|01-02-2011, 08:09 AM||#1|
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The Inform-Bureau and the Refugee Children from the Aegean part of Macedonia 1948 – 1
The Inform-Bureau and the Refugee Children from the Aegean part of Macedonia 1948 – 1956
By Professor Dr. Violeta Achkoska, Faculty of Philosophy, Skopje
Translated and Edited by Risto Stefov
January 2, 2011
The Macedonian exodus from Greece, as a consequence of war and repressive Greek regimes, falls in the order of the most tragic ethnic cleansings perpetrated against a people in the latest history of Europe. Because of the realization of the “Megali Idea” (greater Greece), that is Greece’s expansion in the 20th century to include Macedonian territories, the Macedonians from the Aegean part of Macedonia, a part of Macedonia that was given to Greece during the Balkan Wars (1), were exposed to physical and emotional repression. This, through various forms and through various intensities, has not changed with time and has lasted to this day. The Greek aim here has been to depersonalize and denominate the Macedonian population and its national identity through permanent Hellenization, to never allow the exiled citizens who do not have a Greek ethnic background to return to Greece and to usurp Macedonia’s history and call it Greek.
The Macedonian exodus from Greece can be studied as a historical, political, psychological and ethnic problem and as a subject, in the most obvious way, expresses the collective and individual suffering of the Macedonian people. At the same time, the problems that caused the Macedonian exodus represent the pivot around which the falsification of Greek history gravitates. (2) Greek authorities, in justifying the supposed “name dispute” with the Republic of Macedonia, are looking for some kind of historical legitimacy to explain their chauvinism and “Megali Idea” Greek politics which have played a role in this all through the end of the 19th, 20th and beginning of the 21st century. An example of this is the so-called “historical collection” of essays edited by the eminent Greek historian Kofos, which introduce the idea that there are multiple “Macedonian identities”. Kofos’s intent here is to show that there is more than one “type” of Macedonian, which is a deceitful attempt to break apart the contemporary Macedonian national identity and replace it with another sort of Macedonian identity with a Greek ethnic connection. This is done in order to give necessary historical legitimacy to the ambiguous Greek claim to Macedonia.
Over the years Greece has settled colonists from other parts of Greece, from Asia Minor, the Caucuses, etc. in the centuries long owned homes and properties of the Macedonians it had exiled. Greece has also used savage methods to erase everything that is Macedonian in order to hide the ethnic cleansing and atrocities it committed over the years against the Macedonian people.
To cover up for its wrong doing, Greece today is not only denying the rightful Macedonians the right to self-identify as Macedonians but it is promoting its most recent non-Macedonian colonists as the “real” Macedonians and descendents of the ancient Macedonians who not only “feel” like Macedonians but are “proud” of their ancient Macedonian heritage. (3)
Through its decades long ethnic cleansing, Hellenization, renaming of Macedonian personal names, toponyms and through erasing Macedonian history, Greece has made every effort to eradicate the Macedonian national and ethnic identity.
Greece has used every opportunity to rob the Macedonian people of their long heritage by not only denying their human rights inside Greek held territories but also outside. An example of this is the Greek role in the Tito-Stalin squabbles or, more precisely, the squabbles between the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and the Inform-Bureau (IF) which began in 1948.
When Tito and Stalin started their falling out, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and the Peoples’ Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (PFRY) were severed from the “brotherly union of peoples’ democratic states” (the IF) and were exposed to violent attacks from the Stalinist communist parties. (4)
One of the more devastating consequences resulting from this was the closing of the borders between the Peoples’ Republic of Macedonia (PRM) and Bulgaria, Albania and Greece. As a result the PRM, in 1948, found itself encircled by the tightest borders in existence in contemporary Europe. The Macedonian people living in PRM found themselves cut off both physically and psychologically from the Macedonian people living in the other Balkan countries, which in effect stifled their ability to reunite. Isolated, they lost their chance to bring even the most minute changes (as per discussions for a Yugoslav-Bulgarian Federation), or to help the Macedonians in Bulgaria and Greece with their struggles for national emancipation, which was started thanks to the participation of the Macedonian people in the anti-Fascist struggle.
But in a turn of events as Stalin and Josip Broz Tito (2nd to Stalin) fought for dominance in the communist led world, the Macedonian people found themselves in the centre of a conflict between Yugoslavia and its neighbouring countries. (5) As a result of this, the Bulgarian and Albanian state-party leaderships began a dizzying campaign of verbal insults against Yugoslavia which resulted in breaking economic, cultural and military ties, loss of cooperation and the provocation of border incidents between Yugoslavia and these countries. (6)
Also as a result of the Yugoslav-Soviet spat, among other things, relations between the CPY and the Communist Party of Greece (CPG) began to deteriorate. Adopting the IF resolution (taking the Soviet side) the Greek Communist Party leadership, with Nikos Zahariadis in charge, began a negative campaign against the CPY and against the Macedonian people. The CPG’s first step was to politically isolate the large number of Macedonians serving in its ranks because of supposed fears that they might be working for the CPY in Yugoslavia. As a result of this the Macedonian National Liberation Movement (MNLF) in Greece suffered a serious blow.
The beginnings of the IB campaign against the CPY and the PFRY happened to correspond with the defeat of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAG) during the Greek Civil War. For DAG’s defeat the CPG leadership blamed the USA, Great Britain, Yugoslavia and the MNLF from the Aegean part of Macedonia. According to CPG allegations, the anti-fascist MNLF was an unfriendly organization operating in Greece but serving as a “spy ring” for Yugoslavia. By those allegations “it was implied that Yugoslav intelligence services organized the MNLF and turned it into a spy ring recruiting agents and spies from the ranks of the Macedonian people”. (7) Thus once again the Macedonian people were accused of “wrong doing” and without a shred of evidence were placed under scrutiny and repressive pressures. To deal with these “Tito agents”, among other things, the DAG Central Security Service created a special section.
In reality from what was evident, Tito did not at any time become involved in the internal affairs of the Greek struggles. His involvement was only superficial and done to achieve a better negotiating position for Yugoslavia in the Paris Peace Conference and again afterwards when the Macedonian question became a pawn in his ideological spats with Stalin. Tito took every measure possible to maintain good relations with the Great Powers and never seriously busied himself with the Macedonian question. Evidence of this can be found in the Second sitting of the National Anti-Fascist Liberation Council of Yugoslavia, with the formation of the Yugoslav Federation. (8)
The fate of the Macedonian people living in Greece is well tied not only to Greece’s chauvinistic politics but also to the entire constellation of International relations, particularly in regards to the redrafting of the political map of influence in the Balkans and in the entire world immediately after World War II. Introducing British influence and giving power to a monarchist government in Greece was the beginning of the end of communist influence in Greece. Unfortunately it was not going to be an easy or clean end, particularly for the Macedonians since a large number of them were engaged in this struggle. (9)
It must be made very clear at this point that Macedonians did not enter this struggle for “ideological reasons” as is frequently stated by their enemies in order to devalue their effort. They entered the struggle in order to free themselves and to gain their national and ethnic rights. (10) The communists were a small group in Greece and to increase their numbers they offered the Macedonian people national rights and equality, which the Macedonians accepted and joined their ranks en masse. So as long as the Greek Civil War existed, even as an ideological struggle for power, it existed as a national struggle for liberation for the Macedonian people. (11)
The defeat of DAG and of the democratic forces in Greece opened the way for the Monarchist Greek regime to systematically, ethnically cleanse the Macedonians from the entire Aegean part of Macedonia. This was most evident when the Greek regime formed Monarchist paramilitary units and unleashed them on the civilian population to carry out unseen terror for the purpose of cleansing the Macedonian people while openly announcing that “when the king arrives here he will not find even a single ‘Slav’ on this soil”. (12)
In view of this overhanging danger as a result of the persecutions and terror, many Macedonians feared for their lives and were prepared to leave their homeland and seek secure shelter in neighbouring countries such as Yugoslavia and Bulgaria and in countries overseas. Outside of individual families seeking shelter, there was also an organized evacuation of children which took place in the months of March and April 1948. Around 28,000 children were evacuated and sent to various Eastern European countries. The need for this evacuation was initiated and carried out by the top CPG leadership in the name of “saving the children” but behind the name hid the sinister act to secure manpower reserves for DAG in order to continue the fighting in the Greek Civil War. (13) An example of this is the CPG’s recruitment program carried out in Eastern block countries outside of Greece when underage Macedonian children were recruited and brought back to Greece to fight in the Greek Civil War. This was another blow to the Macedonian people who had to suffer one more time because of Greek and International politics and ideologies. Of all the Eastern European countries which sheltered Macedonian refugee children, only Poland refused to allow the Greeks to recruit children from their soil.
Internal party purges of Macedonians from the CPG and from DAG during the IB period created an atmosphere of fear and exposed the Macedonian population to further mass persecution and terror. The insecurities created by the terror further contributed to the Macedonian population leaving Greece, thus prompting the United Nations to form a Special Investigative Commission for the Balkans. According to a Commission report, dated May 13th, 1949, there were 552,000 refugees from Greece of whom 232,000 were Macedonians. The Commission also cited the Greek government of having reported that there were 486,925 refugees. (14) A large number of wounded partisans, especially after the conclusion of the General Papagos offensive, were sent to Albania to receive medical attention, provided for by groups of doctors from Poland and other Eastern European countries, and after that they were transported by ship to the USSR, Poland and other East European countries. (15)
The process of resettling the Macedonians from Greece intensified after the conclusion of the Greek Civil War, especially after successive Greek governments refused to take them back and continued to pass laws to discriminate against them. (16) But if taking them back was not an option, the Greeks went out of their way to make it difficult for them even outside of Greece. Greek diplomacy became very active in the affairs of the Macedonian refugees outside of Greece and used every method possible to deny their rights, even the right to call themselves “Aegean Macedonians” and their place of origin “Aegean Macedonia”. (17)
Even though the CPG was the only party in Greece to offer the Macedonians equality and human rights, its attitude and conduct towards solving the Macedonian national question varied from time to time. When it needed Macedonian support the CPG declared that Macedonians did exist and should have their rights recognized, when it didn’t it kept quiet, that is up until 1988 when it openly declared that there were no Macedonians living in Greece.
While the CPY squabbled with the IB and after DAG was defeated, the CPG openly conducted anti-Macedonian campaigns both inside and outside of Greece. During the Sixth Plenum of the CPG Central Committee held on October 9th, 1949 in Bureli, the Peoples’ Republic of Albania a resolution was passed, which among other things puts the blame for DAG’s defeat on the Macedonians. This was also evident in other CPG party documents.
The CPG claimed that the reasons for DAG’s defeat were (1) the unlimited help the Athenian regime received from the USA and Great Britain and, (2) Tito’s “betrayal” and his “circle of spies” working in Greece. According to the same documents, the CPG also called for a ruthless attack on the remnants of “Tito’s agents” in the ranks of DAG and on the Macedonian civilian population that had left Greece. This kind of appeal by the CPG not only put a price on the heads of the Macedonians inside Greece but extended its anti-Macedonian attacks against the refugees outside of Greece. This call unfortunately did not go unnoticed and as was shown in practice, in November 1949, when relations between the IB and the PFRY were at their worst, the defeated fighters from DAG and the civilian population were sent to the USSR and to other East European countries where they were exposed to unwarranted scrutiny. Besides facing pressures from Greek and pro-Greek members of the CPG, these fighters and civilian refugees were exposed to harsh scrutiny and repressive measures by the same regimes which were unfriendly towards Tito and Yugoslavia. Macedonians labelled “Tito’s agents” by the CPG became instant enemies of these regimes. The CPG and Zahariadis, its leader, initiated an aggressive campaign against the MNLF and through various publications accused a large number of Macedonians as being “counter revolutionary spies” working for Tito’s Yugoslavia. As a result of this many Macedonian fighters were court marshalled and executed. In July 1949, DAG’s security service with CPG and DAG leadership permission organized a camp to isolate Macedonians accused of collaborating with Yugoslavia. (18)
In the beginning of 1951 a special institution called the “Observation Division” was formed in Bucharest by orders of the politburo of the CPG Central Committee. This division was run by advisory instructors whose role was to repress and persecute Macedonians for alleged ideological wrong doings. The division was charged by the CPG leadership with the task of identifying and prosecuting the MNLF’s leaders who led the movement from 1941 to 1949 and who supposedly had been spying for Belgrade and its intelligence services. Although this was the outward motive for creating this organization, its real motive was to persecute Macedonians and keep them silent.
Unfortunately due to the Greek terror campaigns perpetrated by Greece’s paramilitary, many Macedonian families were forced to look for safe shelter in neighbouring countries such as Yugoslavia and Bulgaria or overseas. According to official statistics released by the CPG’s Central Committee (October 1950), the total number of refugees who fled to East European block countries and to the Soviet Union was 55,881, from which more than 20,000 were Macedonians. Refugees who fled to Yugoslavia numbered around 45,000 to 50,000. (19) If we take into consideration that another 28,000 to 30,000 children were also evicted from Greece, according to some sources, the number of refugees that left Greece is truly tragic. In addition to being displaced and exiled many families ended up being separated with little chance of re-uniting.
Due to the bloody Greek Civil War entanglement and due to the underlined complications of the IB campaign against Yugoslavia, Macedonian families were not only unearthed from their homes but had the unfortunate fate of becoming separated from their children, a greater part of whom, after six decades of exile and organized persecution, are still not allowed to return to their birthplace.
The 28,000 or so Refugee Children (Detsa Begaltsi), casualties of the Greek Civil War, were evacuated from Greece in the spring of 1948 and taken to refugee camps in various Eastern European countries. Around 11,000 were taken to the then PFRY. (20) Those who were sent to Bulkesh and who had family members in the ranks of DAG were moved to special orphanages opened just for them. But because of the soured relations between the CPY and the IB, the CPG gave orders to take the children out of Yugoslavia and place them in other Eastern European countries. Following this order more than 2,000 children were sent to Czechoslovakia. (21) Thus again Macedonians, even innocent children, became tragic pawns in the political games played by the CPY and the IB.
The Refugee Children that remained in Yugoslavia were placed under the care of the Yugoslav Red Cross and, in the period from 1948 to 1958, were settled in various children’s homes including those in Vojvodina, Croatia and Slovenia with 1,857 children (1,581 Macedonians) being settled in the beginning of 1949. (22) The Macedonian children who completed their elementary education in other Yugoslav Republics (outside of the PRM) were returned to the PRM to further their education. Here homes were especially opened to accommodate them. (23)
In the beginning of 1951, according to unofficial reports, 3,957 families and 1,681 single people (a total of 17, 699 people) were settled in the territory of the Peoples’ Republic of Macedonia. Unfortunately the PRM was under an economic blockade and had extremely meagre resources at its disposal. It found it difficult to cope with the sudden influx of refugees, for whom it truly cared, but who were an extra burden on its economy. (24)
Although they were ethnic Macedonians, the Macedonians from the Aegean part of Macedonia, after 1952, in accordance with UN conventions, held “refugee status” in the PRM. Still a large number of them wanted to live there because it felt like home. Their desire to live in the PRM was always there ever since they left their own homes in Greek held Macedonia. Unfortunately due to a series of unavoidable circumstances, many ended up sheltered in the various other Eastern European countries. And with the souring of relations between Yugoslavia and those countries in 1948, many were robbed of their desire to live in the PRM.
The East European Stalinist regimes continued their damaging campaigns against Yugoslavia and the CPY, which included Macedonian people, particularly those who were labelled “Yugoslav agents and spies” by the Greeks. So besides having to endure a war, being exiled from their homes and separated from their families, some Macedonian refugees had now become victims of the polemics between Yugoslavia and the IB; a souring relation which the Greeks took advantage of in order to continue to persecute the Macedonians even outside of their jurisdiction.
During the chaos of the refugee exodus, thousands of families were separated and sent to various countries. With the tense relations between Yugoslavia and the IB and the closing of borders, families that were separated could not be reunited and had to remain apart for a long period of time. Parents were separated from their children, wives from their husbands, mothers from sons and daughters, sisters from their brothers and so on; all were disconnected with no chance of contact or reunification. Also, as long as they found themselves in places that were hostile to them, because of Greek lies and propaganda, they were exposed to severe scrutiny and torment from the Stalinist internal security services operating in those countries. (25)
After the Yugoslav-IB conflict ended and relations between Yugoslavia and the IB countries improved, a review was conducted to determine what went wrong. As a result the CPG newspaper “Neos Kosmos”, in 1957, wrote a story absolving the Macedonians of any wrong doing by admitting that the Macedonians were labelled “Tito’s agents”, “spies”, “enemies and the like” without a shred of evidence to support those charges, for which the Macedonians were tormented, abused and jailed. (26) Because of fear of being persecuted, most Macedonian refugees sent to the East European countries kept to themselves and would not speak about their troubles, not even about their desire to go and live in the PRM.
There is however another side to this story, the side of the Macedonian refugees who were allowed to return to the PRM from the IB countries. While the ideological battles, led by the Soviet Union between Yugoslavia and the IB countries raged on from 1948 to 1956, the CPY became fearful that the “IB infection” was eventually going to be caught by the Macedonian refugees then living in the East European countries. As a result the PRM authorities became cautious and treated those who arrived in the PRM with distrust, suspecting that they might be “planted agents” from the East or from the West who were sent there to work against the PFRY. They were most suspicious of the refugees from Albania and Bulgaria who began to arrive in the PRM some months after the problems with the IB were solved. These particular refugees became victims for the third time and now were being followed by the PFRY internal security service. (27)
Besides fearing that they might be “imbedded agents”, the PRM authorities, particularly the CPY leadership, insisted that most refugees be investigated and recruited into the Party ranks en masse. This intent however was more symbolic than practical because in reality being Macedonians themselves, the “Aegeans” as they were called by the CPY and by the Communist Party of Macedonia (CPM), were cared for and much was done to accommodate them into Macedonian society. Still, many “Aegeans” were not trusted by the PRM authorities, especially those who had family ties with “Aegean” refugees in the Eastern European countries under the USSR and Stalin’s political influence. (28)
Around 1950, the Macedonian Refugees living in the PRM began to organize themselves and formed an organization called the “Organization of the Macedonians from the Aegean part of Macedonia”. Most refugees saw this Organization as an authority representing the refugees and worrying about their problems, most important of which at the time were finding places to live, jobs and “material” needs. However in dealing with the daily problems the leading committee of the Organization, from time to time, took steps outside of its jurisdiction, which came into conflict with the PRM government authorities. (29) Here again the PRM authorities on one hand expected the Organization to lobby for the refugees and get them organized but on the other it raised restrictions to satisfy Yugoslav politics. (30) But all in all the PRM government, in parallel with concerning itself with solving economic and social problems, tried to give the Macedonian Refugees political support and political status.
In addition to being abused because of supposed “IB influence”, authorities were further intimidating the refugees for wanting to obtain Greek passports so that they could return to their birthplace. Their visits to the Greek Consulate were viewed with mistrust and the refugees were suspected of having fallen under some kind of permanent “Greek influence” (1950/51).
According to some documents, there were allegations that “this influence could be cut by vigorous intervention of the authorities and by the political explanatory work of the Association of refugees…” “It was concluded that the two mentioned hostile influences could be drawn away…” (31)
Irrespective of the work that the PRM and the PFRY were doing for the refugees, there were always fundamental differences in what the refugees needed and how far the authorities were willing to go to deliver it, especially if it involved Yugoslav external politics. The need to address the question for repatriation and the properties of the refugees, a stumbling block in Greek-Yugoslav relations, was always ignored. The same is true to this day and this is another key reason for the supposed “name dispute” between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. Greece has invented the “name dispute” in order to sidestep a vital issue and that is the repatriation of the refugees and former citizens and the return of their properties.
Many Macedonians at that time, as it is true to this day, never gave up calling for Macedonia and the Macedonian peoples’ reunification and solving the Macedonian question. Unfortunately, the call for reunification or adopting some sort of different option, other than the Yugoslav variation, fell on the arsenal of conducting “unfriendly activities against the PRFY”. Because of the New Federation’s International position, Yugoslavia and Tito were only interested in keeping the Macedonian question closed. At the same time Yugoslavia never disengaged from its obligations to protect the rights of the Yugoslavian minorities in the neighbouring countries and Yugoslavian external politics could not ignore the fact that Macedonians existed in Greece. That is why some time ago it raised the question for the recognition of the national rights of the Macedonians in Greece. (32)
In its attempt to recruit the “Aegeans” into its Party ranks, the CPY and CPM were unwilling to accept former CPG members and thus cautiously found reasons to reject them. This was because of fears on account of them being members of the CPG and could have possibly been influenced by the IB (as well as the British discretely raising the question of the state of the Macedonians in Greece). And even though waves and waves of them kept coming to the PFRY over several years, the CPM Central Committee bureau at the May 14, 1951 sitting, adopted a resolution to investigate all applicants for membership to the CPY who were former CPG members (except those for whom the authorities already had information that they could not be accepted). For the refugees and former fighters who were willing to give their lives for the Macedonian cause, this was a “very low mark” indeed, even on a “theoretical level”. A large number of them were requested to take Party courses and attend Party schools. (33) Giving these former fighters and cadres of the Macedonian struggle a strong ideological “re-education in the CPY Party line” was only a means of controlling them.
In summing up its experience of taking care of the refugees and creating conditions for them to “fit in” the Party ranks and political activities, the PRM Central Committee estimated that there were visible differences in the refugee political situation, depending on which place they came from and where they were settled. (34) It was estimated that these Macedonians from the Aegean part of Macedonia exhibited aspirations to be settled in certain regions or in certain groupings according to their birth connections. (35) Grouping the refugees in this way would unfortunately create serious economic problems for them, but in spite of that, the PRM authorities paid more attention to their own political convictions than they did to the refugee needs. Aiming to have better control of them and to prevent their eventual self-organization, authorities created special arrangements in their distribution throughout Macedonian cities and villages.
Whether the refugees themselves were influenced by the IB or not remains an open question, but the fact is that they were receiving letters loaded with propaganda from friends and relatives who still lived in IB countries. The life they lived in these IB countries was described as idyllic, a picture of harmony and prosperity. But at the same time it was well known that no letter could pass the control of the internal security organs and leave the country unless it described that country as idyllic and harmonious. (36) That is why “the attitude of the Aegeans”, as they were called in the PRM party documents, was measured and analyzed, especially the attitude of those who had contact with people from “enemy” IB countries.
Looking at the problem another way, life was not easy for the refugees living in IB countries either and if they did not toe the line, they too would be in serious trouble. Those who showed support for the CPY and Yugoslavia were “abused, persecuted and jailed. The refugee situation was particularly bad in Albania, Hungary and Romania especially with regards to their material needs.” (37)
Longing for their birthplace, displaced from their families, looking for their lost relatives and close friends in the various countries, the Macedonian refugees soberly followed the news of what was happening in Greece and in the IB countries. They were especially concerned and interested to know the situation of their relatives and friends back in Greece. They had left their birthplace, homes, properties and graves of their ancestors so naturally they were interested to know what was happening back home. Similarly, a lot of refugees who had relatives living in the IB countries also wanted to know how they were doing. It was only normal that they would care for them. Unfortunately these types of “concerns” were regarded with suspicion on both sides of the fence. The fact that a large number of refugees were taken to the Eastern European countries was also regarded with suspicion. In their zeal to clean up the “internal enemy” meaning the IB supporters inside Yugoslavia, authorities were not beyond exercising excessive control over people’s lives. Even after Stalin’s death (1953), and after the dissolution of the IB (1956), authorities continued to exercise excessive control. When a large number of Macedonians from the Eastern European countries wanted to settle in the PRM, even though they were to be placed behind a closed Greek border, the authtorities still did not trust them and feared that they might be “spies”. So when they arrived they were labelled untrustworthy to be monitored by the PFRY internal security services. (38)
The most painful question for the Macedonian refugees from the Aegean part of Macedonia has been “when will we return to our ancestral homes?” a question that has been simmering since 1949, since the end of the Greek Civil War. The Greek attitude towards this question was made most obvious in a Greek publication which strongly spoke against their return. “The Slavophones are to remain where they are”; “We don’t want them here! If they return – send them to the island concentration camps”, etc. The same words were also echoed by civil servants working in the Greek consulate in Skopje, words purposely spoken to put fear in the hearts of the “Aegeans” and to “stop them from wanting to return”. (39) Fear, Greek aggression, racist propaganda and confiscated Greek citizenships were all factors designed to keep the Macedonian refugees away from Greece. They unfortunately yearned for their abandoned and confiscated homes and lived with hope that some day soon the political situation in Greece would change and they would return to their birthplace. But with time, instead of becoming better, the situation worsened as the Greek state put into effect a number of discriminatory laws to keep the refugees out. Discriminatory laws which went contrary to European principles and which the European Union unfortunately did not challenge when Greece applied for membership to join its ranks. (40) It seems that such principles are sadly unimportant to Greece or to the European Union.
After 1956, relations between Yugoslavia and the Eastern European countries started to normalize and entered a period of de-Stalinization. During this time the Macedonian refugees, in some small way, were given some freedom from their permanent control, pressure and fear with which they had lived their daily lives. By doing so, it strengthened their resolve to settle in the PRM and adopt it as their new mother country. Realistically however, the PRM had always been their second choice as they never gave up wanting to return to their birthplace. They never gave up their natural right to return to their roots and to possess their properties and the homes of their ancestors.
The Macedonian people from the Aegean part of Macedonia in their Golgotha have endured terror and organized persecution from the Greek authorities. They have endured persecution as a result of the ideological games played by Tito and Stalin, games which the CPG took advantage of to place the Macedonian people in harms way. Instead of delivering on its promises to support the Macedonian people in their struggle to gain their human rights, the CPG exposed its true face when it committed them to further torment. The CPG’s chauvinistic attitude towards the Macedonian people, at times well hidden, showed itself time and again to finally culminate in 1988, with its leadership definitely declaring that “in northern Greece there is nothing other than Greeks”. This was also the time when the Greek state renamed the part of Macedonia it gained by an act of war after the Balkan Wars in 1913, to the “Greek province of Macedonia”. With the CPG on board with the rest of the Greek nationalist camp, one can conclude that Greek politics has achieved consensus in relation to the negation of the Macedonian question and to the negation of the existence of the Macedonian people. In spite of the tens of thousands of Macedonians being persecuted by the Greek state and in spite of the tens of thousands of Macedonian people evicted from their homes and exiled by the various undemocratic Greek regimes, Greece still maintains that Macedonians do not exist. The conclusion one may reach from all this is: Greece’s long term aim is to entirely eradicate the Macedonian identity and everything that is Macedonian. Greece is doing this with never before seen aggression and abuse of its membership status in International organizations.
(1) Vo balkanskite (1912/1913) i Prva svetska vojna (1914-1918), izvrshena e podelba na etno-geografska Makedonija koja dotogash beshe del od Turskata drzhava. Od vkupno 67.741,2 km2 na Grcija ń pripadna najgolem del, 35 169 km2; na Kralstvoto SHS 25 774 km2; na Bugarija 6 798 km2; eden mal del od teritorijata na Makedonija ostanal vo granicite na novoformiranata drzhava Albanija (Ivan Katardzhiev, Istorija na makedonskiot narod, tom chetvrti, INI, Skopje 2000, 131).
(2) Etnichkoto chistenje na Makedoncite vo Egejskiot del na Makedonija zapochnuva vednash po balkanskite i Prvata svetska vojna. Kako posledica od navedenite vojni od Egejska Makedonija emigrirale 50.000 Makedonci. Na istiot prostor, so grchko-turskiot dogovor od 1923 godina, bile naseleni 640.000 Grci od Turcija, a 40.000 islamizirani Makedonci od Egejska Makedonija, se iselile zaedno so Turcite. Vo periodot od 1923-1928 godina od Egejska Makedonija vo sosednite drzhava se iselile okolu 43.000 Makedonci. Vo tekot na Vtorata svetska vojna i vo Grchkata gragjanska vojna, iako zastaa na stranata na antifashizmot, Makedoncite dozhivea novi pogromi i nov najsilen egzodus. So iseluvanjeto od Grcija na ushte okolu 120.000 Makedonci beshe ispolnet planot na grchkata desnica, napraven vo dekemvri 1944 godina za likvidacija, deportiranje i prisilno izgonuvanje na t.n Grci-Slavofoni (Vidi: Simovski H. T., Etnichkite promeni vo Egejska Makedonija vo XX vek, “Etnichkite promeni vo Egejska Makedonija vo XX“, Zdruzhenie na decata begalci od egejskiot del na Makedonija, Skopje 2002, 35-75). Progonetite Makedonci ne mozhat i denes da se vratat vo Grcija, a nivnite imoti se odzemeni i dadeni na grchki kolonisti. Zaradi stravot od golemi ekonomski reperkusii po drzhavata, ako se reshi begalskoto prashanje, vo Grcija se vodi shovinistichka kampanja za navodniot iredentizam na “Skopje” i se bara promena na imeto na Republika Makedonija.
(3) Вo 1988 godina, koga na grchkata politichka scena beshe postignat definitiven nacionalen kosenzuns za negiranje na postoenjeto na bilo kakvo makedonsko malcinstvo vo Grcija, severniot del od drzhavata beshe imenuvan vo grchka provincija Makedonija. Celta beshe da se minira sozdavanjeto na posebna makedonska drzhava so raspadot na SFRJ, kade egzistirashe makedonskata republika pod slednive nazivi: Demokratska Federalna Makedonija (1944-1946), Narodna Republika Makedonija (1946-1964) i Socijalistichka Republika Makedonija (1964-1991). So referendumot od 8 septemvri 1991 godina, gragjanite na SRM se izjasnija za samostojna drzhava Makedonija, koja so site ustavni akti beshe vostanovena kako Republika Makedonija.
(4) V. Achkoska, Sudirot so Informbiroto i nekoi tekovi vo makedonskoto opshtestvo (1948-1998), "Istorija”, XXXIV/XXXV, br.1-4, Skopje, 1998/1999, 81-96.
(5) DimitÍr Vlahov, Do Georgi Dimitrov, pretsedatel na MinisterskiÔa sÍvet na Narodna Republika BÍlgariÔ, Skopźe 1948. (Napishano vo Belgrad na 27.09.1948 godina)
(6) Arhiv Republike Slovenije, f: Rodbinski fond Edvard Kardelj, 162/613, Prepiska izmegju CK SKP (b) i CK KPJ i Rezolucija Informbiroa.
(7) Risto Kirjazovski, Egejskiot del na Makedonija po Gragjanskata vojna vo Grcija, INI, Skopje 2001, 265-266.
(8) Koga vo januari 1945 godina, makedonskite artileriski brigadi od Skopje, zhtip i vojnici od drugi garnizoni vo DFM demonstriraat zhelba da se pomogne borbata na Makedoncite vo Egejska Makedonija (t.n. nastani na Skopskoto kale) Tito bara itno raschistuvanje so organizatorite na demonstraciite. Togash e daden nalog za prenasochuvanje na makedonsata vojska kon sever, odnosno XV Korpus na Narodnoosloboditelnata vojska na Makedonija e ispraten na Sremskiot front. (V. Achkoska, N. zhezhov, Represijata i represiranite vo najnovata makedonska istorija, Makavej, Skopje 2006, 147-159). Ponatamu, vo Deklaracijata na Vladata na DF Jugoslavija od mart 1945 godina, voopshto ne se spomenuva makedonskoto parashanje, tuku se bara prikluchuvanje kon Jugoslavija na "nacionalnite" teritorii na severozapad i sever koi po Prvata svetska vojna pripadnale na Italija, kako i zacvrstuvanje na ponatamoshnata sorabotka so sojuznicite i so sosednite balkanski narodi (Arhiv Jugoslavije, fond: Vlada na FNRJ ‡ Pretsednishtvo vlade, 50-30-52). Vo takviot duh, na Pariskata mirovna konferencija, Jugoslavija voopshto ne go postavi makedonskoto prashanje, i pokraj prisutnite baranja na povekje Makedonci.
(9) Povekje izvori zboruvaat za tragichniot bilans na borbata za demokratijata vo Grcija. Vo taa borba golorak, makedonskiot narod istovremeno "stana da go brani svojot opstanok i koga toj neramen boj zavrshi, zad sebe ostavi nad 10.000 ubieni, isto tolku zatvoreni i internirani (osudeni ili neosudeni od prekite grchki voeni sudovi) po grchkite zatvori i suvite ostrovi i preku 50.000 begalci i emigracija vo FNRJ i istochnite zemji" (DARM, f: Republichki Glaven Odbor na SSRNM - Skopje, k-39, Sekretarijatot na Glavniot odbor na Zdruzhenieto na Makedoncite od Egejska Makedonija, Do Izvrshniot sovet na FNRJ, 10.08.1953).
(10) Ushte vo januari 1946 godina, republikanskiot nedelen vesnik "Elefteros", br. 28, pishuva: "Slavomakedoncite treba da is~eznat ottuka, tie treba zadolzhitelno da se isteraat i neka odat vo koja bilo sosedna zemja" (T. Popovski, Makedonskoto nacionalno malcinstvo vo vo Bugarija, Grcija i Albanija, "Makedonska kniga", Skopje 1981, 196).
(11) Makedoncite, ne bile zhrtvi samo na monarho-fashistichkite sili, tuku, voopshto stanale zhrtva na grchkiot shovinizam so etnichki, a ne so ideoloshki predznak. Tumbov Gjorgji, roden na 29.09.1939 godina vo s. LJubnica (Skra), blizu Gevgelija, Egejska Makedonija se sekjava na 1946-ta na brutalnosta na grchkata neorganizirana vojska. Negoviot tatko bil vo partizanite, a isto i negovata 18-godishna tetka koja ja izgubila nogata vo borbite, a potoa migrirala za Polska. Gjorgji tukushto pochnal da odi vo prvo oddelenie, vo grchko uchilishte. Vo kukjata bile dedoto, majkata i chetiri deca. Edna nokj bil odveden dedoto so stokata, a eden grchki partizan gi proteruva od domot, majkata i chetirite deca. Najprvo go ubil kucheto, vrz koe se nafrlil rastrevozheniot Gjorgji, a potoa gi gonel vo kukjata na popot za zhivi da gi izgori. Za srekja, megju grchkite partizani imalo eden koj go poznaval negoviot tatko i toj gi spasil od uzhasnata smrt. Site zhiteli bile priterani sred selo, a mnogumina bile zaklani. Toj den, 13.11.1946 godina, raskazhuva Gjorgji "grchkite parizani ubija 33 lugje i deca i gi izgorea site kukji. Megju ubienite zheni beshe i edna majka na trojca partizani. Nč sobraa i nč oddelija vo dva dela: onie koi kje ostanat i onie koi kje bidat prefrleni vo Jugoslavija. Jas ostanav vo zbegot so parizanite, nekade nad Gevgelija. Tamu ostanavme 14 uzhasni denovi - preku den nč maltretiraa angliskite avioni, a nokje silni dozhdovi... Majka mi beshe so bebe od dve nedeli. Konechno, dobivme dozvola za evakuacija do Gevgelija, a od tamu so voz do Veles i so kamioni do s. Stepanci. Nabrzo potoa, razocharan od odnosot na grchkite partizani, pristigna i nashiot tatko. Na krajot od 1949 godina se preselivme vo Veles. Vo 1953 godina, tatko mi pochina nemozhejkji nikako da se pomiri deka sme begalci i deka go napushtivme rodnoto ognishte, kukja, stoka, tamoshniot zhivot, sč. Nie decata ostanavme sami, no, site uspeavme da se izborime i da se osamostоime vo novata sredina...”. (Beleshki od razgovorot voden so Tumbov Gjorgji, vo Topilnicata vo Veles, 1996).
(12) Samo vo periodot od fevruari 1945 do maj 1947 godina, ovie paravoeni formacii vo Kostursko, Lerinsko, Vodensko, Enidzhevardarsko, gi napravile slednite zlodela: bez sudenje ubieni 278 Makedonci, siluvani 297 zheni, zatvoreni 6.456 lica, 4.200 lica osudeni, 3.215 osudeni na povekjegodishen zatvor, 1.449 internirani, 13.449 maltretirani, 1.191 izgoreni kukji, 13.938 proterani selani od nivnite domovi i 45 iseleni sela (DAРM, fond br.996 - Egejska Makedonija vo Gragjanskata vojna, Izveshtaj od 20.05.1947).
(13) F. Martinova - Buckova, I nie sme deca na majkata zemja..., Skopje 1998, 115/116.
(14) L. Lazarov, Francuski pogledi za polozhbata na makedonskiot narod i etnichkite promeni vo Egejska Makedonija (1944-1957), “Etnichkite promeni vo Egejska Makedonija vo XX vek”, Zdruzhenie na decata begalci od egejskiot del na Makedonija, Skopje 2002, 186.
(15) Makedonskite begalci vo Polska, dokumenti, 1948-1975, 1, izbor, prevod, voved i redakcija P. Nakov, dok. br. 6, 139-147.
(16) Vo ramkite na politikata na iskorenuvanje na Makedoncite od nivnite rodni mesta, grchkite vlasti nosat niza zakonski akti za konfiskacija, nacionalizacija i za eksproprijacija na imotite na borcite na DAG. Vrz osnova na Dekretot M/48, Dekretot N/48, Zakonot 2536/53 izvrshena e konfiskacija na okolu dva milioni dekari obrabotlivo zemjishte, pasishta i shumi, glavno vo pogranichnite makedonski podrachja, od koe pred vojnata se izdrzhuvale 30.000 domakjinstva. Zaedno so zemjata bile konfiskuvani stanbenite zgradi, rabotnite prostorii, dukjanite, pokukjninata itn. Spored zakonite, konfiskacija na imotite se vrshela na uchesnicite vo DAG, shto emigriraa i na onie na koi im beshe odzemeno drzhavjanstvoto. Vo ovie ramki, na povekje od 15.000 Makedonci im beshe odzemeno drzhavjanstvoto, a povekje od 50.000 bea prinudeni da emigriraat. Najgolema konfiskacija na makedonskite imoti bila izvrshena so zakonot 2536/53, koj se primenuval so nevideno varvarstvo. Na konfiskuvanite makedonski imoti vlastite nosele Grci od drugi delovi na drzhavata, pa duri i od Kafkaz. Toa bile kolonisti na koi vlasta mozhela celosno da se potpre vo sproveduvanjeto na etnichkoto chistenje na severniot del od drzhavata. Vo ovoj period nasilstvoto vrz Makedoncite dostiga nevideni razmeri, zashto grchkiot patriotizam se dokazhuval preku brojot na ubienite i maltretiranite Makedonci, preku siluvanite i ubienite Makedonki itn. Odredbite na spomenatiot Zakon propishuvale na 60 km od granicata kon vnatreshnosta da se iselat “nelojalnite” gragjani i na nivno mesto da se naselat Grci, “zadravi“ elementi, “so jasna i so potvrdena grchka nacionalna svest“. (R. Kirjazovski, Makedonskoto nacionalno prashanje i Gragjanskata vojna vo Grcija, INI, Skopje 1998, 340-341).
(17) Taka, vo eden grchki Memorandum, ispraten do britanskata vlada, od 28.09.1950 godina, megju drugoto stoi: “‘Egejskite Makedonci‘ se izrastok na ‘balkanskata’ politika neodamna izmislena od grchkite sosedi so cel da ja dezintegriraat nea. Ova e parola protiv koja grchkata nacija trgna i pobedi so sopstvenata krv i materijalnata pomosh od sojuznicite. Grchko-jugoslovenskoto priblizhuvanje nema da bide od korist za Grcija, nitu kje bide potreben faktor vo sojuznichkata politika, dokolku prodolzhi da bide unishtuvano od ovaa gangrena”. (Makedoncite vo jugoslovensko-grchkite odnosi, Dokumenti 1950-1953, tom II, izbor, prevod i redakcija L. Panovska, T. Chepreganov, DARM, Skopje 2001, 247)
(18) R. Kirjazovski, Egejskiot del na Makedonija po Gragjanskata vojna vo Grcija, INI, Skopje 2001, 266-279; DARM, f. Grcija, k.18/19/63; k. 18/44, 144; k. 18/59, 82; k. 20/291; k. 28/28/23; k. 20/28/43.
(19) Fani Martinova - Buckova, I nie sme deca na majkata zemja..., Zdruzhenie na decata-begalci od Egejskiot del na makedonija, Skopje 1998, 32.
(20) Brojkata od 11.000 deca prifateni vo Jugoslavija se odnesuva na vkupniot broj deca, od koi nekoi bile smesteni vo detskite domovi na Crveniot krst, a drugite, pogolemiot del, bile so roditeli ili rodnini. FNRJ beshe megju prvite zemji shto prifatija najgolem broj deca-begalci so roditeli i bez roditeli. Osven toa, niz nea pominaa okolu 12.000 deca bez roditeli, upateni kon istochnoevropskite zemji, koi bea privremeno smesteni i nahraneti, a potoa regularno predadeni na nadlezhnite organi vo zemjite shto definitivno gi prifakjaa.
(21) Fani Martinova - Buckova, cit. trud, 36.
(22) Vo ramkite na FNRJ, detski domovi bea otvoreni vo: Vojvodina - Bela Crkva, Novi Sad, Hrvatska - Crkvenica, Zagreb, Osiek, Vrbas, Zrenjanin, Krani, Sailovo, Kula, Samobor, Pladishte, Vrshachka Chuka, s. Strasha - Banat; Slovenija - Dutovlje, Stara Gora, zhent Vit. Za nivnoto vospituvanje i obrazovanie bile angazhirani 90 lica, od koi 17 makedonski i 10 grchki uchiteli, a kako vospiten i drug pomoshen personal rabotele ushte 33 Makedonci i 30 Grci (DARM, f: 997, k-1.2/3-4).
(23) Taka, domovi za "Egejchinja" bea otvoreni vo povekje gradovi vo NRM. Vo Struga, na 1.03.1950 godina beshe otvoren domot "Goce Delchev" vo koj bea zgrizheni 60 deca od 7 do 16 godini. Potoa domovi imashe vo Bitola, Kumanovo, s. Petrovec - Skopsko, Demir Kapija - Kavadarsko, Valandovo. Vo Valandovo vo 1952 godina beshe otvoren detskiot dom "Aleksandar Rankovikj” vo koj bea zgrizheni 270 deca, najgolem broj deca-begalci dojdeni od domovite od drugite republiki (Vesnik "Glas na Egejcite”, od maj 1954 godina). Spored sekjavanjeto na negoviot direktor (1952/53 godina), Gligor Todorovski, "postoenjeto na Domot 1952-1958 godina ostavi silni tragi vo kulturniot zhivot vo gradot i okolijata vo nastapite na horskata, igraornata, baletskata i drugi sekcii shto postoeja vo Domot”.
(24) DARM. f: CK KPM/SKM, k-27, dok. 39, Zapisnik za sastanka Biroa CK KPM, odrzhanog 14 maja 1951 god.
(25) Za golgotata niz koja pominale mnogu semejstva, za nivnite begalski maki, za odnost na Grcite kon Makedoncite vo emigracija, potresni sekjavanja kazhuvaat makedonskite zheni (vidi: Lidija Stojanovikj-Lafazanovska, Ermis Lafazanovski, Egzodusot na Makedoncite od Grcija: zhenskite storii za Vtorata svetska vojna i nivniot egzodus, EURO BALKAN, Skopje 2002)
(26) DARM, f: CK KPM/SKM, k-101, dok. 23, Za nekoi problemi vo vrska so useluvanjeto na Makedoncite od istochno-evropskite zemji vo SR Makedonija, materijal od 64-ta sednica na IK na CK SKM, 20.2.1964.
(27) DARM, f: CK KPM/SKM, Uprava za agitacija i propaganda, Komisija za Albanija, k-49, Elaborat za albanskata politichka emigracija vo Makedonija, maj 1953; DARM, f: CK KPM/SKM, k-49, Elaborat za polit. emigrantite od Bugarija, 4.02.1953.
(28) Spored ocenkite na KPM, "pod vlijanie na IB potpadnale dobar del od kadrite na DAG...". KPM smeta deka del od borcite na DAG, glavno, go shirele informbirovskoto vlijanie "sred eden del od masite, osobeno onie koi imaa semejni vrski so begalcite od Egejska Makedonija vo istochnite zemji. No toa vlijanie... so tekot na vremeto se povekje i povekje opagjashe i toa poradi opshtata ideoloshko-politichka pobeda na Jugoslavija nad hajkata protiv nea od Sovetskiot blok i poradi teshkite uslovi vo koi se postaveni begalcite vo zemjite od sovetskiot blok....". (DARM, f: Republichki Glaven Odbor na SSRNM - Skopje, k-39, Analiza za situacijata sred begalcite od Egejska Makedonija vo FNRJ, 7.10.1953).
(29) DARM, f: Republichki Glaven Odbor na SSRNM - Skopje, k-39, Analiza za situacijata sred begalcite od Egejska Makedonija vo FNRJ, 7.10.1953.
(30) Budno sledejkji shto se sluchuva so begalcite vo NRM, grchkite diplomati vo septemvri 1950 godina gi informiraat svoite sojuznici deka “od dolgorochen aspekt“ noviot periodichen “Glas na Egejskoto more (se odnesuva na organot na Zdruzhenieto na begalcite od Egejska Makedonija Glas na Egejcite, b.m.) chii celi se zacrtani vo dodatokot 2 (del X) verojatno pretstavuvaat seriozen kamen na sopnuvanje za bilo kakvo mozhno podobruvanje na grchko-jugoslovenskite odnosi...”. (Makedoncite vo jugoslovensko-grchkite odnosi, Dokumenti..., 248)
(31) DARM, f: Republichki Glaven Odbor na SSRNM - Skopje, k-39, cit.dok.
(32) Pedantnite britanski diplomati vo Atina kje zabelezhat: “... Jugoslovenite ne se raspolozheni da go prifatat argumentot deka ‘nema makedonsko malcinstvo’ vo Grcija po pat na zamolchuvanje...Potoa, poradi nadvoreshni i vnatreshni prichini, jugoslovenskata propaganda ne saka da zadrzhi diskreten molk vo odnos na ‘grchka Makedonija’ shto bi bilo najdobro“. Vo prodolzhenie na ovoj izveshtaj, sepak se konstatira deka vo natpisite na jugoslovenska strana nema nekavi teritorijalni baranja. (Makedoncite vo jugoslovensko-grchkite odnosi, ..., 112)
(33) Pri Kontrolnata komisija na CK na KPM bila oformena posebna grupa koja vo sorabotka so rakovoditeli od Egejska Makedonija gi razgleduvala izjavite na kadrite i dostavuvala predlog do Kontrolnata komisija na CK na KPM. Partiskite komiteti na terenot dobile preporaka preku "zasilena politichka i partiska rabota pomegju Makedoncite od Egejska Makedonija da nastojuvaat shto povekje da primat za chlenovi na KPM...". (DARM. f: CK KPM/SKM, k-27, dok. 39, Zapisnik za sastanka Biroa CK KPM, odrzhanog 14 maja 1951 god.).
(34) Spored odredeni procenki, najdobra politichka polozhba megju begalcite bila konstatirana vo Bitola. Tamu, spored sostavot, tie bile od Lerinsko, Kostursko i Vodensko, od onie kraishta kade shto antifashistichkoto demokratsko dvizhenje bilo najsilno. Skoro sekoe od ovie semejstva dalo zhrtvi vo borbata. Tie, vo golema mera, bile politichki poizdignati i tochno informirani za terorot nad Makedoncite vo Grcija i za sostojbite vo SSSR i stalinistichkite logori. Zaradi takvite soznanija ne projavuvale zhelba da se vratat nazad ili da zaminat od NRM i pokraj postoenjeto odredeni problemi so nivnoto smestuvanje (stan, vrabotuvanje isl.).
(35) Taka, na primer, onie od Kostursko i Lerinsko projavuvale zhelba da se naselat vo bitolskiot reon, onie od Dramsko vo Strumichko, od Vodensko - vo Kavadarci i Gevgelija, Prilep itn. I pokraj grupiranjeto vo reoni, sepak najgolem broj Makedonci od Egejot projavile zhelba da ostanat vo Skopje. Vo 1953 godina bilo evidentirano deka edna tretina od niv zhiveat vo Skopje, a bile podneseni 717 nivni molbi, od drugite pomali mesta vo NRM, za gradenje stanovi vo Skopje. (DARM. f: CK KPM/SKM, k-49, dok. 72, Izveshtaj od ekipata koja trebashe da ja ispita polozhbata na Egejcite, 1953).
(36) DARM. f: CK KPM/SKM, k-27, dok. 39, Zapisnik za sastanka Biroa CK KPM, odrzhanog 14 maja 1951 god.
(37) DARM, f: Republichki Glaven Odbor na SSRNM - Skopje, k-39, Informacija za polozhbata na begalcite od Egejska Makedonija, 13.04.1957.
(38) Za doagjanje na negovoto semejstvo od Polska vo NRM, Stavre Dzhikov zapishal: “...Na zheleznichkata stanica vo Skopje pristignavme zimata vo dekemvri 1956 godina. Moite roditeli bea tretirani kako politichki emigranti i so policiski dzhip né odnesoa vo zatvorot Idrizovo, kade shto bevme smesteni vo dzidani prizemni dolgi zgradi ≠ prifatilishta. Golemata zhelezna vrata vo Idrizovo zasekogash kje mi ostane vo pametenje, iako bev samo dete. Tri nokji prespavme vo prifatniot logor vo zatvorot i po raspitot na moite roditeli od policiskite islednici ne odvedoa vo anot Merkez kaj Bit-Pazar. Tamu vo edno tesno odajche zaedno so dedo mi Stojche, koj se pribra od Bitola zhiveevme edna godina. Makedoncite koi doagjaa od Istochniot lager na komunistichkite drzhavi, se karakteriziraa kako somnitelni i nadgleduvani od tajnata policija ≠ Uprava za drzhavna bezbednost ≠ UDB-a”. (Stavre Dzhikov, Chetvrta emigrantska Makedonija, Az-buki, Skopje 2007, 22).
(39) Sekretarot na Konzulatot Panajotis Nikolaidis, megju drugoto, zboruval: "Egejcite ni se nam golemi neprijateli i zatoa gi mrazime. Nie kje gi ochistime site Egejci i vekje pochnavme da gi chistime, neka znaat deka sme Grci... Grcija mora da ostane sosema chista samo so Grci, a ne i so ovie Makedonci. Ednash zasekogash kje se oslobodime od Makedoncite..." (DARM, f: Republichki Glaven Odbor na SSRNM - Skopje, k-39, Narodno sobranie na NRM, Izvrshno vekje, str. pov. 6, 18.09.1953 g. Skopje, Drzhavnom sekretarijatu za inostrane poslove - Beograd). Polozhbata na Makedoncite koi ostanale vo svoeto rodno mesto vo grchkata drzhava bila mnogu teshka. Tie zhiveele vo teror i bezakonie"...Posle pet godini od zavrshuvanjeto na Gragjanskata vojna, se drzhat vo zatvorite i vo internacija neosudeni lica, ili osudeni vrz osnova na lazhni optuzhbi..." (DARM, f: Republichki Glaven Odbor na SSRNM - Skopje, k-39, Sekretarijatot na Glavniot odbor na Zdruzhenieto na Makedoncite od Egejska Makedonija, Do Izvrshniot sovet na FNRJ, 10.08.1953).
(40) Pritoa, so stapuvanjeto na sila na Zakonot za kolonizacija na severnite pokraini na Grcija od avgust 1953 godina se zgolemuvala do krajni granici neizvesnosta za vrakjanje vo nivnite imoti i rodni mesta. Vo chlen 6 od Zakonot nedvizhniot imot na onie lica koi se naselile vo stranstvo ili nedozvoleno ja napushtile zemjata bez pasosh od nadlezhnite organi, se smeta kako napushten imot. Po istekot na 3 godini od begstvoto na spomenatite lica, nivniot imot avtomatski í pripagjal na drzhavata, so polno pravo na koristenje i vladeenje. Isto taka, se odzemala vo korist na drzhavata i zemjata na onie lica koi ja napushtile vo poslednite dve godini i se naselile vo vnatreshnosta na Grcija. Konfiskuvaniot imot im se dodeluval na novonaseleni lica koi mozhele da bidat i nezemjodelci, od bilo koj kraj na drzhavata. (DARM, f: Republichki Glaven Odbor na SSRNM - Skopje, k-39, Sekretarijatot..., 10.08.1953). So ova zakonodavstvo koe mu protivrechelo na site megjunarodni odredbi za pravata na chovekot i gragjaninot, na Makedoncite im bile odzemeni ne samo nacionalnite tuku i chovekovite prava da se vratat na svojot imot i vo svojata zemja od koja bile prinudeni vremeno da pobegnat
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