air was blowing on their faces. The frozen snow was crunching under their feet. A dog was barking. They walked side by side. The road was leading them to the house at the end, at the village exit, closest to the forest. They entered the last house. It had a large spacious room. A wood burning stove was stirring in the corner. They took their boots off. Zahariadis stood by the stove and extended his hands, rubbing them vigorously. He was warming up. With his back turned to Porphirogenis, he went to the window, opened it and looked outside. High up on top of Mount Pelister was a full moon. The wavy waters of Lake Prespa were almost invisible in the moon’s reflection on the whiteness of the snow. Far away to the north, the lights of Resen twinkled and above them was the Golema Mechka (Great Bear). Whenever he found the Great Bear in the sky his thoughts turned to Prague. He closed the window, turned around and went to the kerosene lamp. He raised the wick. The dim light illuminated the room. He saw Porphirogenis place his officer’s briefcase on the table and from it take out his thick notebook. Porphirogenis opened it and stood there waiting. Water was boiling in the large kettle. Zahariadis opened the cupboard and took out two glass cups and brought them close to the lamp and wiped them, one by one, with a white towel. He put them on a silver tray (a gift from Stalin), placed a teaspoonful of tea in each and filled them with hot water, which slowly acquired a warm amber colour.



“Please, help yourself,” Zahariadis addressed Porphirogenis. “It’s Georgian tea sweetened with honey. Strong. From comrade Stalin’s fatherland. It’s best when it’s hot. It refreshes and soothes the spirit. Drink…”



There was silence in the room. The silence was interrupted by the quiet steps of the guards in front of the house. The frozen snow could be heard crunching under their feet.



Zahariadis drank the tea and, while reaching for the tea kettle, said: “Докладивай…” (Report…)



In his circle of closest associates, he had a custom of starting and ending a conversation with the Russian words “докладивай” (report) and “понятно” (clear).



Porphirogenis opened his notebook and, after clearing his throat, began his report:



“In accordance with your directives, our contacts in Skopje called a meeting with Goche, Keramitzhiev, Aianovski, the so-called Oche (Father) and Slavianka. We agreed that Stavros Mangos (whom they called Krste Mangov), who knew the four who are sheltered in Skopje, would speak first. He began by giving us information regarding a NOF (Peoples’ Liberation Front) Plenum during which a decision was made to call a second Congress, during which discussions were to take place for resolving the Macedonian National Question and strengthening of the Macedonian Peoples’ Struggle and to amend the program and status. His talk was not well tied. He jumped from subject to subject. He spoke an hour about the desertions and an hour about the weaknesses, about successes, etc. At one point he literally said: ‘The Macedonian people, after Greece’s liberation, will take the opportunity to self-determine, self-separate with the right to establish an independent Macedonian state.’ He also stressed that the Macedonian people would be free and equal in a Balkan Federation.”



Porphirogenis turned the page and continued: “Mangos also indicated that there are many desertions among the Macedonians, which the people condemn and view as cowardly and for their acts to be forgiven they need to return. He said that the new government must have a Macedonian minister and there must also be a Macedonian member in Headquarters who would form a separate Macedonian communist organization as part of the Communist Party of Greece. This Organization will then manage the 11th Division of DAG (Democratic Army of Greece) which will carry the name ‘Macedonian Division’. Mangos also quoted you often. Among other things he said that, according to Zahariadis’s assessments, as long as DAG possesses more troops, then it will hold Olympus and that is why it is very important that those who fled Aegean Macedonia to Yugoslavia be mobilized. There was strong discussion among them, which sounded more like a squabble and mutual accusations. Ours, if I may call them that, performed sternly. Here are some statements: ‘I do not agree with you here. In my opinion your posture is incorrect. Perhaps because you are dissatisfied!’ That’s one. Here is another: ‘Comrades, I want to know what your reasons are for staying in Yugoslavia? Please explain! What is keeping you here? You need to return. You are not helping the leadership of NOF by staying here. It is important that you return as soon as possible at this critical time when the people, young and old, are all struggling at the forefront. If you don’t return the people will condemn you. If we don’t achieve that which we want to achieve, you will be blamed for it. Zahariadis openly told us that you can come with one or two divisions and you can organize your own leadership and you can even lead Tito’s politics if you like…’ And here is one more: ‘Your stay here represents a centre which influences all disillusioned and frightened elements and creates further division. Whether you like it or not, you are responsible for this whole situation for which you will be characterized as traitors. Our NOF movement today is facing many difficulties, there is a struggle for life and death and in such a situation your stay here inflicts great evil on our movement. If you return it is possible that this evil will disappear and, from another side, you will correct your past errors. But before you return it would be a good idea if you could find an understanding with the authorities here, ask them to close the doors on all deserters…’ Nikos, these few statements confirm that in the NOF leadership exists…”



“Shorten it,” commented Zahariadis. “It is good that they are not united… That I know. Tell me what did they say with regards to your mission, that’s important. Continue,” concluded Zahariadis.



“They, Nikos, most brazenly and harshly attacked our Party’s policy with regards to the Macedonian question, insisting that you personally are responsible. In short, they claim that they had been lied to and that they are not in a position to mobilize Macedonians that had been lied to. He, Goche principally, with an elevated tone of voice literally said… one moment I have written it down. Yes I have it. He said, ‘The issue of establishing Macedonian units is a lie. This is your demagogy and we here believed you and, based on your lies, we also deceived our own people. How can we tell this was a lie? By the fact that it was by your initiative that Macedonian Partisan units created in Prespa were dismantled. And that the agreement which NOF and CPG (Communist Party of Greece) signed in 1946 was not honoured…’”



Porphirogenis paused for a moment and then said, “Paskalis reacted to this.”



“What did he say?” asked Zahariadis.



“Paskalis basically echoed Mangos’s words indicating that the Macedonian people in Aegean Macedonia were granted the right to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent Macedonian state, and that...”



“Give me the short version!” interrupted Zahariadis.



“Okay!” continued Porphirogenis. “Regarding the 1946 agreement between NOF and CPG, Paskalis said ‘I will argue that work was done in honouring that agreement. We as the then leadership strove to achieve unity and in pursuit of this, we broke up the existing Macedonian units.’ Paskalis later said, ‘I personally do not agree with comrade Oche’s assessment that the Macedonian people in Aegean Macedonia have no confidence in the democratic leadership and no desire to continue to fight. The truth is that there are a small number of injustices and under estimates of the Macedonian cadres by the Greek party and military officials. The truth is that there was nothing achieved in practice by the 1946 NOF-CPG agreement. But we should not duel on such trifling matters and we should have confidence in Comrade Zahariadis to do the right thing for us Macedonians. For example, let me remind you what Comrade Zahariadis said during the Second Plenum of the Central Council of NOF. He said that the National Question of the Macedonian people will be declared with their participation in today’s struggle and that will go a long way towards creating an Independent Macedonian State… Is this a small thing?’”



“And you Miltiadis, what did you say?” inquired Zahariadis.



“I, as we agreed, listened and made notes. I left them to argue amongst themselves and persuade each other and then realized that, how can I say, ‘our side came up insecure and without arguments. I got the impression that the only argument was the frequent reference to your last name, which probably convinced them that its very mention was enough to be convincing.’ What did I say? One moment please…” paused Porphirogenis as he flipped through some pages in his notebook, coughed a while and then took a sip of his cold Georgian tea and continued.



“Ah, here it is, I found it. I have written it here. This is what I said: Comrades, by Zahariadis’s orders, I brought here Comrades Paskalis, Mangos and Marika Elkova with aims to do whatever is possible to find and send back new Macedonian fighters – reservists. I and you together, we need to help our comrades to achieve success. In my thinking here, in Yugoslavia, we need to find and send back to Aegean Macedonia five thousand Macedonians, which means we need to fulfill fifty percent of the plan put together by the General Staff. Finding five thousand Macedonians and sending them back can be done voluntarily or by force, meaning by forced mobilization. In addition, I gave them a wider explanation of our Central Committee’s resolution drafted during the Fifth Plenum indicating that we dismissed a few opportunists, such as Markos, from the ranks because they were incapable of understanding the capability of the Democratic Army of Greece in leading a frontal war against the enemy. These people were weak and only knew how to survive through Partisan style warfare. Furthermore I emphasized that any misunderstandings between NOF and CPG were meaningless and only principled in character. Then I finally told them to declare in writing that they would immediately begin mobilization of the Aegean Macedonians and send them back to the front. They did not say that they would not come back or would not mobilize fighters, I believe they will do that, but under certain conditions.”



“And what did they want?” asked Zahariadis.


“They want us to admit that we have not approached the Macedonian issue properly with regards to the composition of DAG to form separate Macedonian units, a separate Macedonian headquarters with an all Macedonian command to act independently on Macedonian soil. They want us to remove Koichev, Kotsopoulos and Gisopoulos from NOF command. They want us to give permission to all the sick, to those who are unable to work and carry ammunition, to all the old men, old women and children to leave for Yugoslavia. They do not want us to mobilize children ages 14 and 15 and women older than 36 years old. They do not want us to mobilize the high spirited Macedonian children who feel Macedonian in their souls and who have already been sent to Eastern European countries. They want us to allow the Macedonians from the two parts of Macedonia to have free contact with each other. They want us to allow NOF to speak freely about the Macedonian Question and how it was correctly solved by the Yugoslav communists and to stop the propaganda against Tito. They want the Communist Party of Greece to apologize to those so-called deserters and to publicly admit that it made many mistakes with regards to the Macedonians. They do not want us to hold accountable those Macedonians who fled to Yugoslavia and they do not like us calling them deserters and traitors. And all these things they are asking for they want listed in a written and signed agreement and if we don’t agree, they will hold us responsible for all the resulting consequences. At the end they said that all their comments and requests would be their official position, which would soon be submitted to us in the form of a letter,” concluded Porphirogenis.



“Понятно…”(clear) said Zahariadis in a stretched tone of voice. He then got up, walked around the table in a circle and went to the window. It was early dawn and the tops of Mounts Pelister and Bela Voda were hidden in the clouds. The lake was covered with fog. Zahariadis opened the window and the room suddenly became cold. Small cold flakes of snow were blowing from the north. Zahariadis turned, came close to the table and filled his cup with tea. He then went to warm up his hands and muttered something quietly. He said: “Like hell you understood each other. I admit I made a mistake. Not that they believed Goche and Keramitchiev. No! Them they never believed, like I don’t believe Paskalis or the entire NOF. But, tell me, what are our chances of bringing those five thousand here?”



“In my opinion, Nikos, we have no chance. Tito is on their side. If it were not for the Cominform resolution ... But I, Nikos, think that we should not leave things to chance. Those who found shelter in Yugoslavia are our citizens and therefore we are entitled, according to Greek law, to mobilize them, even by force. If Tito will not allow us, then we will declare ideological warfare on them and their communist party…” replied Porphirogenis.



Zahariadis put his cup down on the table and looked into Porphirogenis’s eyes. He looked for a long time while Porphirogenis looked down and bowed his head.



“We should declare ideological warfare you say?” asked Zahariadis.



“Well, not exactly like that, but…” replied Porphirogenis while being interrupted by Zahariadis who said:



“And you like the others, always rushing. Don’t rush. We have time. Everything has its time. Tito is still on our side. The border is still open, material arrives regularly and hundreds of our fighters are hospitalized in the Yugoslavian hospitals. Our bases are there full with ammunition and food. And as long as things remain this way we will not say a single bad word publicly about Tito or his Party. We have already taken our position and reported it to Comrade Stalin that at the right time we will perform our obligation to the Informbureau. When that time comes we will harshly criticize Tito and his Party, in other words, we will attack them…” concluded Zahariadis.



“Yes, of course, Comrade Zahariadis, you are right, it is understandable. I may be rushing and sometimes I am not careful about what I say. We are under extreme pressure which, unfortunately sometimes, leads to uncontrolled thoughts. Forgive me...” replied Porphirogenis.



“And Kolishevski?” inquired Zahariadis.



“Kolishevski? I believe he is stirring up things. We spoke for more than an hour. I informed him of all our needs, especially of our need to mobilize our Slavo-Macedonians,” replied Porphirogenis.



“And what did he say?” asked Zahariadis.



“He said that their side would deliver on the 1946 promise to continue to equip us with weapons and food and provide hospitalization for our wounded fighters. But when I mentioned to him that we needed to mobilize our Slav-Macedonians, noting that they are our citizens and under our laws we have the right to mobilize them, even by force, he strongly objected and told me that we have no such right. We are the first, he said, who strongly supported your movement and we are the first, despite our difficulties, who came out to help you, but, he said, no one recognized you or your laws and therefore you have no legal rights. During the meeting I familiarized him with the decision our party made at the Fifth Plenum, noting that the Macedonians in Northern Greece would have the right to self determination and to create their own state. I told him that they would have their own communist organization, one member in the interim government and membership in the General Staff and that it was decided that the Eleventh Division of DAG is to be renamed the Macedonian Division…” concluded Porphirogenis.



“And what did Kolishevski say?” inquired Zahariadis.


“Here is what he said: ‘The Macedonians,’ he said sharply, ‘have their own country, which they won by struggling and making great sacrifices. Their country was not created by some Plenum decision.’ This is what he told me. I got the impression that he was protecting those culprits and deserters. He is certainly giving them shelter. After leaving his office he added: ‘You underestimate the Macedonian Organizations NOF and AFZH (Women’s Anti-Fascist Front). You are nothing without them in that part of Macedonia. Have you not realized that they are your central strength? Without those Organizations you would have no Macedonians in your ranks, except for those few who are devoted members of your party. Don’t forget that it was with NOF’s help that you succeeded in mobilizing the Macedonians’…” concluded Porphirogenis.



Zahariadis took a walk around the room and said: “If it wasn’t for that damn Informbureau, I, through Tito, would have boiled Kolishevski’s wheat. If he acts this way then you know for sure he has Tito’s support. This is more confirmation of Tito’s treason… You say that we have no chance of collecting the Macedonians?”



“Honestly, Nikos, we have none… I want you to know that Kolishevski wholeheartedly supports our deserters. This is what I was told by our contacts in Skopje,” replied Porphirogenis.



Walking towards the exit of the room, Zahariadis turned and said: “Maybe someone from our NOF or perhaps they in Skopje will be pleased by the decisions we made to bring changes to the NOF leadership…”



“And I, Nikos, think…” interrupted Porphirogenis.



“What do you think?” inquired Zahariadis.



“I think that they are asking for too much under these war conditions,” replied Porphirogenis.



“Again that which they sought they obtained. We promoted many military cadres to high ranks and they had their own representative in the government and in the military and council… their children over in the Eastern European countries are learning Macedonian, and in the units in which there are a large number of fighters of Macedonian origin they are organizing classes to learn the Macedonian language… Soon we will also establish a communist organization for them… Our Fifth Plenum decision was unexpected for them and in that spirit we should hold NOF’s second Congress. We are well aware that we are doing harm to the pure Greek character of our movement, from which we have negative reactions from some members of the Central Committee, and let us not speak about the reactions of our enemies… It is clear that we need to meet their demands, because only that way will NOF be able to succeed in mobilizing those people, and it is possible that our struggle can be taken away from us… And for that not to happen, we must not allow the NOF leadership to unite. There has been animosity and suspicion between them for a long time and that situation needs to be fostered carefully and diligently…” concluded Zahariadis.



The field telephone rang loudly. Zahariadis quickly turned the handle several times and picked up the receiver.



“The Units are in motion… operations have commenced…” said the voice on the other side of the telephone.



“Good… I wish them much success…” said Zahariadis with a trembling voice and slowly hung up.

[George S.]

Macedonian Gold - The Novel
Written by Dr. Michael Seraphinoff

Article by Risto Stefov
[email protected]

October, 2002


On October 4th, 2004 at 7:00 PM, a book promotion featuring Michael Seraphinoff's "Macedonian Gold" and Aleksandar Donski's "The Descendants of Alexander the Great of Macedon" was held at St. Clement of Ohrid Macedonian Orthodox Church. The promotion was jointly sponsored by the Toronto based organizations: United Macedonians, Canadian Macedonian Historical Society and the Macedonian Literary Group Brakia Miladinovci. Leading the event was guest speaker Dr. Michael Seraphinoff, author of the books The 19th Century Macedonian Awakening and Macedonian Gold.

Dr. Seraphinoff was born in North America and is of Macedonian descent with roots in the Republic of Macedonia, Romania and the United States. His family is from Neproshteno, Tetovo.

Dr. Seraphinoff was educated in the United States and graduated from Michigan State University with a B.A. in anthropology archeology. He earned his M.A. and Ph.D. in Slavic languages and literature from the University of Washington and did his doctoral dissertation on the life and works of Kiril Pejchinovich which was later published as a book by the University Press of America under the title "The 19th Century Macedonian Awakening".

Besides writing books, Dr. Seraphinoff is active in the Macedonian community and has written several papers and essays on the recent plight of the Macedonian people exposing unfair Greek, Albanian, Bulgarian and American practices.

Dr. Seraphinoff was also involved in the English translation and editing of Aleksandar Donski's book "The Descendents of Alexander the Great of Macedon".

Most recently Dr. Seraphinoff has produced a fine work of fiction, his novel "Macedonian Gold".

"Macedonian Gold" is a fascinating fiction story that will captivate you and keep you reading to the end because you just can't wait to find out what happens next. It is a fantastic story, a mystery adventure tale that will guide you on a tour of Macedonia through its geography, history, culture and present-day society. While this journey of discovery includes tests of personal character in a quest of meaning in a fictionalized and at times fantastic Macedonia, it also visits the thorny real-life social issues of the day, including issues of ethnic and national rivalry and gender, racial and religious prejudice.

Without giving away too much of the plot, the story takes place in present day Republic of Macedonia and is about a joint Macedonian-American archeological expedition set out in search of the long lost tomb of Alexander the Great.

It seems that a Macedonian archeological team has already discovered the tomb but needed an American witness to verify the find in order to prevent the Greeks from calling it a hoax. The lucky American archeologist picked for the job is Professor Jack Starkweather who quickly puts a team of archeology students together and leaves his boring university job in the U.S. for high adventure in Macedonia where he is joined by Macedonian archeologist Dr. Boris Milevski's students.

With some ingenuity and a lot of hard work the teams manage to open the tomb and marvel at the artifacts found inside. But just as the archeologists became comfortable with their daily routines, mysterious things began to happen. The real artifacts, one by one, began to disappear only to be replaced with forgeries. But who would do such a thing? Suspicions were immediately cast on the Greeks, Albanians and tomb raiders. The Greeks, it seems, would do anything to discredit Macedonian claims. Albanians and tomb raiders, on the other hand, would not replace real artifacts with forgeries. What for?

The plot thickens as it is revealed that one of Starkweather's American students is of Greek descent and she is caught secretly meeting with a Greek reporter named Mavros who had been snooping around camp.

If the Greeks were stealing the real artifacts, why were they bothering to replace them with forgeries? Was this another Greek ploy to show that the Macedonian discovery of Alexander's tomb was nothing but a hoax? And if the Greeks managed to pull the whole thing off, how did they re-create the artifacts so quickly and precisely? How did they manage to steal the real artifacts and replace them without being detected by round the clock Macedonian guards posted at the tomb entrance? But were the thieves really the Greeks? Some team members were staring to have doubts.

The answers to these questions and plenty more mysteries are yours to discover in the "Macedonian Gold".

Dr. Seraphinoff masterfully takes the reader on a journey of Macedonian history, culture and religion and at the same time explores old and new controversies and never ending Balkan rivalries.

The real Macedonian gold is in the way his characters, sometimes with opposing views, manage to cooperate and work together to uncover the mystery of Alexander's tomb.

"Macedonian Gold" is a "must read" novel, an excellent Christmas gift for a friend. Coming soon to amazon.com ISBN 0 9581162 6 1.

In addition to promoting his own novel, Dr. Seraphinoff also took the opportunity to inform his Toronto audience about Aleksandar Donski's book "The Descendants of Alexander the Great of Macedon". Among other things, here is what Dr. Seraphinoff had to say:

"[A while ago I offered my help in the translation into English and editing for publication of Aleksandar Donski's The Descendants of Alexander the Great of Macedon.

I have followed Aleksandar's works on Macedonian history and culture over the years with great interest, and I have always been particularly impressed by his ability to analyze and clearly express the evidence of possible cultural links between the ancient and present-day Macedonians.

I began reading his arguments on this subject several years ago with a certain amount of skepticism. While his evidence was always interesting and intriguing, for me it only suggested possible links between the ancient and present-day peoples. His early evidence did not appear all that conclusive. However, after reading this most recent work most carefully as I helped Marijan Galevski refine his English language translation of the text, I have become convinced that Aleksandar Donski has now accumulated conclusive evidence to prove claims of cultural continuity from ancient to modern times in Macedonia. If one, or two, or even ten of his examples appear weak or unconvincing to some readers, by the fifteenth or twenty fifth example the weight of his evidence should begin to convince all but the most rigid pan-Slavist that a mass migration from beyond the Carpathian Mountains in the 6th century never replaced the thriving ancient Macedonian society of the time.

The sheer number of his credible sources, both ancient and modern, and the scope of his investigation, ranging from the linguistic, to the anthropological, to the social, historical, geographic, and more, and with particular emphasis on the mythic and folkloric, cast serious doubt on the old accepted story of Slavic displacement of the indigenous population of Macedonia. While no one can question the obvious Macedonian cultural links with other so-called Slavic peoples, particularly the clear and close ties to the neighboring Serbians and Bulgarians, Aleksandar Donski provides us with equally conclusive and convincing linguistic and cultural evidence of the links between the indigenous ancient Macedonian people and those who also today call themselves Macedonians and who continue to dwell on the exact same territory of northern Greece, western Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia that was once ancient Macedonia.

The English-speaking world, its historians, linguists, cultural anthropologists and others, will now have the proofs that should put to rest for all time the notion that there is some recently concocted Slav Macedonia instead of the singular, separate and distinct Macedonian nation and identity with credible ancient roots. And all those Macedonians who live beyond the borders of Macedonia, who are particularly concentrated in recent times in the English-speaking world of the former British Empire, now have something to offer their children and grandchildren when foreign assimilation threatens to dim their consciousness of their Macedonian cultural heritage, Aleksandar Donski's book, The Descendants of Alexander the Great of Macedon.

The following are some of the more thought-provoking quotations from Donski's book.

The ancient Macedonians are among the most famous people in history. Several famous figures in history were of Macedonian heritage. These include Alexander the Great of Macedon, who was driven by his vision of a World State where all the peoples would live together in equality, and his father, Philip II of Macedon, who is nearly as famous as his son. One of the greatest philosophers of all time, Aristotle was also a Macedonian (by his father), and so was the Egyptian Queen Cleopatra VII. (She was a distant granddaughter of the Macedonian General Ptolemy, friend of Alexander the Great, since their childhood.) Members of the Seleucidic and Ptolemaic dynasties were also Macedonians. Several of them are mentioned in the Bible. There are those who believe that the Holy Evangelist Luke, as well as a number of Byzantine emperors, were also of Macedonian heritage. .

The Macedonians are mentioned in the Holy Scriptures, the Bible, in relation to the mission of Saint Paul to Macedonia, where Christianity began its expansion into Europe. For example, in "Apostles" (16:9): "Over night Paul had a vision, a man was standing before him, a Macedonian, begging him and saying: "come over to Macedonia and help us"". Also: "And we boarded a ship that was to set sail for places near the Asian shore, the ship set off. With us was Aristarch, a Macedonian from Salonica." These accounts, as is well known, are not the only biblical testimonies citing and mentioning Macedonia and the Macedonians. They represent clear proof that the ancient Macedonians not only did not disappear but they remained to live in Macedonia, conscious of the fact that they were Macedonians.

Soon the truth about the links between present day and ancient Macedonians will reach the interested parties in the international community. The fact that a significant number of international experts still consider ancient Macedonians "Greek" should not be discouraging. First of all, there are a number of historians in the United States, led by Professor Eugene Borza, who is considered one of the most knowledgeable scientists on the subject of ancient Macedonia, who clearly state that ancient Macedonians were not Greek.

Historians with similar positions have also appeared in other countries. These historians provide solid arguments against the Greek nationalist position in relation to ancient Macedonia and the truth has already been accepted and included in a number of respected encyclopedias in which the ancient Macedonians are described as a separate people. The pro-Greek historians are slowly leaving the world stage, and in their place a new generation of historians is coming up, unburdened by the prejudices and no longer captive to the ideas of their predecessors.]"

Aleksandar Donski with his most impressive findings and arguments delivers a powerful punch that shatters conventional thinking about the origins of the modern day Macedonians and raises new hopes for Macedonia's real history.

"The Descendents of Alexander the Great of Macedon" by Aleksandar Donski is also a "must read" book and a great stocking stuffer for Christmas.

-----

[George S.]

DECLARATION

In response to Greek misrepresentations claiming the ancient Macedonians were Greek as well as a number of offensive resolutions from American state legislatures, we as concerned Macedonians declare the following:

We, the indigenous people of Macedonia who have lived in Macedonia for centuries:

- Were present in Macedonia before the Ottoman Turks invaded the Balkan Peninsula,

- Existed as a people before the Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian states were formed,

- Opposed the forcible occupation and illegal partition of Macedonia by Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbs, and,

- Witnessed the mass expulsion of Macedonians and the subsequent resettling of foreign people into our homeland,

We further declare that:

1. By virtue of our distinct language and customs and by our efforts to liberate Macedonia during the Ilinden uprising of 1903, our national character is different from that of Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbs.

2. As the indigenous people of Macedonia we have a separate national identity. As such, we have the right to identify ourselves as we feel, to declare our own ancestry and to ascribe our own history.

3. Being indigenous to Macedonia and having lived in the region for centuries, it is only reasonable that we have the right to call ourselves Macedonians, our language Macedonian and our nation Macedonia.

4. We, as a distinct people have the right to assert ourselves and be awarded recognition as Macedonians by all states and peoples who respect universally accepted human rights treaties and laws.

5. Prior to the invasion and partition of Macedonia in 1912-1913, the unique national character of the indigenous people of Macedonia was misrepresented by Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia. After Macedonia’s partition the Macedonian people witnessed the destruction of our ancestral villages and churches, suffered under brutal assimilation practices, ethnic cleansing, confiscation of property, population transplantations, torture, rape, murder, humiliation and systemic state discrimination.

6. To this day, Greece and Bulgaria still refuse to recognize a distinct Macedonian nation within their borders. We, the indigenous people of Macedonia, call on the Greek and Bulgarian States to acknowledge us and grant those of us living within their borders status as a national minority with full rights and privileges in accordance with international norms.

7. We, the indigenous people of Macedonia demand an apology from the Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian governments for our past and present maltreatment.

We, the indigenous people of Macedonia also demand that:

a) All Macedonians born in Greece and Bulgaria, who were forcibly expelled because they were of Macedonian ethnic heritage, be re-instated as citizens in their respective countries and compensated for their suffering and material losses.

b) All confiscated properties are returned to their rightful owners or their heirs.

c) All perpetrators who have committed internationally recognized criminal acts against the Macedonian people are brought to justice.

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[George S.]

by Risto Stefov
[email protected]

February, 2002

click here for a printable version

I write here to inform the unaware reader and to remind the weary Macedonian why it is important for Macedonians to fight, by any means possible, to survive. I strive to inspire others to initiate debates and join with me in telling our story. I invite historians and academics to revisit history and re-open the Macedonian question.

Since her inception as a country in the 1820's, Modern Greece has instituted and to this day is enforcing discriminatory policies towards the Macedonian people. The name dispute is nothing new. It is ongoing Greek interference in Macedonian affairs.

I intend to explore the results of policies instituted by Greek Governments and the harm they have done to the Macedonian people. I intend to show that for the sole benefit of her selfish needs, and to cover up acts of ethnic cleansing and cultural genocide against the Macedonian people, Greece has consistently denied the existence of a Macedonian nationality.

I intend to show that since Greece became a country in the late 1820's, successive Greek Governments have systematically and deliberately promoted discriminatory actions and policies to suppress the identity of the Macedonian nation. I intend to provide evidence resulting from the implementation of such actions and policies. I also intend to show how, by passing carefully worded laws, Greek Governments have isolated Macedonians and robbed them of their rights and privileges as Greek citizens.

I also intend to show how Greece has highjacked Classical and Hellenistic history to aid in her quest for annexing Macedonian territory and denying Macedonians their heritage.

Finally, I intend to challenge the most popular club and donut shop debated Greek claims of the origin of Modern Macedonians, Modern Greeks and the purity of the Modern Greek nation.

As George Orwell once pointed out, "Who controls the past controls the future; who controls the present controls the past." If you believe George Orwell as I do or the saying that "history is written by the victors," then continue reading.

I would like to begin this document with a few personal observations of my own that measure, unscientifically, today's mood and the political opinions of ordinary Macedonians and Greeks. As an added bonus, I would like to provide some measure of the general public's level of awareness and understanding of issues facing Macedonia today.

Over some time I informally inquired from ordinary people that identify with Modern Greeks what they think of Macedonians?

The results are summarized as follows:

1. "Macedonians don't exist."

2. "There is no such thing as Macedonians."

3. "Macedonians have been extinct for a long time."

4. "There is a region called Macedonia but it belongs to Greece."

The similarity of answers provided by various individuals is most curious.

I did the same with people that identify with Macedonians. The question this time was what do Macedonians think of the Greeks?

In almost every instance I witnessed signs of frustration, anger and disappointment before a single word was uttered.

1. Some shook their heads and walked away saying "there is nothing good to say."

2. Others wished the Greeks would "leave us alone so that we can get on with our lives."

3. Some spoke of the "Greek injustices" perpetrated over the years.

I did a similar test with people who were not of Greek or Macedonian nationality. I asked the question, "What do you know about Greeks and Macedonians and the issues that face them today?"

Here is a summary of the results:

1. Many responded by saying, "Greeks, Macedonians, same thing".

2. Most knew nothing of Macedonians and a little of the Greeks.

3. Virtually none were aware of any specific issues facing the two countries except that problems existed, which they learned from watching television or reading the newspaper.

The results of this informal mini survey revealed the following:

1. Greek people have a preconceived mind set about Macedonia and the Macedonian people.

2. Ordinary Macedonians are frustrated by Greek interference in their affairs.

3. Ordinary individuals outside of the two groups are not well informed about issues facing the two countries.

Macedonians, who have the most to gain from this, have not done enough to publicize the issues and bring them out into the open.

To understand the nature of the current problems between the two countries, I must take you back to watershed points in history, to the events that gave birth to the problems.

I believe the initial turning point began before the creation of the Modern Greek state with the world's discovery of the old Greek city-states.

During the Renaissance when scholars of the Christian world turned their attention to science, mathematics and philosophy, Muslim scholars from occupied Spain lead them to the discovery of the ancient Greek world. Fascinated by the discovery they began to translate ancient works and publish books that popularized the exploits of the ancient Greeks making them famous.

The next turning point took place in the early 1820's when Greece rebelled, unsuccessfully, against five hundred years of Ottoman rule. Eventually, her newly-found fame would turn the tide in her favour.

The rebellion prompted a harsh response from Turkey against the Greek people and this gained the attention of the world. Cries of sympathy and protests prompted the superpowers France, Britain and Russia to dispatch their navies and liberate Greece.

At that time Greece was a small country at the foot of the Balkans, its population was a mix of indigenous Greeks, Albanians, Vlahs, Slavs, Turks and other minorities.

The unexpected liberation caught the small country by surprise and threw her population into chaos, struggling to assert their individual identities. With help from her allies she recovered and began to rebuild.

During this crucial period of soul searching, Greece forged new ideas that would later have negative consequences for Macedonia.

With allied help, the Greek people formed a new government, crowned a king, revised history, created a literary language, instituted education, created a military and began to plan territorial expansions, all in a span of a few decades. The Ottoman Empire was weakening and there would be plenty of opportunities for acquiring new territories in the future. While the military was planning campaigns, scholars were busy forging a new identity for the Greek people. In an effort to capture some of the glory of the ancient past the new nation would be called Hellas and its people would be referred to as Hellenes. A carefully chosen name and identity, which would serve Greek propaganda well in the future.

Forward thinking politicians, revisionists and policy makers made sure nothing was left to chance. They literally designed the new nation to take advantage of the past and to exploit the future. These were also the people who decided Macedonia's fate.

By the beginning of the twentieth century Greece had tripled in size by conquering and annexing all of the territory she occupies today -- except for Macedonia.

Athens had now taken an active role in all archeological affairs and instituted censorship. All information and artifacts were regulated to ensure the past was in agreement with the present.

The next turning point takes us to the last thirty years before the 1912-1913 Balkan wars. It was during this period that Greece took extraordinary measures to conceal the identity and character of the Macedonian nation.

Greece, due to her control of Christian interests inside Macedonia, was granted unrestricted access in and out of Ottoman territory, provided it was for religious purposes only. Since the abolition of the Macedonian Church in 1767 by Ottoman Sultan Mustafa III, having no other choice, Macedonians turned to the Greek Church for prayer. Up until the middle of the 19th century the Greek Church had exclusive rights over Christianity inside the Ottoman Empire.

At that time the Ottoman administration was not yet reformed and functioned poorly at best. There was no statistical information available regarding the composition of nationalities in the region. When the Ottomans took a census they were interested in numbers relating to religious affiliation, mainly consisting of Muslims and Christians, not nationalities.

The lack of proper statistics was opportune for the Greek census takers who quickly took advantage of the situation and cleverly substituted "Greek" for "Christian" in the old Ottoman census.

Substituting "nationality" for "religion" went unchallenged until the Bulgarian Church became involved in Macedonia. Near the end of the 19th century Bulgaria was granted consecration rights and started its own church. The Ottomans sensed the growing power and influence of the Greek Church in the region and decided it was time to give them some competition.

By this time Bulgaria had also staked her claim on Macedonian territory and was headed on a collision course with Greece.

Bulgaria also understood the importance of concealing the Macedonian nationality and she too adapted the method of substituting "Bulgarian" for "Christian".

Even after the unsuccessful Macedonian (Ilinden) rebellion in 1903 against the Ottoman Turk, Greece and Bulgaria made no mention of Macedonians.

Both countries were claiming the same population virtually doubling the numbers overnight. To avoid undue attention and to show proof of claim, both parties initiated campaigns to attract new or convert old parishioners. Macedonians now had a choice of Church, the old conservative Greek Patriarch Church or the new Bulgarian Exarchist Church.

Not to be outdone by Greece and Bulgaria, Serbia, (a little later) also joined in and started operating her own churches in Macedonia. As competition intensified the churches offered free education for children and other perks. As competition further intensified, church agents turned to violence, intimidation and murder to keep up their numbers. Hooligans and mercenaries were hired to intimidate, beat and murder people. Priests who left one church for another, paid with their lives. If you wish to know more about the atrocities committed by Greek authorities during this period read about Karavangeli's exploits in Macedonia (Arheio Makedonikou Agona, Pinelopis Delta, Apomnimoneymata, Germanou Karavaggeli, Georgiou Dikonymou Makri, Panagioti Papatzanetea).

The next turning point takes us to the Balkan conflict of 1912-1913 and Macedonia's partition.

Before 1912 her three suitors had one objective in mind, to divide and conquer. In spite of their bickering over the same territory they managed to agree on how to divide it. Then in 1912 (first Balkan War) plans were put into action and they successfully expelled the Ottomans from all of Macedonia's territory. When it came to dividing Macedonia, however, greed got in the way and war (the 1913 second Balkan War) broke out between them. Greece allied itself with Serbia and fought against Bulgaria.

Things really went out of control when other Balkan Countries became involved, hoping to recover long lost territories. It took superpower intervention to stop the conflict but it didn't help Macedonia.

In August 1913, by the Treaty of Bucharest, Macedonia's partition was sanctioned. Things worsened for Macedonia at the conclusion of World War I on June 28th, 1919 the superpowers at the Paris Peace Conference ratified the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest and with minor territorial adjustments, left Macedonia partitioned to this day.

Macedonia was divided for the first time since the Roman wars. New borders were drawn and secured, leaving villages, families, and friends permanently separated.

As soon as Greece consolidated her control over her share of Macedonia's spoils she initiated ethnic cleansing. Macedonians affiliated with the Exarchist Church were expatriated. Serbia exerted no influence in this region, so there were no Serbians to expatriate. After the purges, the remaining population was forced to take an oath of allegiance to the Greek nation and denounce all others including their own. Those who refused were expatriated.

More populations were expatriated after the war with Turkey (1920's). Besides purging, Greece also exchanged Muslims for Christians in the population exchanges with Turkey. Most of the newcomers were sent to Macedonia and by way of land re-distribution and reforms, were given the lands and homes belonging to the evicted Macedonians. No Macedonian was ever awarded damages for confiscation of property or loss of possessions.

Even Macedonians that fought side by side with the Greeks in Turkey were discriminated against and their assistance was never recognized. The families of Macedonian soldiers who died in combat received no recognition or compensation for their loss.

At the conclusion of the war with Turkey (1920's), Greece initiated new assimilation policies in Macedonia to forcibly Hellenize the Macedonian nation. The policies required that every name be changed to have a "Greek sounding" character. Those with Slavonic sounding names were required to choose or were given new names.

All traces of Cyrillic writing found in public buildings, churches, gravestones, etc., were erased. Macedonian place names were changed. Every village, mountain, lake, stream, river and road was given a Greek name. Laws prohibited use of the Macedonian language. A heavy dose of castor oil was punishment for a child caught speaking Macedonian. A hefty fine (and much worse) was punishment for an adult.

Those who needed to communicate to do their jobs were in real trouble. For some it was safer not to speak than to risk being fined. Even animals (dogs, oxen, horses, donkeys, etc.) had to be re-educated to obey commands in Greek. Older people who could not afford the fines were sent to court and forced to pay. In many cases it meant having to sell their meager assets.

The next turning point was the Greek Civil War (1944 to 1949). In spite of all attempts by Greece to ethnically cleanse, forcibly assimilate, Hellenize, and suppress the Macedonian nation, its Macedonian identity remained alive. During the occupation (World War II), free from Greek oppression, Macedonians began to publicly re-assert their identities. They began to talk, sing and publicly perform plays in Macedonian. Some learned to read and write for the first time using the Cyrillic alphabet.

The Greek Communist Party having influence in the region took advantage of this. They promised the Macedonian people equal rights and recognition of the Macedonian nationality under the Greek nation. This created a division between those who wanted an independent Macedonia and those who wanted partnership with Greece. Greek military forces pushed out, the Partisans who wanted an independent Macedonia, across the Yugoslav border where they joined the Macedonian brigades there. The rest fought side by side with the Greeks.

After the expulsion of Germany and Italy they again fought side-by-side with the Communist Greeks in the Greek Civil War, and lost. No equal rights or recognition of the Macedonian nationality ever materialized. In contrast, the Macedonian contribution for liberating Yugoslavia from the Fascists was rewarded with the creation of the People's Republic of Macedonia. The Macedonian people earned their place in the world by shedding blood. But Greece is still refusing to recognize them, insisting on calling them "Skopians" (a derogatory euphemism for Macedonian).

For their bloodshed in liberating Greece from the Fascists, the Macedonian people were rewarded with more ethnic cleansing.

During the Greek Civil War tens of thousands of refugee children ages four to fourteen were rounded up and evacuated to Eastern Block countries (spring of 1948). Later they were not allowed to return. Greece prepared carefully worded laws to include Greek (by genus only) and exclude Macedonian children from returning.

Then in the fall of 1949 the general population from Macedonia, mainly for the Lerin (Florina) and Kostur (Kastoria) regions, was evacuated as war refugees. Most of those who left the country were not allowed to come back, not even to visit family, attend funerals or light a candle at the graves of their loved ones. Between 1945 and 1949 the Macedonian demographic was so drastically altered that Macedonians became a minority in their native land.

From the Greek Civil War onward many Macedonians originating from Greece have immigrated to countries like Canada, Australia and the USA in search of a better life. Their political standing in Greek society, at home and abroad has hardly changed since Macedonia was occupied in 1912. At home, Macedonians still face discrimination and abuse at the hands of Greek Governments.

If you "feel Macedonian" and attempt to assert your identity, you will encounter discrimination. You may lose your job. Your children may not be able to attend higher education. You will not be promoted in the Greek military.

So far I have presented evidence of acts perpetrated by successive Greek Governments including ethnic cleansing, forced assimilation and systemic discrimination against the Macedonian people. I have also given examples of how Greek Governments time and time again denied the existence of a Macedonian nationality.

I will now attempt to explain how successive Greek Governments committed cultural genocide by manipulating history to deny Macedonians their heritage.

Earlier in this document I mentioned that after her inception, Greece experienced an identity crisis. Her premature liberation from Turkey and lack of unity in her ethnically diverse population threw her into soul-searching chaos.

The problem of ethnicity was not solved by recognizing the existing ethnic diversity of the population or by allowing numbers to determine majorities and minorities. Instead, the Greek nation builders decided to build a new national identity, one that would take advantage of ancient history and lay the foundation for the future.

The modern Greeks were told they were the Hellenes, descended from the ancient Hellenic world and rightful heirs to ancient Hellenic history. At the same time they were told that Greece had many enemies who would try to take their inheritance away from them. Along with pride and fear, xenophobia was instilled into the Greek consciousness. This perhaps explains why Modern Greeks have a mindset and strong feelings not only towards Macedonians but towards Bulgarians and Turks as well.

Scholarly revisionists began to create the modern version of Greek history. To further strengthen her claims of the past, Greece resurrected an old Attican (Athenian) language and used it as the basis for its modern literary language. This language was difficult to learn and used mostly by scholars, the church and legal institutions. Surprisingly it survived for over a century before it was abandoned in favour of the simpler language people use today.

Her popularity in the world assured Greece her liberation and shaped her national identity. Her claims to the past were about to shape her future. Before annexing new territories she made sure history would back her claims. With intense propaganda she prepared her people and with vigour she pursued her exploits. After annexing most of the northern territories unabated, she was ready for Macedonia.

Unlike before, however, her claims to Macedonia did not go unnoticed. As I pointed out earlier, competition for Macedonia grew with intensity that eventually boiled over into full-scale war (wars of 1912 and 1913).

To protect her interests, first, from the Macedonian people and second, from her competitors (Bulgaria and Serbia), Greece came up with ingenious defensive methods. She vigorously fought to censor publications of archeological discoveries and offered her own expert opinions on ancient matters.

To protect her future, she frequently published demographic statistics to debunk the claims of others, always being careful to avoid use of the "M" word for Macedonians. Meanwhile at home, the propaganda machine made sure her population was stayed in line with her policies.

Publications without censorship were (and still are) vigorously protested. Eventually, as many authors and researchers of ancient studies would attest, the "M" word became a dirty word. For a time it was banned from the Greek vocabulary. The Macedonian territory annexed by Greece was re-named "Northern Greece".

Today Greek newspapers (Amfiktyon, Syllogiko Enotiko Organo Symvolis sti diasosy tou Ellinismou, November/December 2001) in their zeal to prove there are no more Macedonians left in Greece, unwittingly have betrayed past acts committed by their Governments against the Macedonian people.

Archeological discoveries did not escape the Greek censor either. Anything disagreeable quickly disappeared. After more than 1400 years of "Slav" (Slavonic Macedonian) presence in the region, not a single bit of "Slav" evidence was reported to be found. There wasn't any because Greece made sure it disappeared the moment it was discovered.

Look at the extreme measures Greece took during the 1920s and 1930's to erase all evidence of Macedonian existence. They changed people's first and last names, geographical toponyms, and banned use of the Macedonian language outright.

What happened to the relics found beneath the shorelines of Lake Prespa (Prespa Island was King Samoil's fortress)?

What happened to the buried treasures and artifacts found from pre 1767 Macedonian churches? They all disappeared. The reason the Ottomans banned the Macedonian Church was because it was a symbol of strength and influence in the old Balkan world.

The Greek Church instigated the ban by spying and reporting on Macedonian activities to the Ottoman Authorities. More recently many old Macedonian churches were razed to the ground and new (Greek) churches were built to cover the ruins. Including the old Church of St. Pantelimon in Lerin (Florina).

What happened to the old Cyrillic gravestones in the village cemeteries? It is estimated that tens of thousands of relics have disappeared in the last century to conceal all evidence that may give credence to a Macedonian presence.

Look at the works of ancient studies and compare the interpretations of Greek versus non-Greek versions. Why is there such a vast difference? Why is Greece striving so hard to tip the scale in her favour when it comes to ancient history?

Why do history books refer to the " Hellenistic civilization" and not the "Macedonian civilization?" What difference does it make anyway? It does to Greece so that she can maintain a firm grip on Macedonia.

Was it not the Macedonian Empire that made the conquests and bridged east and west (dispersion)? Was it not the Macedonian Empire that commissioned the building of many cities like Alexandria of Egypt? Was it not the Macedonian Empire that spread knowledge and civilization to the world? Wasn't it Alexandria and not Athens that became the intellectual capital of the ancient World?

Doesn't Macedonia deserve a bit more mention in the history books or a bit more credit for her past deeds?

So far I have provided arguments to show the extreme measures (cultural genocide) that Greece has taken to safeguard her claims on Macedonia. From misleading her people about their origin, to highjacking ancient history, to concealing artifacts and publishing misleading statistics on nationalities.

Greece and perhaps others thrive and prosper today at the expense of Macedonia and her people. For over a century now Greece has denied the existence of the Macedonian nation, robbing Macedonians of their heritage.

I would like to offer alternatives to some of the more popular beliefs about the origins of Greeks and Macedonians and about the purity of the Greek people.

Who are the Greeks?

The official claim is that modern Greeks are descendents of an ancient tribe of Hellenes that came from the heartland of Europe, traveled through the Balkans and settled by the southern shores of Modern Greece.

By observing behavioral patterns, it is more plausible to assume that the ancient inhabitants of the southern Balkan shoreline came from the south, most likely from the Nile River delta regions. Over population, drought or pressures from invasions may have forced them to migrate. Naturally, being sea-faring people they settled on the shoreline where for many years they lived off the sea and thrived. They loved the sea and as their populations grew they colonized the Mediterranean coastline.

Recent population studies using DNA analysis have put the lie to the Greek identity myth. Scientific evidence now shows that modern Greeks are more closely related to sub-Saharan Africans than to any Mediterranean peoples - including Cretans.

Furthermore, modern Macedonians (who Greeks allege only recently entered the Balkans) are shown to be genetically related to the other Mediterranean populations. Click here to read the abstract.

Are the Ancient Greek and Ancient Macedonian people related?

The Ancient Greeks did not think so. There is ample evidence to prove linguistically and culturally that the Ancient Greeks and Ancient Macedonians were different people. See http://www.macedon.org/anmacs for more information on this.

It has been documented in ancient sources that the Macedonian elite, in addition to speaking the common language (Koine) also spoke another, a uniquely Macedonian language. There are several extant examples of Alexander the Great using this language to give orders to his Macedonian soldiers.

What is the connection between Ancient Macedonians and Slavs?

Greece set out to convince the world that the Macedonians (whom they refer to as the "Slavs") are newcomers to the area and cannot lay claim to any part of ancient Macedonian history. There are very few objective or unbiased students of the Slavs so first let's take a look at what the Greeks have to say.

Greeks claim the "Slavs" originated from the regions near Modern Russia and the Ukraine and migrated southward reaching the Balkans around the sixth and seventh centuries AD. They claim that before settling the land the "Slavs" killed off the local inhabitants (I assume they mean the Ancient Macedonians) then colonized the region.

Most students of Slavonic history tend to agree with the Greek assessment. More recently however, with the independence of the Republic of Macedonia, scholars and researchers have uncovered new evidence to challenge these claims. The first discoveries came from archeological digs where over a hundred and fifty monuments have been found with linguistic evidence showing similarities between modern Slavonic languages and Ancient Balkan languages. In addition, Macedonian students of Homer who have studied the Iliad, have found similarities between the language in the Iliad and today's Macedonian language.

These new discoveries, along with the recent DNA population studies, provide enough evidence to seriously question the veracity of the old claims. They suggest a proto-Slav language was already being used in the Balkans prior to the so-called "Slavonic Invasions" of the sixth century AD. Furthermore, these "Slavs" are genetically related to the other Mediterranean peoples, including the Cretans -- but specifically, not the Greeks.

In a more current vein I want to point out that the poisonous Greek propaganda spewing forth for over a century is not confined to her borders. Greek consulates and embassies work hard at promoting Greek propaganda by giving away thousands of free books, newspapers and magazines and support many academics and lobby groups to influence organizations and Governments worldwide. Their influence is not limited to propaganda alone.

The consulates and embassies are also hard at work keeping tabs on the activities of organizations and people, even their own people. Greek authorities quickly react to any perceived threat on their founding mythology to the point of using violence if necessary.

Many Macedonians who came from Greece and are now living in the Diaspora are afraid to participate in Macedonian events. They will not attend Macedonian festivals, parades, picnics, and dances or even attend Mass at Macedonian Churches for fear of being reported to the Greek authorities who would then punish their relatives back in Greece.

Finally, I hope I have provided you with enough convincing evidence to help you understand the plight of the Macedonian nation and why Macedonians must fight to survive. Giving up the fight with Greece is like committing suicide because Greece will protect her interests at any cost, even our extinction.

I hope I have inspired you to pick up the torch and carry it forward for Macedonia's sake.

You can contact the author via his e-mail: [email protected]

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--------------------------------------------

[George S.]

by Risto Stefov
[email protected]

February, 2002

click here for a printable version

I write here to inform the unaware reader and to remind the weary Macedonian why it is important for Macedonians to fight, by any means possible, to survive. I strive to inspire others to initiate debates and join with me in telling our story. I invite historians and academics to revisit history and re-open the Macedonian question.

Since her inception as a country in the 1820's, Modern Greece has instituted and to this day is enforcing discriminatory policies towards the Macedonian people. The name dispute is nothing new. It is ongoing Greek interference in Macedonian affairs.

I intend to explore the results of policies instituted by Greek Governments and the harm they have done to the Macedonian people. I intend to show that for the sole benefit of her selfish needs, and to cover up acts of ethnic cleansing and cultural genocide against the Macedonian people, Greece has consistently denied the existence of a Macedonian nationality.

I intend to show that since Greece became a country in the late 1820's, successive Greek Governments have systematically and deliberately promoted discriminatory actions and policies to suppress the identity of the Macedonian nation. I intend to provide evidence resulting from the implementation of such actions and policies. I also intend to show how, by passing carefully worded laws, Greek Governments have isolated Macedonians and robbed them of their rights and privileges as Greek citizens.

I also intend to show how Greece has highjacked Classical and Hellenistic history to aid in her quest for annexing Macedonian territory and denying Macedonians their heritage.

Finally, I intend to challenge the most popular club and donut shop debated Greek claims of the origin of Modern Macedonians, Modern Greeks and the purity of the Modern Greek nation.

As George Orwell once pointed out, "Who controls the past controls the future; who controls the present controls the past." If you believe George Orwell as I do or the saying that "history is written by the victors," then continue reading.

I would like to begin this document with a few personal observations of my own that measure, unscientifically, today's mood and the political opinions of ordinary Macedonians and Greeks. As an added bonus, I would like to provide some measure of the general public's level of awareness and understanding of issues facing Macedonia today.

Over some time I informally inquired from ordinary people that identify with Modern Greeks what they think of Macedonians?

The results are summarized as follows:

1. "Macedonians don't exist."

2. "There is no such thing as Macedonians."

3. "Macedonians have been extinct for a long time."

4. "There is a region called Macedonia but it belongs to Greece."

The similarity of answers provided by various individuals is most curious.

I did the same with people that identify with Macedonians. The question this time was what do Macedonians think of the Greeks?

In almost every instance I witnessed signs of frustration, anger and disappointment before a single word was uttered.

1. Some shook their heads and walked away saying "there is nothing good to say."

2. Others wished the Greeks would "leave us alone so that we can get on with our lives."

3. Some spoke of the "Greek injustices" perpetrated over the years.

I did a similar test with people who were not of Greek or Macedonian nationality. I asked the question, "What do you know about Greeks and Macedonians and the issues that face them today?"

Here is a summary of the results:

1. Many responded by saying, "Greeks, Macedonians, same thing".

2. Most knew nothing of Macedonians and a little of the Greeks.

3. Virtually none were aware of any specific issues facing the two countries except that problems existed, which they learned from watching television or reading the newspaper.

The results of this informal mini survey revealed the following:

1. Greek people have a preconceived mind set about Macedonia and the Macedonian people.

2. Ordinary Macedonians are frustrated by Greek interference in their affairs.

3. Ordinary individuals outside of the two groups are not well informed about issues facing the two countries.

Macedonians, who have the most to gain from this, have not done enough to publicize the issues and bring them out into the open.

To understand the nature of the current problems between the two countries, I must take you back to watershed points in history, to the events that gave birth to the problems.

I believe the initial turning point began before the creation of the Modern Greek state with the world's discovery of the old Greek city-states.

During the Renaissance when scholars of the Christian world turned their attention to science, mathematics and philosophy, Muslim scholars from occupied Spain lead them to the discovery of the ancient Greek world. Fascinated by the discovery they began to translate ancient works and publish books that popularized the exploits of the ancient Greeks making them famous.

The next turning point took place in the early 1820's when Greece rebelled, unsuccessfully, against five hundred years of Ottoman rule. Eventually, her newly-found fame would turn the tide in her favour.

The rebellion prompted a harsh response from Turkey against the Greek people and this gained the attention of the world. Cries of sympathy and protests prompted the superpowers France, Britain and Russia to dispatch their navies and liberate Greece.

At that time Greece was a small country at the foot of the Balkans, its population was a mix of indigenous Greeks, Albanians, Vlahs, Slavs, Turks and other minorities.

The unexpected liberation caught the small country by surprise and threw her population into chaos, struggling to assert their individual identities. With help from her allies she recovered and began to rebuild.

During this crucial period of soul searching, Greece forged new ideas that would later have negative consequences for Macedonia.

With allied help, the Greek people formed a new government, crowned a king, revised history, created a literary language, instituted education, created a military and began to plan territorial expansions, all in a span of a few decades. The Ottoman Empire was weakening and there would be plenty of opportunities for acquiring new territories in the future. While the military was planning campaigns, scholars were busy forging a new identity for the Greek people. In an effort to capture some of the glory of the ancient past the new nation would be called Hellas and its people would be referred to as Hellenes. A carefully chosen name and identity, which would serve Greek propaganda well in the future.

Forward thinking politicians, revisionists and policy makers made sure nothing was left to chance. They literally designed the new nation to take advantage of the past and to exploit the future. These were also the people who decided Macedonia's fate.

By the beginning of the twentieth century Greece had tripled in size by conquering and annexing all of the territory she occupies today -- except for Macedonia.

Athens had now taken an active role in all archeological affairs and instituted censorship. All information and artifacts were regulated to ensure the past was in agreement with the present.

The next turning point takes us to the last thirty years before the 1912-1913 Balkan wars. It was during this period that Greece took extraordinary measures to conceal the identity and character of the Macedonian nation.

Greece, due to her control of Christian interests inside Macedonia, was granted unrestricted access in and out of Ottoman territory, provided it was for religious purposes only. Since the abolition of the Macedonian Church in 1767 by Ottoman Sultan Mustafa III, having no other choice, Macedonians turned to the Greek Church for prayer. Up until the middle of the 19th century the Greek Church had exclusive rights over Christianity inside the Ottoman Empire.

At that time the Ottoman administration was not yet reformed and functioned poorly at best. There was no statistical information available regarding the composition of nationalities in the region. When the Ottomans took a census they were interested in numbers relating to religious affiliation, mainly consisting of Muslims and Christians, not nationalities.

The lack of proper statistics was opportune for the Greek census takers who quickly took advantage of the situation and cleverly substituted "Greek" for "Christian" in the old Ottoman census.

Substituting "nationality" for "religion" went unchallenged until the Bulgarian Church became involved in Macedonia. Near the end of the 19th century Bulgaria was granted consecration rights and started its own church. The Ottomans sensed the growing power and influence of the Greek Church in the region and decided it was time to give them some competition.

By this time Bulgaria had also staked her claim on Macedonian territory and was headed on a collision course with Greece.

Bulgaria also understood the importance of concealing the Macedonian nationality and she too adapted the method of substituting "Bulgarian" for "Christian".

Even after the unsuccessful Macedonian (Ilinden) rebellion in 1903 against the Ottoman Turk, Greece and Bulgaria made no mention of Macedonians.

Both countries were claiming the same population virtually doubling the numbers overnight. To avoid undue attention and to show proof of claim, both parties initiated campaigns to attract new or convert old parishioners. Macedonians now had a choice of Church, the old conservative Greek Patriarch Church or the new Bulgarian Exarchist Church.

Not to be outdone by Greece and Bulgaria, Serbia, (a little later) also joined in and started operating her own churches in Macedonia. As competition intensified the churches offered free education for children and other perks. As competition further intensified, church agents turned to violence, intimidation and murder to keep up their numbers. Hooligans and mercenaries were hired to intimidate, beat and murder people. Priests who left one church for another, paid with their lives. If you wish to know more about the atrocities committed by Greek authorities during this period read about Karavangeli's exploits in Macedonia (Arheio Makedonikou Agona, Pinelopis Delta, Apomnimoneymata, Germanou Karavaggeli, Georgiou Dikonymou Makri, Panagioti Papatzanetea).

The next turning point takes us to the Balkan conflict of 1912-1913 and Macedonia's partition.

Before 1912 her three suitors had one objective in mind, to divide and conquer. In spite of their bickering over the same territory they managed to agree on how to divide it. Then in 1912 (first Balkan War) plans were put into action and they successfully expelled the Ottomans from all of Macedonia's territory. When it came to dividing Macedonia, however, greed got in the way and war (the 1913 second Balkan War) broke out between them. Greece allied itself with Serbia and fought against Bulgaria.

Things really went out of control when other Balkan Countries became involved, hoping to recover long lost territories. It took superpower intervention to stop the conflict but it didn't help Macedonia.

In August 1913, by the Treaty of Bucharest, Macedonia's partition was sanctioned. Things worsened for Macedonia at the conclusion of World War I on June 28th, 1919 the superpowers at the Paris Peace Conference ratified the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest and with minor territorial adjustments, left Macedonia partitioned to this day.

Macedonia was divided for the first time since the Roman wars. New borders were drawn and secured, leaving villages, families, and friends permanently separated.

As soon as Greece consolidated her control over her share of Macedonia's spoils she initiated ethnic cleansing. Macedonians affiliated with the Exarchist Church were expatriated. Serbia exerted no influence in this region, so there were no Serbians to expatriate. After the purges, the remaining population was forced to take an oath of allegiance to the Greek nation and denounce all others including their own. Those who refused were expatriated.

More populations were expatriated after the war with Turkey (1920's). Besides purging, Greece also exchanged Muslims for Christians in the population exchanges with Turkey. Most of the newcomers were sent to Macedonia and by way of land re-distribution and reforms, were given the lands and homes belonging to the evicted Macedonians. No Macedonian was ever awarded damages for confiscation of property or loss of possessions.

Even Macedonians that fought side by side with the Greeks in Turkey were discriminated against and their assistance was never recognized. The families of Macedonian soldiers who died in combat received no recognition or compensation for their loss.

At the conclusion of the war with Turkey (1920's), Greece initiated new assimilation policies in Macedonia to forcibly Hellenize the Macedonian nation. The policies required that every name be changed to have a "Greek sounding" character. Those with Slavonic sounding names were required to choose or were given new names.

All traces of Cyrillic writing found in public buildings, churches, gravestones, etc., were erased. Macedonian place names were changed. Every village, mountain, lake, stream, river and road was given a Greek name. Laws prohibited use of the Macedonian language. A heavy dose of castor oil was punishment for a child caught speaking Macedonian. A hefty fine (and much worse) was punishment for an adult.

Those who needed to communicate to do their jobs were in real trouble. For some it was safer not to speak than to risk being fined. Even animals (dogs, oxen, horses, donkeys, etc.) had to be re-educated to obey commands in Greek. Older people who could not afford the fines were sent to court and forced to pay. In many cases it meant having to sell their meager assets.

The next turning point was the Greek Civil War (1944 to 1949). In spite of all attempts by Greece to ethnically cleanse, forcibly assimilate, Hellenize, and suppress the Macedonian nation, its Macedonian identity remained alive. During the occupation (World War II), free from Greek oppression, Macedonians began to publicly re-assert their identities. They began to talk, sing and publicly perform plays in Macedonian. Some learned to read and write for the first time using the Cyrillic alphabet.

The Greek Communist Party having influence in the region took advantage of this. They promised the Macedonian people equal rights and recognition of the Macedonian nationality under the Greek nation. This created a division between those who wanted an independent Macedonia and those who wanted partnership with Greece. Greek military forces pushed out, the Partisans who wanted an independent Macedonia, across the Yugoslav border where they joined the Macedonian brigades there. The rest fought side by side with the Greeks.

After the expulsion of Germany and Italy they again fought side-by-side with the Communist Greeks in the Greek Civil War, and lost. No equal rights or recognition of the Macedonian nationality ever materialized. In contrast, the Macedonian contribution for liberating Yugoslavia from the Fascists was rewarded with the creation of the People's Republic of Macedonia. The Macedonian people earned their place in the world by shedding blood. But Greece is still refusing to recognize them, insisting on calling them "Skopians" (a derogatory euphemism for Macedonian).

For their bloodshed in liberating Greece from the Fascists, the Macedonian people were rewarded with more ethnic cleansing.

During the Greek Civil War tens of thousands of refugee children ages four to fourteen were rounded up and evacuated to Eastern Block countries (spring of 1948). Later they were not allowed to return. Greece prepared carefully worded laws to include Greek (by genus only) and exclude Macedonian children from returning.

Then in the fall of 1949 the general population from Macedonia, mainly for the Lerin (Florina) and Kostur (Kastoria) regions, was evacuated as war refugees. Most of those who left the country were not allowed to come back, not even to visit family, attend funerals or light a candle at the graves of their loved ones. Between 1945 and 1949 the Macedonian demographic was so drastically altered that Macedonians became a minority in their native land.

From the Greek Civil War onward many Macedonians originating from Greece have immigrated to countries like Canada, Australia and the USA in search of a better life. Their political standing in Greek society, at home and abroad has hardly changed since Macedonia was occupied in 1912. At home, Macedonians still face discrimination and abuse at the hands of Greek Governments.

If you "feel Macedonian" and attempt to assert your identity, you will encounter discrimination. You may lose your job. Your children may not be able to attend higher education. You will not be promoted in the Greek military.

So far I have presented evidence of acts perpetrated by successive Greek Governments including ethnic cleansing, forced assimilation and systemic discrimination against the Macedonian people. I have also given examples of how Greek Governments time and time again denied the existence of a Macedonian nationality.

I will now attempt to explain how successive Greek Governments committed cultural genocide by manipulating history to deny Macedonians their heritage.

Earlier in this document I mentioned that after her inception, Greece experienced an identity crisis. Her premature liberation from Turkey and lack of unity in her ethnically diverse population threw her into soul-searching chaos.

The problem of ethnicity was not solved by recognizing the existing ethnic diversity of the population or by allowing numbers to determine majorities and minorities. Instead, the Greek nation builders decided to build a new national identity, one that would take advantage of ancient history and lay the foundation for the future.

The modern Greeks were told they were the Hellenes, descended from the ancient Hellenic world and rightful heirs to ancient Hellenic history. At the same time they were told that Greece had many enemies who would try to take their inheritance away from them. Along with pride and fear, xenophobia was instilled into the Greek consciousness. This perhaps explains why Modern Greeks have a mindset and strong feelings not only towards Macedonians but towards Bulgarians and Turks as well.

Scholarly revisionists began to create the modern version of Greek history. To further strengthen her claims of the past, Greece resurrected an old Attican (Athenian) language and used it as the basis for its modern literary language. This language was difficult to learn and used mostly by scholars, the church and legal institutions. Surprisingly it survived for over a century before it was abandoned in favour of the simpler language people use today.

Her popularity in the world assured Greece her liberation and shaped her national identity. Her claims to the past were about to shape her future. Before annexing new territories she made sure history would back her claims. With intense propaganda she prepared her people and with vigour she pursued her exploits. After annexing most of the northern territories unabated, she was ready for Macedonia.

Unlike before, however, her claims to Macedonia did not go unnoticed. As I pointed out earlier, competition for Macedonia grew with intensity that eventually boiled over into full-scale war (wars of 1912 and 1913).

To protect her interests, first, from the Macedonian people and second, from her competitors (Bulgaria and Serbia), Greece came up with ingenious defensive methods. She vigorously fought to censor publications of archeological discoveries and offered her own expert opinions on ancient matters.

To protect her future, she frequently published demographic statistics to debunk the claims of others, always being careful to avoid use of the "M" word for Macedonians. Meanwhile at home, the propaganda machine made sure her population was stayed in line with her policies.

Publications without censorship were (and still are) vigorously protested. Eventually, as many authors and researchers of ancient studies would attest, the "M" word became a dirty word. For a time it was banned from the Greek vocabulary. The Macedonian territory annexed by Greece was re-named "Northern Greece".

Today Greek newspapers (Amfiktyon, Syllogiko Enotiko Organo Symvolis sti diasosy tou Ellinismou, November/December 2001) in their zeal to prove there are no more Macedonians left in Greece, unwittingly have betrayed past acts committed by their Governments against the Macedonian people.

Archeological discoveries did not escape the Greek censor either. Anything disagreeable quickly disappeared. After more than 1400 years of "Slav" (Slavonic Macedonian) presence in the region, not a single bit of "Slav" evidence was reported to be found. There wasn't any because Greece made sure it disappeared the moment it was discovered.

Look at the extreme measures Greece took during the 1920s and 1930's to erase all evidence of Macedonian existence. They changed people's first and last names, geographical toponyms, and banned use of the Macedonian language outright.

What happened to the relics found beneath the shorelines of Lake Prespa (Prespa Island was King Samoil's fortress)?

What happened to the buried treasures and artifacts found from pre 1767 Macedonian churches? They all disappeared. The reason the Ottomans banned the Macedonian Church was because it was a symbol of strength and influence in the old Balkan world.

The Greek Church instigated the ban by spying and reporting on Macedonian activities to the Ottoman Authorities. More recently many old Macedonian churches were razed to the ground and new (Greek) churches were built to cover the ruins. Including the old Church of St. Pantelimon in Lerin (Florina).

What happened to the old Cyrillic gravestones in the village cemeteries? It is estimated that tens of thousands of relics have disappeared in the last century to conceal all evidence that may give credence to a Macedonian presence.

Look at the works of ancient studies and compare the interpretations of Greek versus non-Greek versions. Why is there such a vast difference? Why is Greece striving so hard to tip the scale in her favour when it comes to ancient history?

Why do history books refer to the " Hellenistic civilization" and not the "Macedonian civilization?" What difference does it make anyway? It does to Greece so that she can maintain a firm grip on Macedonia.

Was it not the Macedonian Empire that made the conquests and bridged east and west (dispersion)? Was it not the Macedonian Empire that commissioned the building of many cities like Alexandria of Egypt? Was it not the Macedonian Empire that spread knowledge and civilization to the world? Wasn't it Alexandria and not Athens that became the intellectual capital of the ancient World?

Doesn't Macedonia deserve a bit more mention in the history books or a bit more credit for her past deeds?

So far I have provided arguments to show the extreme measures (cultural genocide) that Greece has taken to safeguard her claims on Macedonia. From misleading her people about their origin, to highjacking ancient history, to concealing artifacts and publishing misleading statistics on nationalities.

Greece and perhaps others thrive and prosper today at the expense of Macedonia and her people. For over a century now Greece has denied the existence of the Macedonian nation, robbing Macedonians of their heritage.

I would like to offer alternatives to some of the more popular beliefs about the origins of Greeks and Macedonians and about the purity of the Greek people.

Who are the Greeks?

The official claim is that modern Greeks are descendents of an ancient tribe of Hellenes that came from the heartland of Europe, traveled through the Balkans and settled by the southern shores of Modern Greece.

By observing behavioral patterns, it is more plausible to assume that the ancient inhabitants of the southern Balkan shoreline came from the south, most likely from the Nile River delta regions. Over population, drought or pressures from invasions may have forced them to migrate. Naturally, being sea-faring people they settled on the shoreline where for many years they lived off the sea and thrived. They loved the sea and as their populations grew they colonized the Mediterranean coastline.

Recent population studies using DNA analysis have put the lie to the Greek identity myth. Scientific evidence now shows that modern Greeks are more closely related to sub-Saharan Africans than to any Mediterranean peoples - including Cretans.

Furthermore, modern Macedonians (who Greeks allege only recently entered the Balkans) are shown to be genetically related to the other Mediterranean populations. Click here to read the abstract.

Are the Ancient Greek and Ancient Macedonian people related?

The Ancient Greeks did not think so. There is ample evidence to prove linguistically and culturally that the Ancient Greeks and Ancient Macedonians were different people. See http://www.macedon.org/anmacs for more information on this.

It has been documented in ancient sources that the Macedonian elite, in addition to speaking the common language (Koine) also spoke another, a uniquely Macedonian language. There are several extant examples of Alexander the Great using this language to give orders to his Macedonian soldiers.

What is the connection between Ancient Macedonians and Slavs?

Greece set out to convince the world that the Macedonians (whom they refer to as the "Slavs") are newcomers to the area and cannot lay claim to any part of ancient Macedonian history. There are very few objective or unbiased students of the Slavs so first let's take a look at what the Greeks have to say.

Greeks claim the "Slavs" originated from the regions near Modern Russia and the Ukraine and migrated southward reaching the Balkans around the sixth and seventh centuries AD. They claim that before settling the land the "Slavs" killed off the local inhabitants (I assume they mean the Ancient Macedonians) then colonized the region.

Most students of Slavonic history tend to agree with the Greek assessment. More recently however, with the independence of the Republic of Macedonia, scholars and researchers have uncovered new evidence to challenge these claims. The first discoveries came from archeological digs where over a hundred and fifty monuments have been found with linguistic evidence showing similarities between modern Slavonic languages and Ancient Balkan languages. In addition, Macedonian students of Homer who have studied the Iliad, have found similarities between the language in the Iliad and today's Macedonian language.

These new discoveries, along with the recent DNA population studies, provide enough evidence to seriously question the veracity of the old claims. They suggest a proto-Slav language was already being used in the Balkans prior to the so-called "Slavonic Invasions" of the sixth century AD. Furthermore, these "Slavs" are genetically related to the other Mediterranean peoples, including the Cretans -- but specifically, not the Greeks.

In a more current vein I want to point out that the poisonous Greek propaganda spewing forth for over a century is not confined to her borders. Greek consulates and embassies work hard at promoting Greek propaganda by giving away thousands of free books, newspapers and magazines and support many academics and lobby groups to influence organizations and Governments worldwide. Their influence is not limited to propaganda alone.

The consulates and embassies are also hard at work keeping tabs on the activities of organizations and people, even their own people. Greek authorities quickly react to any perceived threat on their founding mythology to the point of using violence if necessary.

Many Macedonians who came from Greece and are now living in the Diaspora are afraid to participate in Macedonian events. They will not attend Macedonian festivals, parades, picnics, and dances or even attend Mass at Macedonian Churches for fear of being reported to the Greek authorities who would then punish their relatives back in Greece.

Finally, I hope I have provided you with enough convincing evidence to help you understand the plight of the Macedonian nation and why Macedonians must fight to survive. Giving up the fight with Greece is like committing suicide because Greece will protect her interests at any cost, even our extinction.

I hope I have inspired you to pick up the torch and carry it forward for Macedonia's sake.

[George S.]

World Court rules Greece was wrong to block Macedonia’s bid for NATO membership in 2008

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/world-court-rules-greece-was-wrong-to-block-macedonias-bid-for-nato-membership-in-2008/2011/12/05/gIQA20rPVO_story.html

By Associated Press,



THE HAGUE, Netherlands — The world court ruled Monday that Greece was wrong to block Macedonia’s bid to join NATO in 2008 because of a long-running dispute over the fledgling country’s use of the name “Macedonia.”



In a 15-1 ruling, the court found that Greece’s veto breached a 1995 deal under which Greece had agreed not to block Macedonia’s membership in international organizations if it used the name “The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” while the matter was submitted to U.N. mediation. More than 15 years later, discussions over the name are still unresolved.



Although the question of Macedonia’s name is sometimes seen as superficial by outsiders, it is a matter of deep concern for both sides. The young country has used the name in one form or another since shortly after World War II, when it was a province of Yugoslavia, but Greece sees use of the name as historically inaccurate at best and a potential threat to its territorial integrity at worst.



Monday’s victory is largely symbolic since the court didn’t order Greece to alter its stance in the future.



The U.N.’s highest court, formally known as the International Court of Justice, found that the ruling itself “constitutes appropriate satisfaction” for The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, said presiding Judge Hisashi Owada, reading the written decision.



But the ruling does lends moral weight to the small country’s protests that Greece’s moves to block it from joining NATO and the European Union are unfair.



Ordinary Macedonians appeared pleased.



“Finally, a little justice for Macedonia!” said housewife Marina Stevcevska, 49, after hearing of the ruling.



“After years of disappointments for this country, finally we have received good news, somebody to tell Greece that it is doing wrong, that is enough”, she said.



Meanwhile, about 150 members of an ultra-right group in held a demonstration in central Athens protesting the court decision, waving flags and chanting nationalist slogans. A few dozen people took part in a similar protest in the northern city of Thessaloniki, shouting “Greece belongs to the Greeks.”



Outside the courtroom, Greece’s Dutch Ambassador Ioannis Economides urged Macedonia “to resist using today’s decision to subvert the negotiations,” and NATO Chief Fogh Rasmussen said in Brussels that Macedonia still won’t be admitted to the alliance until the name issue is resolved.



Macedonian President Gjorge Ivanov said Greece should “respect the judgment of the International Court of Justice.”



“For the time being, we do not want to look through the categories of winners and losers,” he said, promising to continue the negotiations.



Though colloquial use of calling the country “Macedonia” has grown, U.N. documents refer to it consistently as “The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia,” while Greece refers to it by the acronym “FYROM” — apparently to avoid even mentioning the word “Macedonia” in relation to the country. The country calls itself the “Republic of Macedonia.”



U.N. envoy Matthew Nimetz said Monday he had urged both countries “to view this event as an opportunity to think constructively about their mutual relationship and to consider a renewed initiative to reach a definitive solution to the ‘name’ issue.”



There was little opposition from Athens to the Yugoslav territory using the name Macedonia until it declared independence in 1991. The country occupies some of the territory in the region that was known as Macedonia after the conquests of Alexander the Great in the 4th century B.C.

But over the centuries the region has undergone such complete ethnic and cultural changes as to render use of the name nonsensical, Greece argues — not to mention that Greece has its own province called Macedonia.



The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is now composed mostly of a people who speak a Slavic language similar to Bulgarian, not Greek — and Bulgaria was a bitter military enemy to Greece in the first half of the 20th century.



Greece is concerned that if the country uses the name Macedonia, that will eventually lead it, possibly together with Bulgaria, to stake claims to parts of modern Greece.



Macedonia has been friendly to NATO since its independence, allowing U.S. troops to use its territory as a staging ground during the Yugoslav wars. NATO clashed with Serbia under the rule of Slobodan Milosevic, even as Greece sympathized with Belgrade due to historical strategic and religious ties.



Under the 1995 interim agreement, Greece dropped economic sanctions against Macedonia in exchange for the temporary compromise on the name. Macedonia also stopped using an ancient Macedonian flag and amended articles of its constitution which could be seen as hinting at claims to Greek territory.



AP reporters Elena Becatoros, Nicholas Paphitis and Derek Gatopoulos contributed from Athens and Konstantin Testorides contributed from Skopje, Macedonia.



Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

[George S.]

President Ivanov: ICJ judgment confirms credibility of Macedonia's foreign policy



Skopje, 15 December 2011 (MIA) - The Republic of Macedonia won a great diplomatic and legal victory in The Hague. А victory that confirms the credibility of our foreign policy, our conduct in the international community, said President Gjorge Ivanov in his annual Parliament address on Thursday.



He said the International Court of Justice has given its answer, which is the most authoritative proof of Macedonia's policy.



"To be clear and precise, we did not want to initiate this process. If there had not been a veto in Bucharest everything would have been different. But we were forced on that; we were faced with injustice, with a violation of the contractual obligation by Greece which resulted in real consequences borne by the Republic of Macedonia. Therefore, the lawsuit was inevitable", stressed Ivanov.



According to him, the judgment was the strongest possible legal argument that existed in today's development of the international legal order.



"Therefore, obligation and responsibility of the international community is to make the necessary efforts to move the status quo situation regarding the integration of the Republic of Macedonia", added Ivanov.



The President said will and responsible behavior was needed, whereas observing the judgment, the Interim Accord, the international law was the framework that would contribute to a more favorable climate in the relations between the two neighboring countries.



"We have an ideal opportunity for a historic step forward. The Hague ruling, except legitimizing our current policy, increases our reputation and has yet another great and important dimension: it is a framework which regulates the issues of extreme importance for the conduct of both parties in terms of respecting the obligations under the Interim Accord. The ruling confirmed that the Republic of Macedonia may use its constitutional name within international organizations in which Greece is a member. Greece's allegations regarding the breach of the Interim Accord by the Republic of Macedonia were rejected by the Court. Therefore, we need not seek new ways to reach a solution. We only have to respect the Interim Accord and adhere to the framework set forth in the UN resolutions, nothing more than that. We stand ready for that", said Ivanov.

In his address, the President also referred to the European Union integration process.



"In three consecutive years we receive a recommendation to start negotiations with the European Union, which is a great confirmation of the reform processes. The Report of the European Commission is a roadmap where to focus our attention in the reforms. It is not our fault that we have not yet launched the negotiations", said Ivanov.



I believe, he stressed, that on the next European Council, the next NATO Summit, if leadership, courage and vision is shown, the status quo situation in the integration can be moved forward.

"All will be winners, and the greatest winner will certainly be we and our neighbor. We will continue to reform our society with even greater motivation. Our goal is to be friendly and European neighbors with Greece. It is a rewarding goal for us, for Greece and for the European Union", he added.



According to Ivanov, there was a historic opportunity for a brand new start.

"I want to believe that this opportunity, together with our neighbor and the EU and NATO partners will be seized. Next year, from this stage, in this same period, I wish to confirm that my expectations were justified", said the President.



Ivanov said he was fully committed over the past year to the highest strategic goals of the country - membership in NATO and the European Union and shift of the status quo situation, further development of bilateral relations with all countries in the world, in accordance with the principle of openness to all, further strengthening of good neighborly relations with the immediate neighborhood countries and with the countries from the wider region, as well as being proactive in the regional cooperation and providing initiatives.



"In this regard, I did not spare myself nor will I spare myself in the future. I will continue to acknowledge the world with the truth and the arguments about Macedonia. I will continue to foster and strengthen the existing and will establish new friendships and partnerships", he emphasized.



President Ivanov attended 38 international events and activities, realized 23 official and working visits to foreign countries.



"I have represented our country in almost all major regional and global multilateral events dedicated to economy, energy, peace, disaster risk reduction, culture, sports ... I have hosted 9 official and working visits of my colleagues. I have had more than seventy meetings with heads of state and governments and heads of international organizations", he said.



Ivanov hosted the third Regional Summit of the Presidents of Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro and Kosovo, whereas Macedonia will chair the South East European Cooperation Process in the period 2012 - 2013, allowing the country to provide active contribution in strengthening regional cooperation.



"In 2013 we will be hosting the Summit dedicated to the Dialogue among Civilizations, marking the 10th anniversary of such summits initiated by my predecessor, President Trajkovski", he added.



In the field of diplomacy, the President accredited, with a decree, 18 new Ambassadors of the Republic of Macedonia in countries around the world.



"For our diplomats, I urged, to be given greater freedom of action by reducing the bureaucracy of the diplomatic service, which would go along with the increase of responsibilities of diplomats on the basis of which they will be evaluated, according to the results achieved", Ivanov said.

In terms of cultural diplomacy, he stressed Macedonia could be proud of its cultural and historical heritage, with plenty of things to offer the world.



"Concerning the sport, I will not waste many words. We have all seen what a sport success means. Not only it celebrated our country but, more importantly, the success united Macedonia", said Ivanov.



As Supreme Commander, he said the Army of the Republic of Macedonia, as a shield of freedom, security and stability, continued to give confidence in the Macedonian society.

"This year, the Army got a new Chief of Staff, in compliance with the highest standards of the Alliance. Some time ago I approved the new organizational structure and formation of the Army, the transformation of which will begin in early 2012. Be assured that in anticipation of the next NATO Summit in Chicago, we remain committed to the reform process as an investment in our European and Euro-Atlantic future. This will be an argument more for our accession to the Alliance, along with the judgment of the International Court of Justice", emphasized Ivanov.

In the spirit of the 20th independence anniversary, The President bestowed several meritorious individuals, institutions and organizations significant for the Macedonian statehood, independence and sovereignty.



"By bestowing them, I expressed gratitude to sincere friends of Macedonia, who support us everywhere and always", added Ivanov.



With regards to communication with citizens, he said this was done in direct meetings during regular visits to villages and towns throughout Macedonia, but also indirectly, through the People's Offices.



"We need to invest real values in young generations. We must have faith in them. Our young people are exactly where we have led them by now. Therefore, their education and advancement is necessary. We have also prompted competition in the field of science by awarding title 'Youngest Scientist'. This proved that there are young successful people from Macedonia at the most prestigious universities in the world", said Ivanov.



According to him, jubilees and anniversaries always represent an occasion for recollection of what has happened, what passed, but also a time for debate about the future.



"This year we marked and celebrated important events. 20 years of independence, 10 years of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, 70 years since the National Liberation Struggle", said Ivanov.

"By implementing the Ohrid Framework Agreement we have reached a level of greater understanding, respect and tolerance. We have built a model that strives to integrate, not to assimilate. Our model is not only an example in the region, but it is an agreement with principles that inspire even beyond. We respect our model and we ask others to respect its principles, too. We defend our model. To all those who, for any reason doubt it, to all those who wish to undermine and bring discord, I am sending my clear message – do not try to do so, your effort is doomed to failure. To all those who by burning the flag, the flag of all citizens of the Republic of Macedonia, think that with that act they will burn the multi-ethnic coexistence, my message is - you will not succeed in that", said Ivanov.



The President was strongly focused this year on several important issues for the economy, including entrepreneurial activities in Macedonia, intensive economic diplomacy, energy security and renewable sources of energy, regional infrastructure and economic projects.

"Economic diplomacy has been high on my agenda in almost all of my working and informal meetings, participation in multilateral events and official visits to foreign countries, as well as during the visits of foreign dignitaries to the Republic of Macedonia. Business forums and meetings with businessmen have always been part of my international agenda", stressed Ivanov.

He expressed belief that energy sector development was the basic and main driving force of economy, state, society.



"Therefore, as President, looking far beyond my mandate, I became actively involved in exploring all possibilities to join the planned energy corridors, which should provide long-term energy stability. I am particularly pleased that we are in advanced negotiation stage for inclusion of Macedonia in the South Stream pipeline", said Ivanov.



He added that in times of vast global economic crisis, thanks to the prudent macroeconomic policy of the Government and the economy led by the Macedonian citizens, "we live in one of the least indebted European countries, a country with one of the largest growth rates in Europe".

The President said the country continued with maximum action on all fields, meaning achievement of European Union standards, values and criteria.



"Our citizens will enjoy the benefits of such a position of the state. Therefore, time has come, on the 20th anniversary of independence to turn to the future. I appeal, political and especially daily political bickering for where the state goes, or whether there is or are we looking for alternatives, stop. The answer is clear our strategic goals have always been membership in NATO and membership in the EU", said Ivanov.



He also sent a message to the country's neighbor that the Republic of Macedonia was a reality.

"This reality existed, exists and will exist. For issues such as our highest values - identity, language, culture, and constitution, we do not want and there is no need to talk at all. No one in this world has the right to deny to other such high values. These are values that can only be ascertained and respected. Therefore, led by the expressed will of the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia, in future, I will not accept a Report in which the Macedonian language and identity is disrespected", added Ivanov.



In addition, he sent a message to Macedonian citizens, urging them to be calm.

"No one in this world can and will be able to deprive us of what we have, our constitutional name, our identity. We will succeed in achieving our strategic goals. The issue is not whether, but when. And until then, united, we will create our successful European and Euro-Atlantic future. We will attain the goals. We will become members of the European Union and NATO. And we will be what we are in these institutions. There is no other option", said Ivanov.

In conclusion, the President said that when it came to national interests, strategic goals and determinations, there was only one party that recognized no division of leaders and members, of old and young, of left and right.



"This party is called Macedonia, and we must be united in that single party. Only then will we succeed in achieving the strategic goals. Everything we have achieved so far, in severe times of blockades, isolation and threats to our sovereignty, identity and survival, made us stronger and better prepared", underlined President Gjorge Ivanov in his annual Parliament address.

[George S.]

President Ivanov: ICJ judgment confirms credibility of Macedonia's foreign policy



Skopje, 15 December 2011 (MIA) - The Republic of Macedonia won a great diplomatic and legal victory in The Hague. А victory that confirms the credibility of our foreign policy, our conduct in the international community, said President Gjorge Ivanov in his annual Parliament address on Thursday.



He said the International Court of Justice has given its answer, which is the most authoritative proof of Macedonia's policy.



"To be clear and precise, we did not want to initiate this process. If there had not been a veto in Bucharest everything would have been different. But we were forced on that; we were faced with injustice, with a violation of the contractual obligation by Greece which resulted in real consequences borne by the Republic of Macedonia. Therefore, the lawsuit was inevitable", stressed Ivanov.



According to him, the judgment was the strongest possible legal argument that existed in today's development of the international legal order.



"Therefore, obligation and responsibility of the international community is to make the necessary efforts to move the status quo situation regarding the integration of the Republic of Macedonia", added Ivanov.



The President said will and responsible behavior was needed, whereas observing the judgment, the Interim Accord, the international law was the framework that would contribute to a more favorable climate in the relations between the two neighboring countries.



"We have an ideal opportunity for a historic step forward. The Hague ruling, except legitimizing our current policy, increases our reputation and has yet another great and important dimension: it is a framework which regulates the issues of extreme importance for the conduct of both parties in terms of respecting the obligations under the Interim Accord. The ruling confirmed that the Republic of Macedonia may use its constitutional name within international organizations in which Greece is a member. Greece's allegations regarding the breach of the Interim Accord by the Republic of Macedonia were rejected by the Court. Therefore, we need not seek new ways to reach a solution. We only have to respect the Interim Accord and adhere to the framework set forth in the UN resolutions, nothing more than that. We stand ready for that", said Ivanov.

In his address, the President also referred to the European Union integration process.



"In three consecutive years we receive a recommendation to start negotiations with the European Union, which is a great confirmation of the reform processes. The Report of the European Commission is a roadmap where to focus our attention in the reforms. It is not our fault that we have not yet launched the negotiations", said Ivanov.



I believe, he stressed, that on the next European Council, the next NATO Summit, if leadership, courage and vision is shown, the status quo situation in the integration can be moved forward.

"All will be winners, and the greatest winner will certainly be we and our neighbor. We will continue to reform our society with even greater motivation. Our goal is to be friendly and European neighbors with Greece. It is a rewarding goal for us, for Greece and for the European Union", he added.



According to Ivanov, there was a historic opportunity for a brand new start.

"I want to believe that this opportunity, together with our neighbor and the EU and NATO partners will be seized. Next year, from this stage, in this same period, I wish to confirm that my expectations were justified", said the President.



Ivanov said he was fully committed over the past year to the highest strategic goals of the country - membership in NATO and the European Union and shift of the status quo situation, further development of bilateral relations with all countries in the world, in accordance with the principle of openness to all, further strengthening of good neighborly relations with the immediate neighborhood countries and with the countries from the wider region, as well as being proactive in the regional cooperation and providing initiatives.



"In this regard, I did not spare myself nor will I spare myself in the future. I will continue to acknowledge the world with the truth and the arguments about Macedonia. I will continue to foster and strengthen the existing and will establish new friendships and partnerships", he emphasized.



President Ivanov attended 38 international events and activities, realized 23 official and working visits to foreign countries.



"I have represented our country in almost all major regional and global multilateral events dedicated to economy, energy, peace, disaster risk reduction, culture, sports ... I have hosted 9 official and working visits of my colleagues. I have had more than seventy meetings with heads of state and governments and heads of international organizations", he said.



Ivanov hosted the third Regional Summit of the Presidents of Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro and Kosovo, whereas Macedonia will chair the South East European Cooperation Process in the period 2012 - 2013, allowing the country to provide active contribution in strengthening regional cooperation.



"In 2013 we will be hosting the Summit dedicated to the Dialogue among Civilizations, marking the 10th anniversary of such summits initiated by my predecessor, President Trajkovski", he added.



In the field of diplomacy, the President accredited, with a decree, 18 new Ambassadors of the Republic of Macedonia in countries around the world.



"For our diplomats, I urged, to be given greater freedom of action by reducing the bureaucracy of the diplomatic service, which would go along with the increase of responsibilities of diplomats on the basis of which they will be evaluated, according to the results achieved", Ivanov said.

In terms of cultural diplomacy, he stressed Macedonia could be proud of its cultural and historical heritage, with plenty of things to offer the world.



"Concerning the sport, I will not waste many words. We have all seen what a sport success means. Not only it celebrated our country but, more importantly, the success united Macedonia", said Ivanov.



As Supreme Commander, he said the Army of the Republic of Macedonia, as a shield of freedom, security and stability, continued to give confidence in the Macedonian society.

"This year, the Army got a new Chief of Staff, in compliance with the highest standards of the Alliance. Some time ago I approved the new organizational structure and formation of the Army, the transformation of which will begin in early 2012. Be assured that in anticipation of the next NATO Summit in Chicago, we remain committed to the reform process as an investment in our European and Euro-Atlantic future. This will be an argument more for our accession to the Alliance, along with the judgment of the International Court of Justice", emphasized Ivanov.

In the spirit of the 20th independence anniversary, The President bestowed several meritorious individuals, institutions and organizations significant for the Macedonian statehood, independence and sovereignty.



"By bestowing them, I expressed gratitude to sincere friends of Macedonia, who support us everywhere and always", added Ivanov.



With regards to communication with citizens, he said this was done in direct meetings during regular visits to villages and towns throughout Macedonia, but also indirectly, through the People's Offices.



"We need to invest real values in young generations. We must have faith in them. Our young people are exactly where we have led them by now. Therefore, their education and advancement is necessary. We have also prompted competition in the field of science by awarding title 'Youngest Scientist'. This proved that there are young successful people from Macedonia at the most prestigious universities in the world", said Ivanov.



According to him, jubilees and anniversaries always represent an occasion for recollection of what has happened, what passed, but also a time for debate about the future.



"This year we marked and celebrated important events. 20 years of independence, 10 years of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, 70 years since the National Liberation Struggle", said Ivanov.

"By implementing the Ohrid Framework Agreement we have reached a level of greater understanding, respect and tolerance. We have built a model that strives to integrate, not to assimilate. Our model is not only an example in the region, but it is an agreement with principles that inspire even beyond. We respect our model and we ask others to respect its principles, too. We defend our model. To all those who, for any reason doubt it, to all those who wish to undermine and bring discord, I am sending my clear message – do not try to do so, your effort is doomed to failure. To all those who by burning the flag, the flag of all citizens of the Republic of Macedonia, think that with that act they will burn the multi-ethnic coexistence, my message is - you will not succeed in that", said Ivanov.



The President was strongly focused this year on several important issues for the economy, including entrepreneurial activities in Macedonia, intensive economic diplomacy, energy security and renewable sources of energy, regional infrastructure and economic projects.

"Economic diplomacy has been high on my agenda in almost all of my working and informal meetings, participation in multilateral events and official visits to foreign countries, as well as during the visits of foreign dignitaries to the Republic of Macedonia. Business forums and meetings with businessmen have always been part of my international agenda", stressed Ivanov.

He expressed belief that energy sector development was the basic and main driving force of economy, state, society.



"Therefore, as President, looking far beyond my mandate, I became actively involved in exploring all possibilities to join the planned energy corridors, which should provide long-term energy stability. I am particularly pleased that we are in advanced negotiation stage for inclusion of Macedonia in the South Stream pipeline", said Ivanov.



He added that in times of vast global economic crisis, thanks to the prudent macroeconomic policy of the Government and the economy led by the Macedonian citizens, "we live in one of the least indebted European countries, a country with one of the largest growth rates in Europe".

The President said the country continued with maximum action on all fields, meaning achievement of European Union standards, values and criteria.



"Our citizens will enjoy the benefits of such a position of the state. Therefore, time has come, on the 20th anniversary of independence to turn to the future. I appeal, political and especially daily political bickering for where the state goes, or whether there is or are we looking for alternatives, stop. The answer is clear our strategic goals have always been membership in NATO and membership in the EU", said Ivanov.



He also sent a message to the country's neighbor that the Republic of Macedonia was a reality.

"This reality existed, exists and will exist. For issues such as our highest values - identity, language, culture, and constitution, we do not want and there is no need to talk at all. No one in this world has the right to deny to other such high values. These are values that can only be ascertained and respected. Therefore, led by the expressed will of the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia, in future, I will not accept a Report in which the Macedonian language and identity is disrespected", added Ivanov.



In addition, he sent a message to Macedonian citizens, urging them to be calm.

"No one in this world can and will be able to deprive us of what we have, our constitutional name, our identity. We will succeed in achieving our strategic goals. The issue is not whether, but when. And until then, united, we will create our successful European and Euro-Atlantic future. We will attain the goals. We will become members of the European Union and NATO. And we will be what we are in these institutions. There is no other option", said Ivanov.

In conclusion, the President said that when it came to national interests, strategic goals and determinations, there was only one party that recognized no division of leaders and members, of old and young, of left and right.



"This party is called Macedonia, and we must be united in that single party. Only then will we succeed in achieving the strategic goals. Everything we have achieved so far, in severe times of blockades, isolation and threats to our sovereignty, identity and survival, made us stronger and better prepared", underlined President Gjorge Ivanov in his annual Parliament address.

[George S.]

The Macedonian Digest

“From the readers for the readers”

Edition 73 – January 2012



======oOo======

Editor’s Notes



Our Name is Macedonia

https://www.mhrmi.org/our_name_is_macedonia

Feature Stories



World Court rules Greece was wrong to block Macedonia’s bid for NATO membership in 2008

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/world-court-rules-greece-was-wrong-to-block-macedonias-bid-for-nato-membership-in-2008/2011/12/05/gIQA20rPVO_story.html

By Associated Press,



THE HAGUE, Netherlands — The world court ruled Monday that Greece was wrong to block Macedonia’s bid to join NATO in 2008 because of a long-running dispute over the fledgling country’s use of the name “Macedonia.”



In a 15-1 ruling, the court found that Greece’s veto breached a 1995 deal under which Greece had agreed not to block Macedonia’s membership in international organizations if it used the name “The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” while the matter was submitted to U.N. mediation. More than 15 years later, discussions over the name are still unresolved.



Although the question of Macedonia’s name is sometimes seen as superficial by outsiders, it is a matter of deep concern for both sides. The young country has used the name in one form or another since shortly after World War II, when it was a province of Yugoslavia, but Greece sees use of the name as historically inaccurate at best and a potential threat to its territorial integrity at worst.



Monday’s victory is largely symbolic since the court didn’t order Greece to alter its stance in the future.



The U.N.’s highest court, formally known as the International Court of Justice, found that the ruling itself “constitutes appropriate satisfaction” for The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, said presiding Judge Hisashi Owada, reading the written decision.



But the ruling does lends moral weight to the small country’s protests that Greece’s moves to block it from joining NATO and the European Union are unfair.



Ordinary Macedonians appeared pleased.



“Finally, a little justice for Macedonia!” said housewife Marina Stevcevska, 49, after hearing of the ruling.



“After years of disappointments for this country, finally we have received good news, somebody to tell Greece that it is doing wrong, that is enough”, she said.



Meanwhile, about 150 members of an ultra-right group in held a demonstration in central Athens protesting the court decision, waving flags and chanting nationalist slogans. A few dozen people took part in a similar protest in the northern city of Thessaloniki, shouting “Greece belongs to the Greeks.”



Outside the courtroom, Greece’s Dutch Ambassador Ioannis Economides urged Macedonia “to resist using today’s decision to subvert the negotiations,” and NATO Chief Fogh Rasmussen said in Brussels that Macedonia still won’t be admitted to the alliance until the name issue is resolved.



Macedonian President Gjorge Ivanov said Greece should “respect the judgment of the International Court of Justice.”



“For the time being, we do not want to look through the categories of winners and losers,” he said, promising to continue the negotiations.



Though colloquial use of calling the country “Macedonia” has grown, U.N. documents refer to it consistently as “The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia,” while Greece refers to it by the acronym “FYROM” — apparently to avoid even mentioning the word “Macedonia” in relation to the country. The country calls itself the “Republic of Macedonia.”



U.N. envoy Matthew Nimetz said Monday he had urged both countries “to view this event as an opportunity to think constructively about their mutual relationship and to consider a renewed initiative to reach a definitive solution to the ‘name’ issue.”



There was little opposition from Athens to the Yugoslav territory using the name Macedonia until it declared independence in 1991. The country occupies some of the territory in the region that was known as Macedonia after the conquests of Alexander the Great in the 4th century B.C.

But over the centuries the region has undergone such complete ethnic and cultural changes as to render use of the name nonsensical, Greece argues — not to mention that Greece has its own province called Macedonia.



The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is now composed mostly of a people who speak a Slavic language similar to Bulgarian, not Greek — and Bulgaria was a bitter military enemy to Greece in the first half of the 20th century.



Greece is concerned that if the country uses the name Macedonia, that will eventually lead it, possibly together with Bulgaria, to stake claims to parts of modern Greece.



Macedonia has been friendly to NATO since its independence, allowing U.S. troops to use its territory as a staging ground during the Yugoslav wars. NATO clashed with Serbia under the rule of Slobodan Milosevic, even as Greece sympathized with Belgrade due to historical strategic and religious ties.



Under the 1995 interim agreement, Greece dropped economic sanctions against Macedonia in exchange for the temporary compromise on the name. Macedonia also stopped using an ancient Macedonian flag and amended articles of its constitution which could be seen as hinting at claims to Greek territory.



AP reporters Elena Becatoros, Nicholas Paphitis and Derek Gatopoulos contributed from Athens and Konstantin Testorides contributed from Skopje, Macedonia.



Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.





President Ivanov: ICJ judgment confirms credibility of Macedonia's foreign policy



Skopje, 15 December 2011 (MIA) - The Republic of Macedonia won a great diplomatic and legal victory in The Hague. А victory that confirms the credibility of our foreign policy, our conduct in the international community, said President Gjorge Ivanov in his annual Parliament address on Thursday.



He said the International Court of Justice has given its answer, which is the most authoritative proof of Macedonia's policy.



"To be clear and precise, we did not want to initiate this process. If there had not been a veto in Bucharest everything would have been different. But we were forced on that; we were faced with injustice, with a violation of the contractual obligation by Greece which resulted in real consequences borne by the Republic of Macedonia. Therefore, the lawsuit was inevitable", stressed Ivanov.



According to him, the judgment was the strongest possible legal argument that existed in today's development of the international legal order.



"Therefore, obligation and responsibility of the international community is to make the necessary efforts to move the status quo situation regarding the integration of the Republic of Macedonia", added Ivanov.



The President said will and responsible behavior was needed, whereas observing the judgment, the Interim Accord, the international law was the framework that would contribute to a more favorable climate in the relations between the two neighboring countries.



"We have an ideal opportunity for a historic step forward. The Hague ruling, except legitimizing our current policy, increases our reputation and has yet another great and important dimension: it is a framework which regulates the issues of extreme importance for the conduct of both parties in terms of respecting the obligations under the Interim Accord. The ruling confirmed that the Republic of Macedonia may use its constitutional name within international organizations in which Greece is a member. Greece's allegations regarding the breach of the Interim Accord by the Republic of Macedonia were rejected by the Court. Therefore, we need not seek new ways to reach a solution. We only have to respect the Interim Accord and adhere to the framework set forth in the UN resolutions, nothing more than that. We stand ready for that", said Ivanov.

In his address, the President also referred to the European Union integration process.



"In three consecutive years we receive a recommendation to start negotiations with the European Union, which is a great confirmation of the reform processes. The Report of the European Commission is a roadmap where to focus our attention in the reforms. It is not our fault that we have not yet launched the negotiations", said Ivanov.



I believe, he stressed, that on the next European Council, the next NATO Summit, if leadership, courage and vision is shown, the status quo situation in the integration can be moved forward.

"All will be winners, and the greatest winner will certainly be we and our neighbor. We will continue to reform our society with even greater motivation. Our goal is to be friendly and European neighbors with Greece. It is a rewarding goal for us, for Greece and for the European Union", he added.



According to Ivanov, there was a historic opportunity for a brand new start.

"I want to believe that this opportunity, together with our neighbor and the EU and NATO partners will be seized. Next year, from this stage, in this same period, I wish to confirm that my expectations were justified", said the President.



Ivanov said he was fully committed over the past year to the highest strategic goals of the country - membership in NATO and the European Union and shift of the status quo situation, further development of bilateral relations with all countries in the world, in accordance with the principle of openness to all, further strengthening of good neighborly relations with the immediate neighborhood countries and with the countries from the wider region, as well as being proactive in the regional cooperation and providing initiatives.



"In this regard, I did not spare myself nor will I spare myself in the future. I will continue to acknowledge the world with the truth and the arguments about Macedonia. I will continue to foster and strengthen the existing and will establish new friendships and partnerships", he emphasized.



President Ivanov attended 38 international events and activities, realized 23 official and working visits to foreign countries.



"I have represented our country in almost all major regional and global multilateral events dedicated to economy, energy, peace, disaster risk reduction, culture, sports ... I have hosted 9 official and working visits of my colleagues. I have had more than seventy meetings with heads of state and governments and heads of international organizations", he said.



Ivanov hosted the third Regional Summit of the Presidents of Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro and Kosovo, whereas Macedonia will chair the South East European Cooperation Process in the period 2012 - 2013, allowing the country to provide active contribution in strengthening regional cooperation.



"In 2013 we will be hosting the Summit dedicated to the Dialogue among Civilizations, marking the 10th anniversary of such summits initiated by my predecessor, President Trajkovski", he added.



In the field of diplomacy, the President accredited, with a decree, 18 new Ambassadors of the Republic of Macedonia in countries around the world.



"For our diplomats, I urged, to be given greater freedom of action by reducing the bureaucracy of the diplomatic service, which would go along with the increase of responsibilities of diplomats on the basis of which they will be evaluated, according to the results achieved", Ivanov said.

In terms of cultural diplomacy, he stressed Macedonia could be proud of its cultural and historical heritage, with plenty of things to offer the world.



"Concerning the sport, I will not waste many words. We have all seen what a sport success means. Not only it celebrated our country but, more importantly, the success united Macedonia", said Ivanov.



As Supreme Commander, he said the Army of the Republic of Macedonia, as a shield of freedom, security and stability, continued to give confidence in the Macedonian society.

"This year, the Army got a new Chief of Staff, in compliance with the highest standards of the Alliance. Some time ago I approved the new organizational structure and formation of the Army, the transformation of which will begin in early 2012. Be assured that in anticipation of the next NATO Summit in Chicago, we remain committed to the reform process as an investment in our European and Euro-Atlantic future. This will be an argument more for our accession to the Alliance, along with the judgment of the International Court of Justice", emphasized Ivanov.

In the spirit of the 20th independence anniversary, The President bestowed several meritorious individuals, institutions and organizations significant for the Macedonian statehood, independence and sovereignty.



"By bestowing them, I expressed gratitude to sincere friends of Macedonia, who support us everywhere and always", added Ivanov.



With regards to communication with citizens, he said this was done in direct meetings during regular visits to villages and towns throughout Macedonia, but also indirectly, through the People's Offices.



"We need to invest real values in young generations. We must have faith in them. Our young people are exactly where we have led them by now. Therefore, their education and advancement is necessary. We have also prompted competition in the field of science by awarding title 'Youngest Scientist'. This proved that there are young successful people from Macedonia at the most prestigious universities in the world", said Ivanov.



According to him, jubilees and anniversaries always represent an occasion for recollection of what has happened, what passed, but also a time for debate about the future.



"This year we marked and celebrated important events. 20 years of independence, 10 years of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, 70 years since the National Liberation Struggle", said Ivanov.

"By implementing the Ohrid Framework Agreement we have reached a level of greater understanding, respect and tolerance. We have built a model that strives to integrate, not to assimilate. Our model is not only an example in the region, but it is an agreement with principles that inspire even beyond. We respect our model and we ask others to respect its principles, too. We defend our model. To all those who, for any reason doubt it, to all those who wish to undermine and bring discord, I am sending my clear message – do not try to do so, your effort is doomed to failure. To all those who by burning the flag, the flag of all citizens of the Republic of Macedonia, think that with that act they will burn the multi-ethnic coexistence, my message is - you will not succeed in that", said Ivanov.



The President was strongly focused this year on several important issues for the economy, including entrepreneurial activities in Macedonia, intensive economic diplomacy, energy security and renewable sources of energy, regional infrastructure and economic projects.

"Economic diplomacy has been high on my agenda in almost all of my working and informal meetings, participation in multilateral events and official visits to foreign countries, as well as during the visits of foreign dignitaries to the Republic of Macedonia. Business forums and meetings with businessmen have always been part of my international agenda", stressed Ivanov.

He expressed belief that energy sector development was the basic and main driving force of economy, state, society.



"Therefore, as President, looking far beyond my mandate, I became actively involved in exploring all possibilities to join the planned energy corridors, which should provide long-term energy stability. I am particularly pleased that we are in advanced negotiation stage for inclusion of Macedonia in the South Stream pipeline", said Ivanov.



He added that in times of vast global economic crisis, thanks to the prudent macroeconomic policy of the Government and the economy led by the Macedonian citizens, "we live in one of the least indebted European countries, a country with one of the largest growth rates in Europe".

The President said the country continued with maximum action on all fields, meaning achievement of European Union standards, values and criteria.



"Our citizens will enjoy the benefits of such a position of the state. Therefore, time has come, on the 20th anniversary of independence to turn to the future. I appeal, political and especially daily political bickering for where the state goes, or whether there is or are we looking for alternatives, stop. The answer is clear our strategic goals have always been membership in NATO and membership in the EU", said Ivanov.



He also sent a message to the country's neighbor that the Republic of Macedonia was a reality.

"This reality existed, exists and will exist. For issues such as our highest values - identity, language, culture, and constitution, we do not want and there is no need to talk at all. No one in this world has the right to deny to other such high values. These are values that can only be ascertained and respected. Therefore, led by the expressed will of the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia, in future, I will not accept a Report in which the Macedonian language and identity is disrespected", added Ivanov.



In addition, he sent a message to Macedonian citizens, urging them to be calm.

"No one in this world can and will be able to deprive us of what we have, our constitutional name, our identity. We will succeed in achieving our strategic goals. The issue is not whether, but when. And until then, united, we will create our successful European and Euro-Atlantic future. We will attain the goals. We will become members of the European Union and NATO. And we will be what we are in these institutions. There is no other option", said Ivanov.

In conclusion, the President said that when it came to national interests, strategic goals and determinations, there was only one party that recognized no division of leaders and members, of old and young, of left and right.



"This party is called Macedonia, and we must be united in that single party. Only then will we succeed in achieving the strategic goals. Everything we have achieved so far, in severe times of blockades, isolation and threats to our sovereignty, identity and survival, made us stronger and better prepared", underlined President Gjorge Ivanov in his annual Parliament address.





Gruevski calls ICJ judgement "strong legal argument with political impact", urges Greece to show interest



Skopje, 14 December 2011 (MIA) - Antonis Samaras - the leader of New Democracy party which is a partner in the new Greek coalition government - by refusing our invitation for a meeting has implied that there is no interest for settling the name dispute. Macedonia remains committed to solving the issue, Premier Nikola Gruevski stated on Wednesday.



"My invitation for a meeting with Samaras was intended to show willingness for resuming the dialogue, for establishing fresh communications in a bid to find a solution to the issue which has been a burden to the two countries for 20 years. I regret that Samaras has refused such a chance. This move speaks volumes about the interest of Greece to resolve the dispute," Gruevski said.

He once again called Samaras and the Greek PM, Lucas Papademos, to find a way and time to overcome the name issue.



"A solution must be found. Meetings shouldn't be avoided. The position and way of thinking toward its neighbour has to be changed. This act of ignoring and refusing meetings does no good for neighbourly relations - it isn't good for Greece and offers no solutions. We will continue to find ways to solve the issue we have been facing for 20 years due to Greece with its unreasonable policy towards its neighbour, Macedonia. We have a problem with their actions and something must be done in that respect. Hopefully, the international community will pay more attention in the future," the PM urged.



He noted that both countries hadn't established contacts in the past six months "mainly due to Greece's lack of focus on the issue."



"For a while, this was justified with the financial crisis in the country. Now, there are instances when Greek officials refuse to meet despite being in the same place. There is serious intention of not solving the name row," PM Gruevski.



Commenting the International Court of Justice-ICJ's judgement in favour of Macedonia, Gruevski said it would help in name talks by being a strong legal argument with political impact.

"I'm deeply convinced that the ICJ ruling will be of great use for Macedonia in its further efforts to find a name solution," Gruevski argued.



He voiced hope that the Hague court's decision would be taken into consideration by NATO members ahead of next year's summit of the Alliance.

[George S.]

Not another BIG Greek Lie?



Beware of Greeks Bearing Debt

http://www.thedailybeast.com/newswee...ring-debt.html

We are on a difficult course, on a new Odyssey for Greece,” former prime minister George Papandreou once observed of his country’s economic malady. “But we know the road to Ithaca and we have charted the waters.” The man could be forgiven for falling back on the iconic Odysseus—Greece has always looked on the classical age as a usable past.

But the metaphor of The Odyssey offers no guidance for Greece’s economic travails. For The Odyssey is about adventure and revenge and the yearning for home; profit rarely figures in the journey. And when it does, on one occasion in Phaeacia, it is used to taunt Odysseus to demonstrate his skill at feats of physical prowess. “Oh, I knew it!” said a local mocking the traveler. “I never took you for someone skilled in games, not a chance. You are some skipper of profiteers roving the high seas in his scudding craft, reckoning up his freight with a keen eye out for home cargo, grabbing the gold he can!” Odysseus takes the bait—after all, honor and glory matter. He gives the games of Phaeacia a whirl.

The ancient Greeks did not have much praise for commerce. Plato denigrated it in The Republic, as did Aristotle. Commerce was not fit for men of the polis and was best left, it was thought, for metics, resident foreigners. No solace could be found in that classical tradition Greece passionately claims as its own. German bankers should not rest easy if Greeks come bearing the inspiration of the epics and ancient Greek heroes.

Ironically, the more usable—and proximate—past comes from the way the Greeks performed as traders and merchant mariners during their subjugation to the Ottomans. The story is not heroic. Banking and business are not the stuff of legend. The Ottoman Empire created structures of collaboration: some three dozen nationalities and communities made up that ramshackle empire. The bureaucracy and the Army were the preserve of the Turks, but the Greeks found a niche for themselves, and they prospered as merchants and middlemen.

They could be found in all parts of the sultan’s domains, in the Greek peninsula, in Anatolia itself, and wherever the Ottoman soldiers went and conquered. Greek was the lingua franca of the Levant, on par, in places, with Ottoman Turkish. “So they always had the sea, the very essence of caprice,” Jason Goodwin wrote of the Greeks in his beautiful reconstruction of the Ottoman world, Lords of the Horizons.

The Greeks dominated the empire’s coasts. Smyrna (today Izmir), on the Anatolian seaboard, stood as a monument to the brilliance of the Greek merchants. In the 1600s, this city was to know a golden age, and the merchants did it on their own, outwitting the Ottoman bureaucrats and the sultan’s court in Constantinople. Its world was genuinely cosmopolitan; the Greeks were the city’s bankers, lawyers, merchants, and doctors. Alexandria, too, was a haven for Greek traders, and Greeks could be found peddling their wares in the remotest corners of rural Egypt. They were a resourceful breed, and the French and the British, pushing their way into the markets of the Levant, saw the Greeks as agile and brilliant competitors.

But this accommodation with Turkish power could not withstand the appeals of nationalism, and the Greeks sought a world of their own. As practical as Greeks had been under Ottoman rule, they grew increasingly romantic. They had lost touch with the classical world, which they would glorify in the course of the 19th century. There were foreign admirers, and they fed the Greek sense of specialness, of being set apart from the other nationalisms. Orthodoxy and Hellenism blew at will, and the great powers jostled over the making of this new Greece. The Greeks would at once need foreign help and suspect it—a pattern that carries over to the present. Conspiracies stalked their homeland. Greek nationalists believed that jealous nations were out to rob the Greeks of the place they had had in the past. The calling of “Greater Greece” was a rebuke to the small kingdom that had been secured from the Ottoman wreckage.

There would be no normalcy in the Greek political world—the dreams always deadly, far bigger than the Greeks could attain. The national church was no help. It stoked the fires of these grandiose ideas. Populism and communism closed the circle of this unhappy history. The Latin West was always needed and hated at the same time. The roots of this schism ran deep, all the way back to the conflict between the heirs of Byzantium and those of Rome.

In A Concise History of Greece, historian Richard Clogg writes of a foreign-office minister who, in 1980, opined that Greece’s entry into the European Community would be seen as “a fitting repayment by the Europe of today of the cultural and political debt that we all owe to a Greek heritage almost three thousand years old.” The Greeks took in and lived off this sense of entitlement and specialness. The debt crisis that overwhelmed the country by 2010 was born of that sense of abdication. The socialist tradition ran deep here, and membership in the European Union and the euro zone was bound to make Greece a European burden. Not for the Greeks was the discipline of the marketplace. If German savings were to sustain Greece’s indulgences, so be it. In the European Councils, the Greeks made the most of the truculence of their politics—the refusal of the country’s citizens to pay their way, to provide taxes needed to maintain a modern state, and to accept structural adjustments for an economy living beyond its means.

Reckoning came in 2010. Greece’s bills came due, and the coffers were empty. Prime Minister George Papandreou struck an accord with the International Monetary Fund and the European Union to secure a bailout in return for budget cuts of €32 billion. But the bloated public sector wanted nothing to do with the needed cutbacks. A 48-hour strike was staged May 4-5, ending in tragedy. Three bank employees were killed, as their bank was set on fire. Papandreou was in a fight for his political life, caught between the demands of foreign creditors and the ways of his population. (It was telling that this prime minister was the grandson and the son of former prime ministers, a dynasticism that Arab officeholders would envy.) The custodians of power in Greece were in no man’s land.

The markets found little comfort in the austerity measures that the Greeks had proposed. By mid-June, Greece got the lowest credit rating in the world, when S&P downgraded it by three notches, to CCC from B. Papandreou struggled mightily: he secured the passage in Parliament of an unpopular property tax, and he proposed cutting high pensions by 20 percent. But he could never put through these changes, and he was sandbagged by his finance minister, Evangelos Venizelos, a political operative with a substantial base of support of his own.

Papandreou bowed out on Nov. 9, 2011. It was time now to turn to technocracy, which perhaps would succeed where politics had failed. Lucas Papademos, a former vice president of the European Central Bank from 2002 to 2010, stepped into the breach.

A detailed, unsentimental report released on Nov. 18 by the European Commission, called “Task Force for Greece,” laid out the defects of Greece’s economy. Even in antiseptic bureaucratese, alarm bells can be heard. “The scale of the reform task is daunting,” the report states. The country was in desperate need of “unprecedented fiscal and economic adjustment. The contraction is deeper and more painful than expected. Unemployment, and particularly youth unemployment, is rising steadily. Small companies are facing severe liquidity constraints.” The commission uncovered no hidden secrets about the habits of the Greeks. Tax evasion was rampant (there was €60 billion in uncollected taxes), the channeling of savings into Swiss banks was a national tradition, and bureaucracy was doing its lethal damage: it takes 230 days to award a public contract in Greece—more than twice the average of the EU. Europe was paying for the pride of Greece, for the debt owed the classical age.

“Greece is not part of Western civilization, but it was the home of classical civilization which was an important source of Western civilization,” the late Samuel P. Huntington wrote in The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. Greece was an “anomaly,” Huntington observed, the “Orthodox outsider in western organizations.” In their self-image, the Greeks stand sentry at the edge of the Western world—where Islam begins. But the borders between civilizations that Huntington drew with such a sharp pencil put Greece in the Orthodox world, a kin of Russia and the Balkan states.

Huntington swam against the currents of the 1990s, the giddy insistence that globalization had erased cultural differences. Greece would bear out Huntington’s thesis of its separateness from the Western world.

A fierce anti-Americanism would poison its political and cultural life. In the Greek demonology, America was Satan, its capitalism a dreaded menace. The pretexts of this anti-Americanism were endless. America had sinned against the universe by coming to the rescue of the Bosnians and Kosovars. American power was a threat to the “True Faith,” an accomplice of Turkey and Islam.

There was no coherence here, and no need for it, for in 2003 the Greeks feigned offense at America’s war in Iraq. In a worldwide Pew survey taken that year, the United States was considered a greater threat to peace than Iran and North Korea. Another survey, from 2005, taken by TNS Opinion & Social, a research consortium that studied European attitudes, showed that the anti-Americanism of Greece was relentless: 85 percent had a negative view of America’s role in securing peace in the world; 76 percent had a negative judgment on America’s contribution to the fight against world poverty.

Greek political culture has yet to be modernized and stripped of its ruinous passions. In that 2005 study cited above, seven out of 10 Greeks believed that the cultural differences between Turkey and the EU were too deep to allow Turkey’s accession. The Greeks, so sure of Turkey’s separateness, did not look in the mirror. The anti-modernist, anti-capitalist consensus that has wreaked havoc in Greece is a mighty barrier all its own.

From the day Lord Byron and the philhellenes flattered the pride of Greece to the present, the country has lived with the sense that it is exempt from the demands of political and economic discipline. It won’t matter how much relief is thrown at it, for that sense of entitlement will overwhelm all good intentions. The technocrats now go where the politicians had failed, but the anger displayed in the face of the harsh economic realities provides no solace that Greece is done with deadly dreams—and expectations. While the countries of Europe are troubled, each in its own way, the Greek predicament is deeper and more acute than the rest. And a final sobering note must trouble the Greeks: the Turks, who had once been soldiers and bureaucrats who disdained trade and commerce and left such matters to the Greeks, the Armenians, and the Jews, are now in the throes of an economic renaissance. Modern Turkey had destroyed or banished its trading minorities. Izmir had lost out to bleak Ankara, in the interior. The Turks fell back on economic protectionism—import substitution, a command economy that subordinated economic matters to the primacy of politics. They reaped the harvest of that strategy: their people grew impoverished, they flooded the labor markets of Germany to make their way in the world. Then an economic revolution remade Turkey; the markets were opened up; privatization worked its magic. Prosperity came to the dusty Anatolian hills. So culture does matter, but it can be altered and reformed. Decline is a choice, not a fated destiny.

[George S.]

Not another BIG Greek Lie?



Beware of Greeks Bearing Debt

http://www.thedailybeast.com/newswee...ring-debt.html

We are on a difficult course, on a new Odyssey for Greece,” former prime minister George Papandreou once observed of his country’s economic malady. “But we know the road to Ithaca and we have charted the waters.” The man could be forgiven for falling back on the iconic Odysseus—Greece has always looked on the classical age as a usable past.

But the metaphor of The Odyssey offers no guidance for Greece’s economic travails. For The Odyssey is about adventure and revenge and the yearning for home; profit rarely figures in the journey. And when it does, on one occasion in Phaeacia, it is used to taunt Odysseus to demonstrate his skill at feats of physical prowess. “Oh, I knew it!” said a local mocking the traveler. “I never took you for someone skilled in games, not a chance. You are some skipper of profiteers roving the high seas in his scudding craft, reckoning up his freight with a keen eye out for home cargo, grabbing the gold he can!” Odysseus takes the bait—after all, honor and glory matter. He gives the games of Phaeacia a whirl.

The ancient Greeks did not have much praise for commerce. Plato denigrated it in The Republic, as did Aristotle. Commerce was not fit for men of the polis and was best left, it was thought, for metics, resident foreigners. No solace could be found in that classical tradition Greece passionately claims as its own. German bankers should not rest easy if Greeks come bearing the inspiration of the epics and ancient Greek heroes.

Ironically, the more usable—and proximate—past comes from the way the Greeks performed as traders and merchant mariners during their subjugation to the Ottomans. The story is not heroic. Banking and business are not the stuff of legend. The Ottoman Empire created structures of collaboration: some three dozen nationalities and communities made up that ramshackle empire. The bureaucracy and the Army were the preserve of the Turks, but the Greeks found a niche for themselves, and they prospered as merchants and middlemen.

They could be found in all parts of the sultan’s domains, in the Greek peninsula, in Anatolia itself, and wherever the Ottoman soldiers went and conquered. Greek was the lingua franca of the Levant, on par, in places, with Ottoman Turkish. “So they always had the sea, the very essence of caprice,” Jason Goodwin wrote of the Greeks in his beautiful reconstruction of the Ottoman world, Lords of the Horizons.

The Greeks dominated the empire’s coasts. Smyrna (today Izmir), on the Anatolian seaboard, stood as a monument to the brilliance of the Greek merchants. In the 1600s, this city was to know a golden age, and the merchants did it on their own, outwitting the Ottoman bureaucrats and the sultan’s court in Constantinople. Its world was genuinely cosmopolitan; the Greeks were the city’s bankers, lawyers, merchants, and doctors. Alexandria, too, was a haven for Greek traders, and Greeks could be found peddling their wares in the remotest corners of rural Egypt. They were a resourceful breed, and the French and the British, pushing their way into the markets of the Levant, saw the Greeks as agile and brilliant competitors.

But this accommodation with Turkish power could not withstand the appeals of nationalism, and the Greeks sought a world of their own. As practical as Greeks had been under Ottoman rule, they grew increasingly romantic. They had lost touch with the classical world, which they would glorify in the course of the 19th century. There were foreign admirers, and they fed the Greek sense of specialness, of being set apart from the other nationalisms. Orthodoxy and Hellenism blew at will, and the great powers jostled over the making of this new Greece. The Greeks would at once need foreign help and suspect it—a pattern that carries over to the present. Conspiracies stalked their homeland. Greek nationalists believed that jealous nations were out to rob the Greeks of the place they had had in the past. The calling of “Greater Greece” was a rebuke to the small kingdom that had been secured from the Ottoman wreckage.

There would be no normalcy in the Greek political world—the dreams always deadly, far bigger than the Greeks could attain. The national church was no help. It stoked the fires of these grandiose ideas. Populism and communism closed the circle of this unhappy history. The Latin West was always needed and hated at the same time. The roots of this schism ran deep, all the way back to the conflict between the heirs of Byzantium and those of Rome.

In A Concise History of Greece, historian Richard Clogg writes of a foreign-office minister who, in 1980, opined that Greece’s entry into the European Community would be seen as “a fitting repayment by the Europe of today of the cultural and political debt that we all owe to a Greek heritage almost three thousand years old.” The Greeks took in and lived off this sense of entitlement and specialness. The debt crisis that overwhelmed the country by 2010 was born of that sense of abdication. The socialist tradition ran deep here, and membership in the European Union and the euro zone was bound to make Greece a European burden. Not for the Greeks was the discipline of the marketplace. If German savings were to sustain Greece’s indulgences, so be it. In the European Councils, the Greeks made the most of the truculence of their politics—the refusal of the country’s citizens to pay their way, to provide taxes needed to maintain a modern state, and to accept structural adjustments for an economy living beyond its means.

Reckoning came in 2010. Greece’s bills came due, and the coffers were empty. Prime Minister George Papandreou struck an accord with the International Monetary Fund and the European Union to secure a bailout in return for budget cuts of €32 billion. But the bloated public sector wanted nothing to do with the needed cutbacks. A 48-hour strike was staged May 4-5, ending in tragedy. Three bank employees were killed, as their bank was set on fire. Papandreou was in a fight for his political life, caught between the demands of foreign creditors and the ways of his population. (It was telling that this prime minister was the grandson and the son of former prime ministers, a dynasticism that Arab officeholders would envy.) The custodians of power in Greece were in no man’s land.

The markets found little comfort in the austerity measures that the Greeks had proposed. By mid-June, Greece got the lowest credit rating in the world, when S&P downgraded it by three notches, to CCC from B. Papandreou struggled mightily: he secured the passage in Parliament of an unpopular property tax, and he proposed cutting high pensions by 20 percent. But he could never put through these changes, and he was sandbagged by his finance minister, Evangelos Venizelos, a political operative with a substantial base of support of his own.

Papandreou bowed out on Nov. 9, 2011. It was time now to turn to technocracy, which perhaps would succeed where politics had failed. Lucas Papademos, a former vice president of the European Central Bank from 2002 to 2010, stepped into the breach.

A detailed, unsentimental report released on Nov. 18 by the European Commission, called “Task Force for Greece,” laid out the defects of Greece’s economy. Even in antiseptic bureaucratese, alarm bells can be heard. “The scale of the reform task is daunting,” the report states. The country was in desperate need of “unprecedented fiscal and economic adjustment. The contraction is deeper and more painful than expected. Unemployment, and particularly youth unemployment, is rising steadily. Small companies are facing severe liquidity constraints.” The commission uncovered no hidden secrets about the habits of the Greeks. Tax evasion was rampant (there was €60 billion in uncollected taxes), the channeling of savings into Swiss banks was a national tradition, and bureaucracy was doing its lethal damage: it takes 230 days to award a public contract in Greece—more than twice the average of the EU. Europe was paying for the pride of Greece, for the debt owed the classical age.

“Greece is not part of Western civilization, but it was the home of classical civilization which was an important source of Western civilization,” the late Samuel P. Huntington wrote in The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. Greece was an “anomaly,” Huntington observed, the “Orthodox outsider in western organizations.” In their self-image, the Greeks stand sentry at the edge of the Western world—where Islam begins. But the borders between civilizations that Huntington drew with such a sharp pencil put Greece in the Orthodox world, a kin of Russia and the Balkan states.

Huntington swam against the currents of the 1990s, the giddy insistence that globalization had erased cultural differences. Greece would bear out Huntington’s thesis of its separateness from the Western world.

A fierce anti-Americanism would poison its political and cultural life. In the Greek demonology, America was Satan, its capitalism a dreaded menace. The pretexts of this anti-Americanism were endless. America had sinned against the universe by coming to the rescue of the Bosnians and Kosovars. American power was a threat to the “True Faith,” an accomplice of Turkey and Islam.

There was no coherence here, and no need for it, for in 2003 the Greeks feigned offense at America’s war in Iraq. In a worldwide Pew survey taken that year, the United States was considered a greater threat to peace than Iran and North Korea. Another survey, from 2005, taken by TNS Opinion & Social, a research consortium that studied European attitudes, showed that the anti-Americanism of Greece was relentless: 85 percent had a negative view of America’s role in securing peace in the world; 76 percent had a negative judgment on America’s contribution to the fight against world poverty.

Greek political culture has yet to be modernized and stripped of its ruinous passions. In that 2005 study cited above, seven out of 10 Greeks believed that the cultural differences between Turkey and the EU were too deep to allow Turkey’s accession. The Greeks, so sure of Turkey’s separateness, did not look in the mirror. The anti-modernist, anti-capitalist consensus that has wreaked havoc in Greece is a mighty barrier all its own.

From the day Lord Byron and the philhellenes flattered the pride of Greece to the present, the country has lived with the sense that it is exempt from the demands of political and economic discipline. It won’t matter how much relief is thrown at it, for that sense of entitlement will overwhelm all good intentions. The technocrats now go where the politicians had failed, but the anger displayed in the face of the harsh economic realities provides no solace that Greece is done with deadly dreams—and expectations. While the countries of Europe are troubled, each in its own way, the Greek predicament is deeper and more acute than the rest. And a final sobering note must trouble the Greeks: the Turks, who had once been soldiers and bureaucrats who disdained trade and commerce and left such matters to the Greeks, the Armenians, and the Jews, are now in the throes of an economic renaissance. Modern Turkey had destroyed or banished its trading minorities. Izmir had lost out to bleak Ankara, in the interior. The Turks fell back on economic protectionism—import substitution, a command economy that subordinated economic matters to the primacy of politics. They reaped the harvest of that strategy: their people grew impoverished, they flooded the labor markets of Germany to make their way in the world. Then an economic revolution remade Turkey; the markets were opened up; privatization worked its magic. Prosperity came to the dusty Anatolian hills. So culture does matter, but it can be altered and reformed. Decline is a choice, not a fated destiny.

[George S.]

Greek Media Claim They Have Upper Hand in ICJ Ruling



By Gorazd Velkovski

Thursday, 08 December 2011

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/19788/2/

Much to my surprise, it took three days for Greek media to 'turn it around' and declare a win after they lost the ICJ ruling! Normally Athens needs few hours to take a loss, twist it around and make it a ‘win’.

And what a win it was. Out of the five strong attorney team on the Greek side, only one stumbled into the Courtroom to hear the verdict. The rest didn't bother, already knowing the outcome.

Greek dailies Eleftherotypia and Ta Nea were strong proponents and base this "win" on the fact that the Court did not specifically stated that Greece cannot veto Macedonia’s entrance into international organizations in the future. The Court also did not state Greece is forbidden to apply for more Bailout money, it even did not state each household must open an account with Goldman Sachs.
The reason for this is simple: that's not what the lawsuit was about.

You rarely see someone celebrate something that wasn't stated, but if someone will, it would be Greece's Government controlled media!

In reality, the ICJ did not instruct Greece not to veto Macedonia again because it stated the interim accord (Agreement) itself has forbidden Greece to veto Macedonia!

The ICJ didn’t say ‘you broke the Accord and you are welcome to veto again’ which is outside the realm of logic. They ICJ stated ‘Greece broke the Accord and the Accord explicitly states you cannot veto’ so there is no need for the ICJ to emphasize the obvious “don’t break Agreements you sign at the UN”.

Someone with common sense in its possession will understand this.

Understandably, Greece is nursing their pride after being embarrassed by a 15-1 vote. This also raises questions among European nations particularly (Sweden, Germany, Finland) who have asked Greece to sign additional documents in order to get bailout money. However, the ICJ just showed these countries, Greece is not someone you can trust, even when they do sign official Agreements. This would explain why Finland is hand picking Greek islands in order to lend money.

Perhaps it is a good thing to think like the Greek media.
I just wished the Macedonian Football Federation used Greek logic for once and tells us: Macedonia lost 2-0, however this is less than the previous loss of 5-1, therefore it is a WIN for us. But, they can't tell us such thing, they know we are smarter than that.

[George S.]

Romania worse off upon entering the EU

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/19720/46/

Upon entering the European Union, Romania has gotten poorer, stated former Romanian Minister of Economy Varujan Vosganian in an interview for daily "Business 24".

- Ever since we entered the EU, we found out that we can not compete with other member states. We also found out that it is a lot worse being poor inside the EU, than outside.

According to Vosganian, Romania with other member states is sitting at a table full of food, however it isn't allowed to reach for any of it.
- I do not see a quick end to the financial crisis in EU and Romania, stated Vosganian in his interview adding he expects less and less foreign investments in Romania.
The PM of Romania Emil Bok has said his nation was experiencing the most difficult period in the last 60 years.

As part of Romania's austerity measures, the administration slashed their salaries by 25%, while the pensions were cut by 15%.
Over 150,000 governmental jobs were also slashed.