Risto Stefov - Articles, Translations & Collaborations

[George S.]

INVITATION

The Macedonian Literary Association "Grigor Prlichev"
Invites you to attend the Book Launch of

. “The Little Book of Big Greek Lies” by Risto Stefov

and

. “Ancient Greek and other ancient testimonies about the unique ethnic
distinctiveness of the ancient Macedonians” by Aleksandar Donski

The books will be launched by Victor Bivell, writer and publisher

Friday, 2 December, 2011
7.00 pm

Macedonian Cultural and Education Centre “Ilinden”
65 Railway Street Rockdale

********


П О К А Н А

До: __________________________________________________ _


Македонското литературно друштво „Григор Прличев“ Ве поканува
да дојдете на промоцијата на следните книги:

. „Малата книга за големите грчки лаги“ од Ристо Стефов

. „Старогрчки и други антички сведоштва за посебноста на
античките Македонци“ од Александар Донски

Промотор: Виктор Бивел, издавач и писател

Место: Македонскиот културно просветен центар „Илинден“,
65 Railway Street Rockdale
Датум: Петок, 2 декември
Време: 19.00 часот

Од Управата на МЛД „Григор Прличев“

[The LION will ROAR]

INVITATION

The Macedonian Literary Association "Grigor Prlichev"
Invites you to attend the Book Launch of

. “The Little Book of Big Greek Lies” by Risto Stefov

and

. “Ancient Greek and other ancient testimonies about the unique ethnic
distinctiveness of the ancient Macedonians” by Aleksandar Donski

The books will be launched by Victor Bivell, writer and publisher

Friday, 2 December, 2011
7.00 pm

Macedonian Cultural and Education Centre “Ilinden”
65 Railway Street Rockdale

********


П О К А Н А

До: __________________________________________________ _


Македонското литературно друштво „Григор Прличев“ Ве поканува
да дојдете на промоцијата на следните книги:

. „Малата книга за големите грчки лаги“ од Ристо Стефов

. „Старогрчки и други антички сведоштва за посебноста на
античките Македонци“ од Александар Донски

Промотор: Виктор Бивел, издавач и писател

Место: Македонскиот културно просветен центар „Илинден“,
65 Railway Street Rockdale
Датум: Петок, 2 декември
Време: 19.00 часот

Од Управата на МЛД „Григор Прличев“

George have you got anymore info on this..? a website maybe.. would like to attend to it....

[George S.]

not sure if there is a website that's all the info they sent me.

[George S.]

The Great Lie – Chapter 6



By Petre Nakovski

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

[email protected]

November 27, 2011



“We had success on the battlefield,” continued Zahariadis, after taking a large piece of Prespa, baked carp from the pan, “especially during the battle for Malimadi and the capture of towns in central Greece, confirming that creating a regular army is the right approach. But in spite of all our success, there are forces in our Party and in the Central Committee that still oppose the idea of having a regular army…”



Gusias, after lightly tapping his water glass with his knife and getting everyone’s attention, interjected: “Nikos, I am sorry for interrupting you but I think your manner and worries, which are the manner and worries of our Party, are correct and we need to implement your ideas to the end. We need a monolithic Central Committee. If we want this, then it is time to purify the Party of those who are in opposition…”



“Implement what ideas?” asked Zahariadis.



“The idea of creating a regular army... and the idea of fighting an open front...” responded Gusias.



“Yes, exactly that!” Zahariadis responded with approval, “Hence the urgency for convening a Central Committee Plenum. I thought about it and in general terms I will put together a number of theses. The first thesis will be about dangers in the ranks of the Communist Party of Greece and our greatest enemy being opportunism. Let’s take Markos’s thinking into consideration for example. Among other things Markos wrote in a letter that if we continue with the idea of forming a regular army we will be forced to defend ourselves by sticking to specific enemy positions, which will make us give up our energetic Partisan-style warfare…”



“But, comrades, our policies so far, and our military experience above all, as I stated earlier, prove the opposite. Unfortunately, Markos is unable to grasp the new role of the Democratic Army of Greece and in his way of thinking, I am telling you, he is working against our Party’s position and will lead us to lose our armed struggle…” Zahariadis concluded and, looking into everyone’s eyes, paused.



There was silence. Zahariadis raised his hand and while pointing into the air with his index finger, asked: “What does that mean?”



Zahariadis then stood up and slowly, with measured steps, walked around the table. There was silence. This was a method Zahariadis often used to motivate his audience to pay careful attention.



“Comrades, that means he is unwilling to recognize that we have acquired Gramos. Of course it is understandable that the battles fought were severe and that they unfortunately broke Markos’s spirit.



I visited him in Tirana. And what did I see? A skeleton… Only a skeleton remained of him. He was totally broken both physically and psychologically. He is sick. And I must openly say that with his letter he wants to prove to us that, from a political stand point, the dramatic events connected with the battles of Gramos are not a result of the superiority of the enemy and of great difficulties, but are due to some kind of deep-rooted political crisis.



This kind of thinking on Markos’s part, comrades, calls for the Political Bureau to investigate his style of fighting and to uncover the root of his problem. I must admit that Markos has always been burdened with a sick feeling that the Party belittled and persecuted him. I also believe it was a great and fundamental error on the part of our Party to have appointed him Commander and Chief of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAG).



At this point it is necessary to clarify the legacy of ELAS (National Liberation Army of Greece), the same bad legacy with which Markos is burdened. Despite the many mistakes he made, which are now coming out, Markos was allowed to continue to carry on with his wrong, Partisan-style tactics. He should have been condemned for that a long time ago but instead he was allowed to carry on, thus completely ruining the Party line.



Markos did a great deal of damage to our movement… We need to speak about this openly because this is the only way we can clean our ranks of opportunists such as Partsalidis. We also need to take a strong stand against the traitors and agents such as Markos and Karagiorgis…” Zahariadis concluded.



Without eliciting comments or questions, Zahariadis looked at everyone for reaction. He wanted to see the reaction on their faces, look into their eyes and listen to their breathing. He was fully aware that while he was talking about a very important issue he was also condemning ELAS, in whose struggle he himself had participated. He was not sure if they would accept his judgment without any objections, but the tone of his voice and his choice of vocabulary, were aimed at having his judgment accepted without objection. And in order not to give them time for reflection, he continued:



“The second thesis should be this: the liberation of Greece! Irrespective of the large external assistance that the regime in Athens is receiving, the liberation of Greece should be exclusively the responsibility of DAG. But DAG will be capable of carrying out such a task only after it is organized as a strong, regular people’s revolutionary army, an essential task of the Communist Party of Greece (KPG). This is our fundamental position.



A concrete frame for this should be determined during the upcoming Plenum, which means that we need to come up with a report which must cover the following problems:

First – the Monarcho-Fascist situation in Greece, second – the People’s Democratic camp and DAG, third – today’s situation and our tasks, and after that fourth and final, our current political commitments. All this put together under the title ‘Greece on its way to victory and the decisive battle’.



I believe we all understand what needs to be said, correct? However, about the part that refers to our political commitments, I have an idea but it still needs more work, I will be able to put it on paper in a few days. I will take responsibility for writing the entire report which should take me about ten days. Your responsibility will be to carefully read the report and add your comments and my amendments if any, so that the report will be embraced by all members of the Political Bureau, in other words by all five of us.



I will take responsibility for writing this report but for future meetings we will divide that task between us. And let us not forget. We need to be united in the upcoming plenum especially when different and conflicting opinions arise from the Central Committee membership. If we five members of the Political Bureau are united then we will have a monolithic Central Committee. Also, consider the best way to clean the opportunists from our ranks, which understandably will have to be done by naming names.” concluded Zahariadis.



The dinner that began around eight o’clock in the evening ended at the crack of dawn.

[George S.]

Modern Greece, Founded on a Myth: George Zarkadakis

November 10, 2011

http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opini...-a-myth/477413

Greece is the cradle of democracy, but, as the world has seen recently, a financial crisis is no time to put important questions to the people. Prime Minister George Papandreou’s proposed referendum on the country’s loan deal with the European Union, called off quickly after intense international opposition, illustrated that perfectly.

Plato and Aristotle would have approved of dropping the referendum. They did not like democracy of the direct kind. Neither trusted the people that much.

When the Greek crisis began two years ago, the cover of a popular German magazine showed an image of Aphrodite of Milo gesturing crudely with the headline: “The fraudster in the euro family.” In the article, modern Greeks were described as indolent sloths, cheats and liars, masters of corruption, unworthy descendents of their glorious Hellenic past. The irony was that modern Greece has little in common with Pericles or Plato. If anything, it is a failed German project.

In 1832, Greece had just won its independence from the Ottoman Empire. The “big powers” of the time, Britain, France and Russia, appointed a Bavarian prince, Otto, as Greece’s first king. Otto arrived with German architects, engineers, doctors and soldiers and set out to reconfigure the country to the romantic ideal of the times.

The 19th century had seen a resurgence of Europeans’ interest in ancient Greece. Goethe, Shelley, Byron, Delacroix and other artists, poets and musicians sought inspiration in classical beauty. They longed for a lost purity in thought, aesthetics and warm-blooded passion. Revisiting the sensual Greece of Orpheus and Sappho was ballast to the detached coolness of science or the dehumanizing onslaught of the Industrial Revolution.

Otto ensured that modern Greece lived up to that romantic image. Athens, then a small hamlet, was inaugurated as the capital. The architects from Munich designed and built a royal palace, an academy, a library and beautiful neoclassical edifices. Modern Greece was thus invented as a backdrop to contemporary European art and imagination, a historical precursor of many Disneylands to come.

Otto was eventually expelled by a coup. But the foundations of historical misunderstanding had been laid, to haunt Greece and its relations with itself and other European nations forever.

No matter what Otto may have imagined, the truth was that my forefathers, the brave people who started fighting for their freedom against the Turks in 1821, had not been in suspended animation for 2,000 years. Although their bonds with the land, the ruined temples and the myths were strong, they were not walking around in white cloaks with laurel wreaths. They were Christian orthodox, conservative and fiercely antagonistic toward their governing institutions. In other words, they were an embarrassment to all those folks in Berlin, Paris and London who expected resurrected philosophers sacrificing to Zeus.

The profound gap between the ancient and the modern had to be bridged, to satisfy Europe’s romantic expectations of Greece. So a historical narrative was put together claiming uninterrupted continuity with the ancient past, which became the central dogma of Greek national policy and identity.

Growing up in Greece in the 1970s, I had to learn not one but three Greek languages. First was the demotic parlance of everyday life. But at school, we were taught something different: katharevousa (“cleansed”), a language designed by 19th-century intellectuals to purify demotic from the cornucopia of borrowed Turkish, Slavic and Latin words. Finally, we had to study ancient Greek, the language of our classical ancestors, the heroes of Marathon and Thermopylae. Most of us managed to learn none of the three.

Greek society suffers from an equal number of divisions. First is the political class that for almost two centuries now has shown subservience to foreign masters. The geopolitical position of Greece, controlling shipping routes from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean, helps procure loans and diplomatic sympathies. No wonder that modern Greece never became truly independent. It has always been much too easy to be dependent on foreign power and capital. Becoming a member of the European Union and of the euro zone, only to amass a titanic debt, has been the latest chapter in this modern odyssey.

Second, the intellectuals dream of a truly westernized Greece through some miracle of economic and social science. When the loan referendum was announced, most of them opposed it. Greece had to show that it belonged to the European family of nations, whatever that may mean. Rebellion was not to be tolerated, lest the country was kicked out of the euro, the symbol of Greek westernization. Ultimately the intellectuals and politicians, with persuasion from angry European leaders and technocrats, had the referendum quashed. Besides, the invention of fantastical modern Greece demanded that its people, the third division of society, also remained imaginary.

Naturally, they are real as anything. They despise the loss of their sovereignty as well as the bitter medicine prescribed by their European brethren for their “rescue.” Austerity enforced by unelected officials from the European Commission, the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank is perceived as not remedy but punishment, a distasteful concept to the orthodox Greeks whose core value is mercy.

Burdened with the improbable weight of forefathers who supposedly laid the foundations of Western civilization, driven by strong cultural undercurrents that undermine the state’s authority, they long for the realization of a dream promised by their political class: that Greece can somehow be something different than the rest of the world, a utopia where mortals can live like Olympians.

The Greek financial crisis is a crisis of identity as much as anything else. Unless the people redefine themselves, this could become the perfect catastrophe: a country designed as a romantic theme park two centuries ago, propped up with loans ever since and unable to adjust to the crude realities of 21st-century globalization.

The Washington Post

George Zarkadakis is the author of the novel “The Island Survival Guide” and the play “The Imitation Game.”



Posted by BRSJAK

[George S.]

GREEK “DEMOCRACY” BROUGHT TO LIGHT

By Slave Nikolovski-Katin



Motive: Why the Greeks refuse entrance to our well-known and acknowledged citizens

One of the greatest Christian commandments states: “Love your neighbour as you love yourself.” However, this commandment did not apply to the time of Philip and Alexander of Macedon. Unfortunately, ever since then, antagonism between the Macedonians and Greeks has been at a very high level. Thus, both, hate and love, faith and battle, submission and cooperation, and evil thoughts towards one’s neighbour and all he possesses, continued to grow among both Christian peoples - the Greek and the Macedonians. Part of this truth is still present even now, and many varieties of the neighbour’s life sometimes influence the future of co-existence, while other times they throw a dark light upon these paths and turn them into labyrinths.



Let us start at the beginning. It is a fact that at the moment Aegean Macedonia encompasses a large part of southern Macedonia and that within it, the national composition of the population has undergone huge ethnic changes, especially after the Balkan wars and the partitioning of Macedonia. Macedonians under Greek rule were, and still are subjected to assimilatory tortures and forced emigration, with the sole aim of changing the ethnic composition of Macedonia. This is done for the reason that the Macedonian people, according to its characteristics and customs, linguistically and ethnically, differs from the Greek.



For this reason, from the very first moment when the Greek bourgeoisie spread its power over Aegean Macedonia, it established a policy of physical extermination of the Macedonian people and changing the ethnologic composition to its own advantage. Thus, with the intention of erasing every possible trace that reminds of the Macedonian character of Aegean Macedonia, the Greek bourgeoisie adopted a law in November of 1926 to give Greek names to the villages and cities, mountains, fields, toponyms, rivers, and so on. Later, during the time of the Civil War in Greece, during the period 1946-1949, they continued with the exodus of many Macedonians and members of the Greek communist party. As early as then, Macedonians were considered as potentially disloyal toward the Greek state. Therefore, on 1 October, 1947 a decree was adopted for taking away the right to citizenship, which was followed by steps for their expelling from Greece.



It is also a fact that during the Civil War in Greece, approximately 30,000 children aged between 2 and 14 years, the majority of whom were Macedonians, were driven out to Yugoslavia and other Eastern European countries. At the time, more than 50,000 Macedonians were forced to emigrate due to the difficult and harsh reprisals to which members of the Macedonian population were subjected. More than 17,000 died. It is also a fact that on 23 August, 1953 a decree was adopted to colonize the border regions with “new colonists who had a healthy Greek national conscience.” Therefore, Greeks settled in places from which Macedonians had emigrated. The same decree meant that numerous Macedonians, refugees from Greece, were deprived of Greek citizenship and their properties were confiscated.



In 1959 the Greek government adopted a law which predicted compulsory statements of loyalty. Hence, the Greek authorities demanded that the population in the villages surrounding Lerin (now Florina) and Kostur (now Kastoria) confirm publicly that they do not speak the Macedonian language. Such measures were also taken towards emigrants from Aegean Macedonia in Australia and Canada. In addition to this, in 1967 there was an interesting order that forbid the use of the Macedonian language, which was an act of taking away their citizenship, as well as other measures for assimilation of the Macedonians.



It is also a fact that assimilation of the Macedonians by the Greek authorities continues to take place even now, through the system of education, the inability to find employment in any state institution for those who declare themselves Macedonians, and through an entire new series of laws and regulations which are discriminatory as regards the Macedonian ethnicity. For instance, we will emphasize the decision of 1982 as regards the repatriation of Greek citizens and political refugees, which allowed only “Greeks by birth” to return to Greece, i.e. those who will give up their Macedonian identity and adopt Greek names. The law of 1985 also contains a discriminatory clause which prevents Macedonians in the Republic of Greece from attaining the right to ownership of property. To top it all, in 1986 the Greek government dropped the “St. Cyril and Methodius” university in Skopje off the list of foreign academic institutions whose diplomas are acknowledged in Greece with the explanation that lectures at this university were in a language that was not “internationally recognized.”



This shows that the official negation of the existence of the Macedonian national minority remained constantly in Greek policy, regardless of the government that was in power.



In more recent times, Greek policy is once again turned against members of the Macedonian national minority. Some of the recidivism of Greek “democracy” continues to be evident. This was confirmed by the odyssey in registering the Macedonian cultural society in Lerin i.e. the non-profit association “Home of Macedonian Civilization” centered in Lerin, whose goal was to promote ideas on the presence of a Macedonian ethnicity in Greece, which was in contradiction to Greek laws and national interests. The Greeks believe that the association disturbs the territorial integrity of the country and that there are no grounds in its objectives for a “cultural, intellectual, and artistic development of its members and the population of Lerin, nor for development and progress of the national culture.”



Furthermore, it is also a fact that the Republic of Greece refused to recognize the Republic of Macedonia under its constitutional name with the explanation that the use of the name shows territorial aspirations toward parts of Greek Macedonia. Pressuring the Republic of Macedonia, Greece imposed an unofficial severe trading blockade in the autumn of 1992 by closing its border to Macedonia in February 1994 with the aim of inflicting economic damage, degrading the infrastructure, and bringing its northern neighbour, the Republic of Macedonia “on its knees.”



This Greek policy toward the Republic of Macedonia with diverse diplomatic activities slowed down the process of its international recognition, and contributed toward the precedent of its being accepted in the United Nations under a temporary name. And Greece is strong because it is a member of the European Union. However, it forgets that it is not nationally homogeneous, but is in fact a multi-national country bearing all of the potential political consequences; it needs to accept European regulations regarding the treatment of minorities and protection of their human and cultural rights; it is a country from which the word “democracy” originates; it is a country with wide commercial, cultural, and other potentials; alongside with Macedonia it is the land of the past, with the hope that it will also be the land of the future; and finally, it is a neighbour of the Republic of Macedonia, who should be the right hand to a better tomorrow.



We must emphasize here that the Macedonian and Greek people, regardless of their policy, have always collaborated in good times and in bad. This has been confirmed in recent decades with the increasing collaboration between the two countries and their people in cultural and other fields. In this respect, numerous translations from Macedonian to Greek and vice-versa have been published, and there has been great collaboration between folk entertainment groups, theatrical and other associations. A large number of Greek intellectuals condemn the political injustice inflicted upon well-known and recognized Macedonian citizens who descend from Aegean Macedonia. We must also emphasize the significance of the Greek Helsinki Committee and other associations protecting human and other rights of every citizen in the Republic of Greece.



Greece’s signing of the Council of Europe Convention for Protection of National Minorities of September 1997, showed good signs of gradual positive changes in the attitude toward the minorities in Greece. This convention will probably lead to the disappearance of the reasons for Greek denial of the name of the Republic of Macedonia and the rights of the Macedonian minority in Greece.



It is yet another fact that in most recent times Greece by far leads before all other foreign investors who have invested their capital in Macedonia. Thus, the participation of Greek companies in more than fifty investment projects amounting over 230 million dollars represents, on the one hand, a powerful potential and recovery, and on the other hand it means economic dependence of Macedonian economy on Greek investors. Good economic relations between the Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of Greece continue providing expectations that collaboration and investment policy of both countries will continue in future, with the belief that this time the past will not repeat itself, nor the sentence of the scholar Virgil: “Trust not the horse, O Trojans. Be it what it may, I fear the Grecians even when they offer gifts.”

[George S.]

1st Bn., 66th Armor Regt. gets hand from Macedonians



Story by Spc. Cal Turner

http://www.dvidshub.net/news/6405/1st-bn-66th-armor-regt-gets-hand-macedonians#.TtJfN7JIAxw

CAMP TAJI, Iraq "The nation of Macedonia continues to support Multi-National Division" Baghdad with combat forces to fight the insurgency and bring stability to Iraq.

The Macedonian Ranger Platoon, attached to 1st Battalion, 66th Armor Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division, is conducting operations in the Taji area.

The rangers teamed-up with soldiers from the Special Troops Company, 1st Brigade, 9th Iraqi Army Division, and 1st Bn., 66th AR Soldiers, to search the Gumeria area May 4 after previously discovering rockets and launching platforms capable of firing 122mm rockets aimed at Baghdad.

"This mission was a follow-up to locate possible weapons caches and personnel involved with rocket attacks to see if they could find any more evidence to link anyone in the area with the recent attacks," said Maj. Donnie Yates, operations officer, Headquarters and Headquarters Company, 1st Bn., 66th AR.

Beginning with an early morning rendezvous, Iraqi soldiers reviewed the mission with the rangers before the entire group moved into a neighborhood to conduct searches of homes and two school buildings. Searches were conducted with translators, who worked with Multi-National Division Baghdad Soldiers and the rangers, to gain information and intelligence from community residents while the Iraqi army secured the street and searched vehicles.

"They (the Macedonians) are extremely good at reconnaissance operations and developing targets," said Yates. "We've had good results in the past in locating persons we've been looking for and locating caches. The Macedonians did a good job locating the rockets and launchers. Their biggest strength is their ability to gather and develop intelligence."

The rangers stay busy going into their last month of their six-month rotation. The mission was their 251st in 150 days. They said they know the work they do is important for the Iraqi people.

"The Iraqis are good at what they do, and they wish to do more," said Maj. Micov Zvonko, commanding officer, MRP. "They need more practice working along side the United States, but they are doing well."

The Macedonians are one of several nations with personnel on the ground conducting operations with Coalition and Iraqi Security Forces during Operation Iraqi Freedom.

"Every day we do checkpoints and patrols and work with Iraqis on searches," said Capt. Dragan Maksimovski, executive officer, MRP. "The Iraqis are doing well, but I think it will take a long time to make it safe for everyone."

Once the MRP finishes its tour, the rangers will be replaced by another unit from Macedonia. For most of the soldiers, this is their first time in Iraq. They said they look forward to going home and seem proud of the work they continue to do in Iraq.

"We get the chance to talk to our families about once a week or so," said Capt. Jordan Popovski, commander, 1st combat team, MRP. "We get a lot of support from back home. They care about us, and that's important for us while we are here representing our army and our country."

[George S.]

Julie we have hadquite a number of mto members one is ct remember who said macedonia will be better off.Also there are mto members who still advocate the acceptance of the ventilator.So you have missed alot of what was discussed on a number of threads i 'm still waiting for someone to show how it will be better for macedonia to change their name & join with the eu.
Also i make no apology for asking the question as it will flush out those members who favour a name change to join the eu.I don't favour any kind of name change.
Just remember what happened when the ventilator was discussed people had differences of opinion.Just because you agree with no change of name doesn't mean others don't want a name change.

[julie]

Julie we have hadquite a number of mto members one is ct remember who said macedonia will be better off.Also there are mto members who still advocate the acceptance of the ventilator.So you have missed alot of what was discussed on a number of threads i 'm still waiting for someone to show how it will be better for macedonia to change their name & join with the eu.
Also i make no apology for asking the question as it will flush out those members who favour a name change to join the eu.I don't favour any kind of name change.
Just remember what happened when the ventilator was discussed people had differences of opinion.Just because you agree with no change of name doesn't mean others don't want a name change.

George, you have me really confused
What on earth are you talking about or referring to???

My posts have been extremely infrequent last few months due to personal issues, and you have me stumped!!

SHOW ME WHERE I have EVER advocated a name change for Macedonia OR accepted the ventilator!!!!!!!

[Bill77]

George, i don't think you will find anyone here (apart from ct who might be long gone) who will say Macedonia will be better off.

So all you will hear is crickets on this subject.

[makedonche]

George S
Dalli imash pieno rakija voiden?

[George S.]

What i'm saying is that there are people that say grujo is allright.I din't say you were for the ventilator.People won'r admit it unless it's bought out you'd be surprised what views people harbour.I don't doubt that there are people around that support grujo in what he is doing to enter the eu.What is wrong witha sking the question people never would have beleived asking about the ventilator.So that's what you are missing out on to ask the hard questions.You look at yourself & you say nah it's not me no one said anyhthing about you i'm saying it about the others.They should own up if they support grujo.I'm asking the same question essentially if people support grujo or not you guys are just shooting the messenger in the foot.And no ihavent had a drink.That is an invitation for those who support to reply to the question.Maybe well hear loud cicadas.So the question is not for you but for the grujo supporters.
To those people that don't support grujo for the eu quest this question is not for you.You desrve much harder questions than that.

[makedonche]

ok George!

[George S.]

thanks makedonche.

[George S.]

in regards to plonk i don't drink when i'm on the mto.So most comments are not under the influence.I only have a glass of water or a glass of milk & no boze.