Todor Aleksandrov

[Soldier of Macedon]

SoM, it's been years since I've looked into this period of Macedonian history and what I did know is starting to fade. In your final analysis, what do you think of Aleksandrov? Should he be in a Macedonian 'Hall of Fame' as a patriot or his he too controversial and conflicted? Does he deserve this song:

Nesto Ke Te Pitam Babo (youtube.com)

Todor Aleksandrov was genuine about his commitment to the armed struggle and in the later period of his life, he was willing, even if for the briefest of moments, to work across ideological lines for the sake of unity within the liberation movement. Notwithstanding all that, most of his years as a revolutionary were spent on the wrong side of the divide and some of his activities caused irreparable damage to the Macedonian cause. Thus, at times, he behaved like a patriot, at others, not so much. Whilst he should not be deemed a traitor as a final characterisation, he can never be compared to titans like Goce Delčev and Jane Sandanski, despite the many efforts to romanticise his time as leader of VMRO (1919-1924). I will post a more detailed biography of Aleksandrov shortly so readers can come to their own conclusion.

As for the song, there are multiple versions of it, not all of them about Aleksandrov. One is in reference to Sandanski and appears to fit the theme more appropriately. To elaborate, both versions are set during the Ottoman period whilst Delčev was still alive. The main protagonist retreats to the Pirin region, where, at that time, Sandanski featured as the most prominent leader. Moreover, when Delčev met his demise, Aleksandrov was only 22 and hardly the leading figure of later years. In fact, it was only after the death of Sandanski that the reputation of Aleksandrov in the Pirin region began to rise in a more noticeable way. Perhaps the song was initially created for Aleksandrov, despite the oddities. Or maybe it already existed in local folklore and was adapted on behalf of Aleksandrov after he became more popular.

[Vangelovski]

SoM, it's been years since I've looked into this period of Macedonian history and what I did know is starting to fade. In your final analysis, what do you think of Aleksandrov? Should he be in a Macedonian 'Hall of Fame' as a patriot or his he too controversial and conflicted? Does he deserve this song:

Nesto Ke Te Pitam Babo (youtube.com)

[Soldier of Macedon]

Below are some excerpts from a letter that Aleksandrov wrote to Vladimir Karamfilov on 6th July 1919, in which he not only goes on a diatribe against some of Delčev’s friends and fellow ideologues but reveals his desire for Macedonia to be united with Bulgaria. As mentioned earlier, he did change his tune somewhat later in life, but during this period, he was hardly a laudable figure when viewed through the prism of Macedonian individualism.

I regret very much that even intelligent people like you, who already know the situation inside, are not well informed about the "differences" between the mobsters Hadži Dimov, Gerdžikov and the famous Gjorče, on the one hand, and the Executive Committee of the Macedonian Brotherhoods - on the other.......VMRO never put an "independent (autonomous)" Macedonia in its constitution, as you write. In its constitution, the goal was set as the autonomy of Macedonia, and that as a stage. This is how that goal was understood not only by the founders of the organisation but also by almost all their comrades and deputies, by the entire Macedonian intelligentsia and the entire organised Macedonian population……….We all perceive autonomy or, more precisely, the creation of an independent Macedonia, as a lesser evil compared to the impossibility of uniting now. Only the limited Bolshevik Hadži Dimov, the anarchist-idler Gerdžikov, the trickster Gjorče and the Sandanski affiliates who are traitors to the Bulgarian people, both in the past and now, speak and agitate that autonomy should be demanded for Macedonia, because it is a separate economic and geographic unit, with a separate "Macedonian people", with its own centuries-old history, and that they should not pay their debts to Bulgaria, and some of them even make the threat that "if, by some miracle, all of Macedonia is given to Bulgaria, we will fight with weapons in hand, so as not to allow that unification." [1]

The spite (and jealousy?) towards those who were close to Delčev is palpable, not to mention his disparaging attitude towards Macedonian self-determination. Perhaps his empathy for the fate of Sarafov and Garvanov and/or his interaction with personalities like Matov and Protogerov played a role in developing or reinforcing some of his skewed perspectives. His association with high-ranking figures from the Bulgarian government and military establishment most certainly did. Irrespective, the audacity to essentially claim that most Macedonians were in favour of their fatherland uniting with Bulgaria as opposed to realising their dream of a free Macedonia is particularly amusing and easily exposed as a fallacious argument.

It is a fact that the issue of Macedonia's autonomy was not broadly elaborated on in the foundational acts of the Organisation. This, along with one sentence from the memoirs of Hristo Tatarčev, is usually interpreted in Bulgarian historiography as a stage towards the accession of Macedonia to Bulgaria. However, if a different approach to the matter is taken, a sustainable argument cannot be made in support of the abovementioned thesis. On the contrary, it can be said that behind the autonomous principle hid the idea of an independent Macedonian state which was meant to follow as the next stage, for which there are several indirect testimonies.

Goce Delčev wrote about Macedonia as a "free state" to Efrem Karanov as early as 1895. Petar Pop Arsov wrote about a "future Macedonian state" in 1897. In an article from 1902 in the newspaper "Pravo," which was considered an unofficial organ of the Organisation, it is written: "The internal revolutionary organisation will let everyone understand that it works for the unity and independence of Macedonia, as a free state on the Balkan Peninsula. That organisation has given and will continue to give evidence that it is not an agent of any of the Balkan states, but an agent only of Macedonian freedom and independence. With such evidence, it will gradually remove the tribal differences in Macedonia and organise the future Macedonian people, diverse yet capable of self-governing peacefully and quietly." The same year, in his booklet entitled "Bulgarian Propaganda in Macedonia," Petar Bošnjakov wrote that the goal of the Organisation was not to create a "Greater Bulgaria," but to "declare an independent Macedonian state in the Balkans." In his debate with the supremacists during the uprising of 1903, Jane Sandanski emphasised, among other things: "We don't want to replace Turkish tyranny and Turkish sultans with others like that, not even with Bulgarian tyranny and the Bulgarian prince. We want Macedonia to be autonomous, independent, free, Macedonia for the Macedonians…..."

The organisation itself expressed its understanding of autonomy quite briefly in its official newspaper "Revolucioneren list" in 1905: "Autonomous Macedonia is understood by the organisation as an independent state." In the same year, Dame Gruev pointed out that the Organisation acts completely independently whilst raising the slogan "Macedonia for the Macedonians" and that "it does not want the fate of Macedonia to be subordinated to the Principality (Bulgaria)," and that the main goal is the autonomy of Macedonia, not accession to Bulgaria. Twenty years later, Nikola Zografov wrote that the leaders of the Organisation were of the "firm conviction that only an autonomous free state of Macedonia will give satisfaction to its population, free it from the Turkish state and place it in the most favourable conditions for development with neighbouring countries: Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria." In this context, Todor Pop Antov wrote in his memoirs that the "goal of the Revolutionary Organisation was the secession of Macedonia within its geographical borders and its elevation to an autonomous state.” Considering those statements, it is not difficult to understand why the Organisation, even in its infancy, from a pro-exarchate environment, was marked as "separatist", and its protagonists as "separatists".[2]

Even Tatarčev, whose one sentence laid the foundations for the entire Bulgarian narrative regarding the “meaning” of Macedonian autonomy, wrote on 16th December 1930:

Macedonia was and remains a cult of the Macedonian people, of its religion, genus, language, of the relics of its ancestors. The individuality of the Macedonian people, which is the result of eminent forces that have been at work for centuries, has been preserved till this day, and will be preserved into the future, because in it dwells that invisible and unconquerable spirit that guides its destiny. This spirit, together with the spirit of the countless heroes that have fallen for the freedom of Macedonia, hovering as it does over our beautiful land, sustains in the Macedonian the sacred fire for freedom and the wholehearted love for the homeland, so that he may serve it self-sacrificingly, grouped around its already historical revolutionary organisation, by the providence predestined with the mission to achieve the freedom and independence of Macedonia. By this, not only will justice be delivered for the worthy Macedonian people, but it will also bring peace to the Balkans. Today, the love of the Macedonian towards his fatherland is not only a feeling, but an imperative duty that rests on his thought and his will, and it inspires his deeds. This duty towards country necessitates a steadier organisation, order, and discipline. Macedonia will be rescued from its current rulers and tyrants through the persistent struggle of the whole Macedonian people. Our strength and victory rests in the unification of the forces of all Macedonians.[3]

Whilst the inference above may be more in relation to the branch of Aleksandrov’s VMRO that was led by Mihailov (as opposed to the original Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation that was established in 1893), the implication, with respect to the desire of the Macedonian people, was clear - a free and independent state. It is interesting to note how some of these characters became more pro-Macedonian when they seemed to take heed of the sentiment of the Macedonian commoner at the expense of their own indoctrinated (and educational) upbringing that was influenced by Bulgarian propaganda. In any case, Tatarčev, like Aleksandrov, was not immune from the inclination to harbour misguided viewpoints throughout his life. This is not meant to be a hit piece against either individual or to excuse some of their actions, instead it is to highlight the fact that both men, among others, were products of their time. Had Bulgaria abstained from nefariously meddling in Macedonian affairs, there is little doubt that there would have been far fewer activists of a conflicted nature.


References:

[1] Zoran Todorovski, Todor Aleksandrov – Everything for Macedonia: Documents: 1919-1924. pp. 449-453.
[2] Vančo Ǵorǵiev, IMRO 1893-1903, a view through documents. pp. 13-14.
[3] Viktor Hristovski, The Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation and Dr. Hristo Tatarčev, Between the Myth and the Reality. p. 371.

*General English translations provided in the quoted texts above.

[Soldier of Macedon]

Aleksandrov's first decision after taking the helm of VMRO in 1919 was to give a pension of 500 leva to Gotse Delchev's father.

If one were to give Aleksandrov the benefit of doubt, his gesture towards the father of Delčev was done out of respect for his son and the impact he had on the Macedonian liberation movement. A less sympathetic view may question his motives. The gesture is somewhat ironic given that the new VMRO established by Aleksandrov in 1919 was not exactly an ideological successor of the old MRO in which Delčev featured as the most prominent figure, not least because it was infested with supremacist tendencies from the very beginning. It was also vehemently opposed to friends of Delčev, such as Dimo Hadži Dimov and Gjorče Petrov. One only needs to read other statements made by Aleksandrov during that same period to understand some of his misguided sentiments. It would be a little while before he made some progress towards correcting his perspectives, but, by then, it was too late.

[Liberator of Makedonija]

Great find VMRO.

[VMRO]

Todor alexandrov: Macedonia is the land of alexander the great of macedonia!

The Macedonian revolutionary Todor Aleksandrov in an interview dated November 2, 1923 described Macedonia as the land of Alexander the Great, of St. Cyril and Methodius and St. Clement of Ohrid. Aleksandrov was interviewed by the Vienna newspaper "Reichspost" (Reichspost) less than a year before he was killed on the orders of the Bulgarian imperial court, which, in turn, continuously aimed to infiltrate and take over VMRO and suppress the struggle for an independent Macedonian state. In the interview, Aleksadrov clearly points out the Macedonians as a special people and mentions other minorities living in Macedonia - Turks, Albanians, Greeks and others. Aleksandrov explained that the terrible conditions caused by the terror of the occupying authorities in divided Macedonia convinced him that the Macedonian people can be freed only by an independent struggle and only through a strong fighting organization.



"Even during my first stay in Macedonia, I managed to create a dense network of organizations, in whose ranks are recruited not only Macedonians but also other minorities, such as Turks, Albanians, Romanians, and even Greeks. There are no local Serbs in Macedonia at all. ... The whole nation, all Macedonians are my soldiers, while I am only the first of them in the fight. The claim of the Serbs that the Macedonian troops are trained in Bulgaria and cross the borders is just a legend. All of us who were born in the land of Alexander the Great, Cyril and Methodius and St. Kliment, we are one in flesh and blood. Our aspirations can be summed up in the following words: Freedom or death! It is true when I say that there is no power on Earth that cannot destroy our Organization without risking bleeding…”

SOURCE: Reichspost, Vienna, November 2, 1923, p. 3-4.

[VMRO]

Interview with Goce Delčev's grand-niece from 12 minutes in

She claims people like Todor Aleksandrov were traitors and recalls an incident during the 20th anniversary of the Ilinden Uprising in Sofia where a speaker praising Aleksandrov was condemned by the Delčev family. (All according to the Wikipedia article on her that cites this interview as reference).

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N8yI...GoranMarkovski

Aleksandrov's first decision after taking the helm of VMRO in 1919 was to give a pension of 500 leva to Gotse Delchev's father.

[Liberator of Makedonija]

Interview with Goce Delčev's grand-niece from 12 minutes in

She claims people like Todor Aleksandrov were traitors and recalls an incident during the 20th anniversary of the Ilinden Uprising in Sofia where a speaker praising Aleksandrov was condemned by the Delčev family. (All according to the Wikipedia article on her that cites this interview as reference).

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N8yIFFBvBeI&ab_channel=GoranMarkovski

[Liberator of Makedonija]

SoM, I have realised whilst posting these I should have recorded page numbers which I did not. Next time I go through a book like this I will but for this one all I can confirm is that the information is all taken from Zoran Todorovski's biography which includes an extensive bibliography

[Soldier of Macedon]

LoM, I can appreciate that you're taking an interest in topics such as Aleksandrov, VMRO-A and the controversies that surround them, but a number of your recent posts almost seem like notes in a scrapbook. I assume you're using Todorovski's biography or compilation of letters for information on these topics. Why don't you at least cite the source, page number and quote some of the text when you're producing information? That way it can be validated and referenced by others.

[Liberator of Makedonija]

At the time VMRO(A) first established contact with the Soviet Union in 1924, Todor Aleksandrov had already been establishing relations between the organisation and the Kosovar Committee, the Croatian Peasant Republican Party and unspecified "Montenegrin revolutionaries"

[Liberator of Makedonija]

Aleksandrov declined to assist the Bulgarian Communist Party in its uprising against the government of Aleksandar Tsankov, decaring "We, the Macedonians, are now in government. The government of Tsankov is our government...."

Aleksandrov further justified his actions against the partisans during the uprising by condemning their choice to conduct activity in the district of Petrič, claiming "This territory [Pirin Macedonia] exists outside of the affairs of the Principality [Bulgaria], counting that this is not Bulgaria, but Macedonia and accordingly is within the space of the sovereign occupation of VMRO"

[Liberator of Makedonija]

A letter written by Aleksandrov and addressed to the revolutionary regions (25/9/1922) states that VMRO(A) in Pirin Macedonia is "independent and non-partisan" and will not "interfere in the internal affairs of the Bulgarian principality".

Many of such declarations were made during Aleksandrov's leadership of VMRO(A)

[Liberator of Makedonija]

Todor Aleksandrov envisioned a federal Yugoslav republic consisting of the following autonomous states: Montenegro, Bosnia, Croatia, Slovenia, Banat, Serbia, Macedonia and Bulgaria. He also raised the possibility of transforming the Yugoslav federation into a Balkan one with the future inclusions of Albania, Greece and Romania. He claimed Macedonia as a land inhabited by Bulgarians, Greeks, Turks, Albanians and Vlachs.

- From a letter by Aleksandrov addressed to the Yugoslav consul in Geneva, Jovan Jovičević in September 1923

[Liberator of Makedonija]

"When the Macedonian organisation decides to take action, it is not initiated by its forces from Bulgaria, only from the other side, from all of Macedonia"

- Todor Aleksandrov interview in the Romanian newspaper 'Univerzul', speaking on the claims by Serbia that Macedonian komiti cross over from Bulgarian territory