Originally posted by Niko777
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1950: 1,922 members
1951: 1,980 members
1952: 1,986 members
1953: 1,980 members
1954: 1,962 members
1956: 1,943 members
1959: 1,894 members
There membership in the 1920s and 1930s was not any higher because of three reasons: 1) many Macedonians were not on board with the MPO from the get-go (think pastor David Nakoff and his followers); 2) MPO suffered major divisions once the Mihailov-Protogerov feud escalated with Protogerov's death; MPO almost ceased to exist, but the Protogerovists essentially left en-masse; 3) the creation of the Macedonian People's League attracted most of those Macedonians who a) were from the old IMRO guard (those that fought in Ilinden); b) had supported Macedonian ethnicity and language; and c) were left-leaning.
I wrote the following in my MPO book. It'll help put some context to the MPO divisions in the late 1920s and early 1930s.
These developments profoundly impacted MPO’s members, especially its leadership. Zografoff, the Tribune editor, feverishly stood against Mihajlovists and their violent methods. Assen Avramoff, who was born in Sofia but whose family hailed from the Drama region in Aegean Macedonia, arrived in the U.S. on September 25, 1929.54 A graduate of Sofia’s Law School, he was elected as secretary to the MPO Central Committee in order to replace Jordan Chkatroff, who had left for the Balkans 1929 to act as “prime minister” of Mihajlov’s IMRO, as well as loyal adviser to Ivan Mihajlov.55 Avramoff was staunchly pro-Mihajlov. He was described as a good friend and confidant of Mihajlov.56 Nizamoff had noted that, since Avramoff’s arrival, Zografoff and Avramoff “were not on speaking terms.”57
Even though Zografoff was against Mihajlov’s methods, he believed that the MPO should not choose sides in the internal struggles overseas.58 Furthermore, unlike several of his MPO associates, he maintained that just because Macedonians’ language was classified as ‘Bulgarian’, it did not mean Macedonia and Macedonians should not be independent or considered as their own people. In 1929, he wrote:
The Serbians have closed all of the non-Serbian churches, schools and libraries; have expelled, imprisoned, tortured or killed bishops, preachers, teachers in Macedonia; have placed in prison and tortured Macedonian and Croatian students; have arrested, imprisoned, tortured, expelled or killed many Macedonian, Montenegrin and Croatian patriots, business men, educators, for the simple reason of their unwillingness to change their nationality. …
Mr. Vukovich “calls Macedonia a myth.” Macedonia existed even before Serbia. Macedonia has fought Turkey and is fighting the new oppressors, Servia and Greece, to become free and independent. In this struggle for freedom lives have been lost on all sides. The peace of the world has been threatened. Is that a myth? Now there is a revolution in Macedonia against Servia and Greece. Is that a myth?
Mr. Vukovich states since there is no Macedonian language, Macedonia should not be independent. If that argument holds good Switzerland, Austria [and] even the United States should not be independent. The language does not govern the making of a country. When the population of a given territory of a considerable size wants to be free and independent, as the original American colonies wanted to be free and independent, this population has right to establish an independent country. This is the principle of the American Declaration of independence.59
Zografoff’s views and writings were much more blatantly pro-Macedonian – and much less Bulgarian-friendly – than those of most other early MPO leaders, as we will see in Chapter Two. In opposition to Zografoff, Avramoff and other MPO leaders wanted to align with Mihajlov.60 These members considered Mihajlov to be Macedonia’s number one “warrior”.61 These differences accumulated and climaxed at MPO’s 1930 convention. Nizamoff described the mood of that convention:
The Youngstown convention was stormy. Tempers ran high. I had been elected chairman and there were moments when I, too, lost my temper. The divisions and battles of the IMRO across the ocean had affected all of us. During the first and second days the sessions continued until early midnight. But the time came when all of us had to think for the preservation of our organization. Finally, with some help from me, Avramoff, presenting his case with the mastery and logic of a jurist, succeeded in swaying most of the delegates to his viewpoint and the neutrality voted the year before was rescinded. The MPO in the United States agreed to support the side which had punished-General Protogeroff "to save the Macedonian movement from a takeover by incompetent and corrupt left-wingers".62
Even though Zografoff was against Mihajlov’s methods, he believed that the MPO should not choose sides in the internal struggles overseas.58 Furthermore, unlike several of his MPO associates, he maintained that just because Macedonians’ language was classified as ‘Bulgarian’, it did not mean Macedonia and Macedonians should not be independent or considered as their own people. In 1929, he wrote:
The Serbians have closed all of the non-Serbian churches, schools and libraries; have expelled, imprisoned, tortured or killed bishops, preachers, teachers in Macedonia; have placed in prison and tortured Macedonian and Croatian students; have arrested, imprisoned, tortured, expelled or killed many Macedonian, Montenegrin and Croatian patriots, business men, educators, for the simple reason of their unwillingness to change their nationality. …
Mr. Vukovich “calls Macedonia a myth.” Macedonia existed even before Serbia. Macedonia has fought Turkey and is fighting the new oppressors, Servia and Greece, to become free and independent. In this struggle for freedom lives have been lost on all sides. The peace of the world has been threatened. Is that a myth? Now there is a revolution in Macedonia against Servia and Greece. Is that a myth?
Mr. Vukovich states since there is no Macedonian language, Macedonia should not be independent. If that argument holds good Switzerland, Austria [and] even the United States should not be independent. The language does not govern the making of a country. When the population of a given territory of a considerable size wants to be free and independent, as the original American colonies wanted to be free and independent, this population has right to establish an independent country. This is the principle of the American Declaration of independence.59
Zografoff’s views and writings were much more blatantly pro-Macedonian – and much less Bulgarian-friendly – than those of most other early MPO leaders, as we will see in Chapter Two. In opposition to Zografoff, Avramoff and other MPO leaders wanted to align with Mihajlov.60 These members considered Mihajlov to be Macedonia’s number one “warrior”.61 These differences accumulated and climaxed at MPO’s 1930 convention. Nizamoff described the mood of that convention:
The Youngstown convention was stormy. Tempers ran high. I had been elected chairman and there were moments when I, too, lost my temper. The divisions and battles of the IMRO across the ocean had affected all of us. During the first and second days the sessions continued until early midnight. But the time came when all of us had to think for the preservation of our organization. Finally, with some help from me, Avramoff, presenting his case with the mastery and logic of a jurist, succeeded in swaying most of the delegates to his viewpoint and the neutrality voted the year before was rescinded. The MPO in the United States agreed to support the side which had punished-General Protogeroff "to save the Macedonian movement from a takeover by incompetent and corrupt left-wingers".62

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