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  • George S.
    Senior Member
    • Aug 2009
    • 10116

    Macedonians: Aggressors or Victims?

    by Risto Stefov
    [email protected]

    May, 2002

    click here for a printable version

    It's a shame that so little of Macedonian history is known to the World, that the Western media routinely bundles Macedonia in the same package as her aggressive neighbours. I get frustrated every time I read an article that pins Macedonians as the "aggressors" and the "doers" of unbefitting acts of barbarism.

    In writing this document I will show that not only are Macedonians not aggressors, but also in fact throughout history they have been victims of aggression. Macedonians never raised arms against any nation (other than for defense), condoned violence or promoted slavery in the last 2300 years. Yet the Western media cannot seem to distinguish the acts of a Macedonian from those of his non-Macedonian neighbour. Take the most recent history for example. Armed Albanians that terrorized western Macedonia were labeled "victims of Macedonian aggression". Does that make any sense? Who was doing what to whom here? Will the Western media speak the same language if violence and terror was committed in the west? Will they write Albanians "are fighting for more rights" if a bunch of Albanians took up arms and killed French, German or English soldiers or policemen, or kidnapped civilians for ransom? Let's be realistic here.

    Day after day, over and over we read stories with lines like "Ethnic Albanians are fighting for their rights," in report after report after report. Does the media think readers can't remember from one day to the next? Or do they think that by saying it over and over and over again it will become believable? Even when Albanians fight against Albanians, the Macedonians seem to be somehow responsible according to some media reports. What gives?

    Speaking of rights, if the Western media cares so much about minority rights why haven't they written "comparative" reports between ethnic groups in the Balkans? What about examining the rights of Macedonians living in Albania? Are they afraid that they will reveal the truth that "Ethnic Albanians" in Macedonia have more rights than any other minority in the Balkans? In fact the Albanians in Macedonia have more rights than Macedonians living in Albania, Bulgaria, and Greece combined. Why isn't the Western media jumping on Albania, Greece or Bulgaria for not supporting "rights" for their minorities? Does one have to use violence to qualify for rights or does one have to carry a gun to get media attention? What kind of precedence is the Western media setting?

    It is not my intention here to take "puck shots" at the Western media. In fact it goes against the grain for me to be critical of the West after the West opened the doors for so many Macedonians at their darkest times. But at the same time I can't sit in the sidelines and watch what I hold so dearly be unfairly put down for the sake of making politics.

    Here are some things I find puzzling:

    1. Why didn't the Albanians in Macedonia insist on "more rights" when Macedonia became independent in 1991? They had plenty of opportunity.

    2. If Macedonians didn't care about Albanians as some Albanians claim, why did they open the border and homes to over 300,000 Kosovo refugees?
    3. Why do Albanians need to resort to guns and violence to obtain "more rights" and not to politics? One-third of the politicians in parliament are Albanians representing the Albanian voters.

    4. Why did the idea of "fighting for more rights" by violence come about after the bombing of Yugoslavia and not before?

    5. Outside of violent revolutions or dictatorships, it is a historic first for a minority to impose itself on a majority and dictate its terms by "violence". Why is the West condemning terrorism and violence everywhere else but allows it to freely flourish in Macedonia?

    6. If the Albanians are truly "fighting for more rights" why do they expel Macedonian civilians out of ethnically mixed neighbourhoods? How is that going to help them get "more rights"? Why do they want ethnically cleansed, "Albanians only" territories?

    7. Why is Greece, a modern Democratic country, a member of the European Union, and a signatory of Human rights agreements, allowed to stomp unabated on its Macedonian minority without a single reaction from the Western media? Yet all hell breaks loose when Macedonia, a sovereign nation tries to defend itself from terrorism?

    Let us not speak of ourselves as "fair and impartial". Let our deeds speak for themselves.

    Who are the Albanians?

    Like Greece, Albania is a modern nation. Albania was created by Austro-Hungary, Britain, France and Italy and became a nation for the first time in 1912 (December London Conference). Before that, Albania was occupied by the Ottoman Empire and would have fallen victim to Serbia and Greece had it not been for Western power intervention. She too would have suffered the same fate as Macedonia had it not been for Austro-Hungary's desire to keep Russia away from the Adriatic waters. Serbia, a Russian ally wanted parts of Albania for herself so she could have access to the Adriatic. None of the Western superpowers, however, wanted Russia to have access to the Mediterranean Sea. So to block Russia out, the Western superpowers created a "Western Protectorate" along the Adriatic coast and named her Albania. The name is a modern term without historical significance. Like the Greeks who wanted to be called Helene, the Albanians wanted to be called Illyrians, after the ancient Illyrians who two millennia ago lived in the same region, but that was not to be. Today modern Albanians prefer to call themselves Sqiptar and Arnaout instead of Albanian. The Albanians of today speak two languages, the Gheg dialect in the north and the Tosk in the south.

    The idea of "Greater Albania" was born in 1878 when nationalism became widespread and gripped the Balkans with hysteria and violence. A radical group named Balli Kombetar started the idea by proposing the creation of an "ethnically pure" Albania to encompass all territories where Albanians existed. This was to include parts of Montenegro, Kosovo, parts of Serbia, parts of Macedonia and all of Greek occupied Ipiros. Greek and Serbian expansionism however, reduced Albania to its present day borders. The current territory was later sanctioned by the Western powers (Bucharest Treaty and ratified by the Versailles Treaty) during the Paris Peace Conference of 1919.

    Being allies with the Ottoman Turk (before 1912) Albanians were often employed by the Ottoman military and as elite guard to the wealthy and prominent Turks.

    It is believed that before the Ottoman occupation, Albanians were Christian who later converted to Islam. Being of the same faith (Muslim) Albanians had equal rights as their religious brethren the Turks. They lived their lives free to do business, loot, persecute and prey on their Christian neighbours. At the same time Turkey refused to give Albanians their independence until the West forced it on them in 1912.

    The issue of a "Greater Albania" resurfaced during World War II, this time sponsored by Adolph Hitler himself. During the occupation (1941 to 1945) parts of the Balkans were re-partitioned and re-distributed to German and Italian allies. The Italian administered Macedonian territory of Tetovo, Gostivar, Kichevo, Struga, and Debar were given to Albania while Skopje, Bitola, and Shtip were given to Bulgaria.

    YES, for those of you who didn't know, Albania was an ally of Nazi Germany. In fact the Albanians were a trusted ally of the SS. In 1944, an Albanian Waffen SS Division was formed, the 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg"(Albanische Nr.1). The Skanderbeg Division occupied Western Macedonia with a base in Tetovo. Later there were plans to form a second SS division by Himmler who purportedly believed the Albanian Ghegs were of pure Aryan origins (Carl Savich). Himmler's plans however, did not come to fruition as Germany was in retreat before Himmler was able to complete the job.

    According to Partisan accounts, the "Balisty" (Albanian Skenderbeg division) fought back fiercely and were tough to put down. There were also horror stories circulating of how the Balisty treated prisoners of war. According to eyewitnesses they employed ritualistic executions that included killing by a knife cut to the throat and licking the blood off the knife blade.

    The plan for a "Greater Albania" died after World War II but the desire for it simmered on in the hearts of a few extremists only to re-surface with the break-up of Yugoslavia in the 1980's. With no allies, this time Albanian extremists turned to modern methods of warfare, "lobbying". After establishing a strong lobby in the Western Diaspora they went to work prodding and disturbing old wounds. Some well-positioned prods at Serbia gave them the expected retaliatory response. The propaganda machine, like a Hollywood film production, quickly scripted the scenes painting the Albanians as "victims" and the Serbs as "aggressors". The Western media lapped it up and turned it into headline news. After all it fit Western expectations of "good versus evil".

    Where did the Albanians get the money? Like filming epic productions, creating propaganda costs money, a lot of money. Most of the money came from the sale of illegal drugs and the sex trade industry. A lot of money came from taxing ordinary Albanians both at home and in the Diaspora. Some came from rich individuals and organizations that saw the conflict as a long-term investment and an opportunity to make a lot more money. The Albanians knew that militarily they were no match for the Serbs, so they used "every means possible" including lying, cheating and fighting dirty to provoke a "superpower" military response against the Serbs. In time they succeeded and their investment paid off. I can only imagine the exhilaration of the UCK as they watched the mighty Western air force pound Serbia back into the 19th century. It's reminiscent of the glee of Venice in 1204 as she watched the destruction of Constantinople by the Latin 4th crusade.

    Don't get me wrong, the West is not so naive that it would blindly get itself involved in a purely humanitarian situation. They have a plan of their own, I can only speculate as to what it is (Camp Bondsteel?).
    See https://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/a.../oil-a29.shtml also https://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/...e.asp?nid=1837

    If you want to find out more about the recent Balkan conflicts read Scott Taylor's latest book "Diary of an Un Civil War" or visit "www.antiwar.com".

    What is the West planning for the Balkans? I don't know but if I were Albanian I would let history be my guide! Not everything turns out the way you want it. There is no "free lunch" now days.

    Playing the "victim" worked so well in Kosovo why not try it in Macedonia? Try it the Albanians did. Right after the Kosovo conflict the Albanian propaganda machine went to work again, spinning and weaving scenarios and manipulating the Western media. Apparently it seems that the media didn't learn anything from the Serbian experience. Or should I say they didn't care to learn anything because if they did they would have had to admit they made a mistake and supported the wrong side. What about Macedonia: who is who in Macedonia? That apparently doesn't seem to matter because the media has made up its mind. The Albanians are the "good guys" and they can do no wrong. They were the good guys in Kosovo, so therefore it is only logical that they are "the good guys" in Macedonia, right?

    A lot of what is happening in Macedonia can be directly attributed to what happened in Kosovo. It has nothing to do with "fighting for rights" or not having enough rights. The Macedonians of today are the same Macedonians of 1991 when Macedonia became a sovereign nation. They are the same Macedonians that opened the doors to 300,000 Kosovo Albanian refugees.

    The Albanian success story with Serbia in Kosovo has given the "Extremist Albanian Element" courage, high profile, popularity, notoriety and momentum to continue the quest for a "Greater Albania". The Albanians lied, cheated, fought dirty and committed unspeakable acts of terror then successfully pinned it on the Serbs and got away with it. Who is going to stop them from doing it again in Macedonia, the Western media?

    Some of the blame for what is happening in Macedonia I squarely place on the shoulders of the Western media. Time and time again the Western mainstream media refuses to do its homework and continues to report "well camouflaged" propaganda as "the news".

    It is easy to let things slip as "news" but difficult to imagine the consequences they create for those "making the news". What puzzles me the most is how Western reporters who have witnessed atrocities committed by Albanians can still report that Albanians are "fighting for their rights"? How do you justify "burning churches" as fighting for your rights? How does kidnapping and severely torturing civilians qualify as fighting for your rights? How does mutilating the bodies of soldiers serve as fighting for your rights? How are Albanians who committed criminal acts against Macedonians going to reconcile them with their Macedonian neighbours? If Albanians truly want more rights they should be focusing on diplomatic and not criminal acts. But are they truly "fighting for rights"? Examine their acts and decide for yourself!

    If you are interested in learning more about Balkan issues please read Scott Taylor's books "INAT" and "Diary of an Un Civil War". This is reporting the way it should be and Scott, without holding any punches, is "telling it the way it is".

    I don't want to leave the impression that all Albanians are bad guys. Like most people, the majority of Albanians are honest, hard working and tolerant of others. Macedonians, in every corner of Macedonia at one point or another, have coexisted with Albanians. Culturally however, we have subtle differences. Unlike the Macedonians, Albanians abide by an ancient law of conduct and practice the old edict of an "eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth". They believe that "unkind acts must be avenged with equally unkind acts". The ancient law prohibits Albanians from what we call "airing dirty laundry in public". Unlike the Christian Macedonians whose culture and religion prohibits them from using violence, the Muslim religion allows violence to be used "in acts of defense" which can often be intentionally misinterpreted by the propagandists. Using violence as a problem-solving tool between Albanian and Albanian is not uncommon but can start a war when used against other cultures.

    By enacting the code of silence, a small but extreme violent element can wield unimaginable terror on the majority of the population. Now imagine what it could do if empowered and backed with the military might of a superpower.

    Using threats and violence to solve problems and not allowing the victims to tell about it has empowered small but extreme elements in Kosovo and Macedonia to control very large numbers of Albanians both at home and in the Diaspora.

    It is wrong for one to say that Albanian men are criminals involved in the drug and the sex trade (see http://msnbc.com/news/725802.asp?cp1=1) without qualifications. It is true that proportionally there are more Albanian men involved in criminal activities in Macedonia than Macedonian men. However, inactivity in the young breeds discontentment and boredom, which in turn leads to mischief. Young men who feel that there is no future for them in education drop out of school and look for opportunities elsewhere like joining criminal gangs or extreme political elements. There is also the popular misconception that committing violence against other races is "patriotic", which attracts the young and politically unaware. Men of intellect can do little against such propaganda especially when ignorant men point loaded guns at their heads.

    What about Albanian women?

    Culturally, Albanian women are very different from Macedonian women. Albanian women are expected to be obedient daughters and the devoted mothers of many children. Very few Muslim men believe in educating their daughters. In fact most believe that an ignorant daughter is an obedient daughter. Don't look for too many Albanian women with higher education or in intellectual circles.

    The bottom line here is that the West, by accident or by design, has yet again allowed acts of violence to be committed against the Macedonian people. What hurts the most is the perpetual abuse Macedonians endure at the hands of the Western media. Time and time again the "real victims" are accused of being "aggressors" while the "real aggressors" are labeled as "victims" and allowed to get away with murder.

    The only aggression Macedonia has committed in the last 2,400 years lasted a dozen years or so during the short-lived exploits of Alexander the Great. Philip built a strong Macedonia for defense against his neighbours not for military exploits. The Illyrians looted and pillaged Macedonian settlements from the west, Thracians raided Macedonian settlements from the north, Persians invaded Macedonia from the east and the City States plundered the Macedonian timberlands from the south. Philip extended his frontiers to protect his country from exploitation not to make it into an empire. It was Alexander's and only Alexander's desire to make Macedonia into a world power.

    Since Alexander's death, Macedonians through the ages have been victims of world aggression. At the outset, Macedonia endured attack after fierce attack from Rome during the four Roman Macedonian wars. Rome didn't cease until Macedonia was rubble and that still didn't satisfy her. To add insult to injury Macedonia was partitioned into four pieces rendering her incapable of defense. Macedonia was the last to fall to the Romans and for her courage and tenacity she paid a heavy price. Roman cruelty and brutality turned Macedonia into a slave state and her people into slaves and "gladiator fodder" for Roman amusement. Life became so harsh that mothers no longer wanted to bear children. No wonder Macedonia was the first European nation to turn away from violence and embrace the teaching of the peace loving Christ. One can almost say that Christianity came to Macedonia by accident. One of the first encounters came when Jesus' mother Mary, travelling by boat was forced to land on the shores of the Macedonian coast during a violent storm. Expecting not to be welcomed by the heathens and barbarians she was pleasantly surprised to find gentle people that not only welcomed her, but were also familiar with her son's teachings. She was so happy that she blessed the old coastal mountain that became known as Sveta Gora (Holy Mountain). The news traveled far and wide and prompted Apostle Paul to visit Macedonia in 50AD. Paul was a Jew and a Roman citizen whose name was Saul of Tarsus before he was Christianized. Paul was well received by the masses when he spoke to them directly and they understood his words. That could only have been possible if Paul spoke Macedonian, the only language the masses understood. During the same year the first Christian church "The Golden Gate" was built on Holy Mountain, which prompted the start of the Christianization in Europe. The Macedonians were the first people to be Christianized.

    As Roman influence shrank in the West, Christianity in Macedonia grew strong and consolidated its power on Holy Mountain. With the collapse of Rome, power shifted from West to East. A new capital was built that would serve the Christian Empire for over a thousand years. With the new capital came a new age and a new way of life free of Roman tyranny, cruelty and brutality. It was a lasting age because it was based on peace and love modeled after Christ's teachings.

    The name given to the new capital was "Tsari Grad" ("City of Kings") a well-chosen name for a powerful capital that would govern the "Pravoslaven" ("Most Glorious") Holy Christian Empire for a millennium. Tsari Grad later became known as Constantinople named after Emperor Constantine and the Pravoslaven Empire became known as the Byzantine Empire named after the ancient town of Byzantium on top of which Constantinople was built. (For more information on Macedonia please read Vasil Bogov's excellent book, "Macedonian Revelations") See www.macedonian-revelation.cjb.net).

    Some authors say that Macedonia was never Latinized and the Byzantine Empire was not at all a Roman Empire but a Macedonian Empire modeled after the old Macedonian Empire from Alexander's time. The first Eastern Emperor was Constantine, a Macedonian Caesaropapist (both Caesar and Pope), who after becoming Emperor in 312AD founded Tsari Grad and a year later accepted Christianity as the official religion of his empire. Constantine chose to build his capital at Byzantium instead of Solun for two reasons. First, Byzantium was strategically positioned between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. Second, the city was built on an Island surrounded by water, which made it a natural fortress. As well as being a military strategic point, Tsari Grad was also a center of commerce connecting east and west.

    The location of Tsari Grad was a choice by design and served the Pravoslaven Empire from 313AD to 1543AD. While Western Europe toiled through the dark ages, the Pravoslaven Empire stood on guard as a bulwark against invaders protecting Europe from the East. Also, while Western Europe lay intellectually dormant, the Pravoslaven Empire gave the world art, culture, law, science and architecture.

    Two hundred years after Constantine another Great Macedonian Emperor named Justinian (527-565) came to power. Justinian commissioned the building of the magnificent cathedral of St. Sofia in Tsari Grad (completed in 597AD). Justinian was also famous for the creation of what later became known as the "Justinian code" (law of the land), which provided Europe and later French Canada with a foundation for their legal systems.

    At the peak of its power Tsari Grad became the crossroads of Europe and Asia, a center of commerce for the four corners of the world and a monopoly in silk cloth production. The strength of the Empire lay in the Imperial Army, the Bureaucracy and the Pravoslavna (Christian) Church. The church gave the emperor ideology, absolutism and religion that held population and institutions together. Multiculturalism flourished especially in the Capital and on Holy Mountain. Even multi-ethnic Emperors were allowed to share the Imperial throne.

    It was a multicultural paradise that Alexander the Great would have envied. Actually, Alexander the Great was one of the first Macedonian leaders to understand the benefits of multiculturalism. Like a well-adorned garden with plants and flowers from many places of the world, multiculturalism equally adorns a society with knowledge and beauty. The more the cultures the greater the contribution to the artistic, scientific, architectural, mathematical, literary and cultural pool of a society. In the Pravoslaven Empire it was the Christian faith that bonded the many races and cultures together. Christianity for the Pravoslaven Empire was like Judaism is for the modern Jews. Nationalism and capitalism had no place in the philosophically religious Pravoslaven people.

    Western Europe on the other hand, after awakening from her long intellectual sleep, took a different direction. While Christian faith was the essence of Eastern life, pursuit of wealth became the essence of Western life. Initially it was the Emperors, then the Kings and finally the wealthy that ruled the West. But as the pyramid of rule broke down, autocracy gave way to monarchy and as the merchant class gained wealth, monarchy gave way to capitalism. Slowly what was one time the Western Roman Empire, now became a myriad of smaller countries with unique languages and cultures. Autocrats became representatives of the wealthy, ordinary people pledged loyalty to their new nations and capitalism gave birth to nationalism. Capitalism, like a burning fire needed fuel to grow and land to spread. In the West's quest for trade, Venice was becoming the leader of commerce. Venice wanted to become a great merchant power, a middleman of consumerism but Tsari Grad was always in the way. Far superior to Venice, Tsari Grad monopolized the silk trade and prohibited Venice from realizing her dream. Finally, as fate would have it, her moment of glory was near. When the Crusaders ran out of money and couldn't afford to pay for their voyage to the Holy Lands, they turned to Venice. Venice offered them a way out but the offer came with a price. It was Pope Innocent the III who turned the crusaders first against the Christian town of Zara in the Adriatic in 1202 then against Tsari Grad in 1204. Principles gave away to greed and Christian turned against Christian. All this to satisfy the greed and commercial appetites of Venice. It was not a war of armies but a war of betrayal, deceit, and total annihilation. The unsuspecting and trusting citizens of Tsari Grad gladly opened the city doors for the Crusaders. Instead of bringing peace however, the Latins killed the entire Tsari Grad population, military and civilian, then looted the city of its possessions. The city streets were flooded with the blood of the innocent. Warriors, women, and children alike were all slaughtered like lambs by the Latin crusaders. This was an act of shame that the Western Church will endure for all eternity. (To learn about the crusades and much more please read "The Foundations of the West" by D. Fishwick).

    The schism between the Western and Eastern Church that started with the one hundred-year icon controversy became permanent after the 1204 incident. While the Western Church broke up into many Christian factions, the Eastern Church remained united up until the 19th century. Latin was still in use by the Western Church when the Eastern Church converted to Macedonian. To simplify the written Macedonian language during the 8th century AD, Macedonian scholars created what is now known as the Cyrillic script. Then in 882AD while residing in Solun, the scholar Methodius translated many of the Glagolitic writings to Cyrillic script. Cyrillic is a phonetic script and easier to learn than the old Glagolitic. Unlike Latin, Macedonian (Old Church Slavonic) liturgy was well understood by the majority of subjects of the Pravoslaven Empire.

    The legacy of the Pravoslaven Empire stretched beyond its borders and as far away as the Russian tribes. Most of Eastern Europe and Russia were Christianized by the cultural touch of the Pravoslaven Empire. After the fall of Tsari Grad, Moscow became the capital of Eastern Christianity. Not only did Russia take advantage of Macedonian arts and culture but she also claimed Tsari Grad's government. Ivan the Great married the niece of the last Pravoslaven Emperor and claimed his power as Czar of Russia.

    After sacking Tsari Grad in 1204, a Latin Emperor was installed and his rule lasted until 1261 when the Pravoslavni overthrew him and regained control over the Empire. But in its weakened state the once mighty Pravoslaven Empire fell prey to the Muslim onslaught and capitulated to the Ottoman Turks on May 29th, 1543. West European aggression allowed the eastern gates to open and Muslims to sit at the Christian throne to this day.

    Even though Ottoman authority ruled Macedonia, the Macedonian church for years played the role of educator, administrator and protector of the Macedonian people. Ohrid now became the cultural and religious capital of Macedonia. Holy Mountain through its fifty or so multicultural monasteries managed to keep the Turks out and the Pravoslavna faith alive.

    After unsuccessful attempts to dominate the west, the Ottoman Empire finally halted at Venice and remained static until the 19th century. As Western Europe grew and flourished economically, Macedonia fell into darkness and despair. Heavy taxation, corruption, abuse and plain neglect of Macedonia by the Turks threw the Macedonian people into poverty and illiteracy. As the West received knowledge and light from the Pravoslaven heritage (via the Muslims in Spain and Sicily), Macedonia fell into darkness. The powerful Macedonian Church was abolished in 1767 by Sultan Mustafa III and the once faithful who drew strength, knowledge and inspiration from the church were robbed of their heritage.

    Jealous of the privileges Macedonians enjoyed under the protection of the Macedonian Church, Greeks conspired with Turks to cause its (the Macedonian Church) demise. The same Greeks who served the Turks, spread political propaganda and lies throughout the world about Hellenism and managed to install themselves inside the Christian Church. Going after total domination of the Macedonian Church, the Greeks succeeded in Hellenizing and re-naming the Macedonian Church from Pravoslavna to Greek Orthodox and then claiming it as their own. Greeks re-named "Tsari Grad" to "Constantinople" and "Pravoslaven" to "Byzantine" to rob Macedonia of her glory. It seems that even then, the West was duped (by the Greeks) into believing that Byzantine heritage belonged to the Greeks. Even before the 16th century the jealous Greeks campaigned to erase Pravoslavism and Macedonian influence and replace it with a false legacy that favoured Hellenism. As it turned out, they succeeded.

    During the 19th century history was re-written to fit the newly created modern states. Czarist Russian Imperialist desires for world domination gave the term "Pravoslavism" a nationalistic meaning in order to twist history in her favour. First, the idea of Pan Slavism was created claiming that the "Slavs" were a "nation" of one people. Second, the idea of Slav migrations from Russia to Europe was popularized to show nationalistic connections between Slavism and Russia.

    Russia didn't get what she wanted (world domination), but in trying she created a false legacy that would haunt Macedonia to this day and beyond. For one, she gave the Greeks further ammunition to lay claims to the Ancient Macedonians. Having Slav origins pinned the modern Macedonians as "newcomers" to the region. Also, by claiming heritage to the Slavs and aligning herself with Bulgaria (San Stefano Treaty of 1878), Russia totally sold out Macedonia. This suited the Greeks and Bulgarians perfectly because both were in agreement that the Slavs in Macedonia were really Bulgarians and the conspiracy to hide Macedonia from the world was complete. This, as it turned out, had devastating effects on the Macedonian population after the Balkan wars. After 1912, "Slav" became a dirty word in Greece. Indigenous Macedonians were constantly harassed and humiliated into feeling unwelcome in their own homes. After 1912, many Macedonians who refused to pledge allegiance to Greece were labeled "Bulgar" and kicked out of Macedonia.

    I want to make it perfectly clear that "Pravoslaven" in Macedonian means "Most Glorious" and refers to the Christian religion. "Slava" translates to "celebrate" as in a religious celebration. By no means does the word "Slav" have any connection to "nationality". "Slav" for a Macedonian once had the same meaning as Catholic for an Italian, Jew for a Hebrew, Orthodox for a Greek, Muslim for an Arab or Hindu for an East Indian. Today however, the beauty of the word "Slav" has, for political purposes, been twisted into something ugly, undesirable and denigrating to all Macedonians. So please Western Media refrain from calling us "Slav".

    The Pravoslaven Empire lasted from 324AD when Christianity was first adopted as the official religion of the Empire to 1767 when the Turks, with Greek help, officially extinguished the Macedonian Church. After that up until 1850, the Macedonian Church lived underground and continued to operate illegally keeping the Christian faith and the Macedonian culture alive.

    After the fall of Tsari Grad and the establishment of the Sultan as the sole master of the Balkans, the waters connecting the Mediterranean Sea (Stredno Zemno More) and the Black Sea (Tsrno More) were closed to all trading traffic, including Western Trading Vessels. As a direct result Columbus discovered America. With the re-discovery of science and mathematics, astronomy was not far behind. The need to find alternate routes to the Orient led Columbus to "go around" and stumble into a new continent. The rest is history.

    The 19th and 20th centuries were busy times in the Balkans and will be a subject for future writings. In this document I want to show that like today, superpower intervention shaped future events in the past. The Balkans were the last capitalist frontier in Europe. While Russia was vying for access to the Mediterranean Sea, Britain, France and Turkey were trying to prevent her. Turkey was old and decrepit and needed modernization to bring her up to current economic standards. At the same time "The Sick Man of Europe" (Turkey) was poor and needed hefty injections of capital which the capitalist countries of Europe were more than willing to oblige.

    This created a problem, super power Russia wanted Turkey out and superpowers France and Britain (investors) wanted her in Europe. None of the superpowers wanted to create a large modern country in the Balkans.

    The superpowers, in their zeal to play politics accidentally created Greece, which became a British protectorate just to keep the Russians out of the Mediterranean. Russia kicked out Turkey from Europe and created "Greater Bulgaria" but didn't have the courage to hang on to her and Turkey was put right back. Russia then became Serbia's ally desperately hoping to gain access to the Adriatic Sea. In response, the Western powers created Albania, a protectorate of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In the meantime the Macedonians were given the boot not once, not twice, not three times but four times.

    First, Britain and France re-instated Turkish Rule in Macedonia right after rejecting the San Stefano Treaty (Greater Bulgaria).

    Second, during the 1903 Ilinden Uprising, Macedonia wanted Turkey out but the Western powers wanted her in. No one stepped in to help Macedonia rebellion.

    Third, after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913 when it became clear that the true intentions of the "Balkan League" (Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria) were to partition Macedonia, no one from the superpowers stepped in to stop them.

    Fourth, when Macedonia's partition was ratified at the Versailles Treaty during the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, Macedonians were not allowed to attend the conference and to represent their county's interests.

    (If you wish to learn more about Macedonian History from the last two hundred years, please read an excellent book by the Macedonian author "A. Michael Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question").

    Let's not forget World War II and the Macedonian Partisan uprising against the Fascist forces. How were the Macedonians rewarded for their contribution? This was another time the West could have saved Macedonia but instead they chose to throw her back to the Greeks and Bulgarians to finish her off.

    Now tell me who are the "aggressors" and who are the "victims"?

    If the West is interested in helping the true victims of oppression, before they continue to help the Albanians in Macedonia who do have rights, they must first turn their attention to the Macedonians in Albania, the Macedonians in Bulgaria and the Macedonians in Greece who have no rights whatsoever in comparison to the Albanians in Macedonia. If they think that the Albanians in Macedonia are victims of oppression then what do they call the Macedonians in Democratic Greece who are not even recognized as a people, never mind having rights? There is something wrong here and if the West wants to correct it they must equalize the balance of rights for all minorities in the Balkans.

    Macedonia has given Europe Christianity and kept her safe from the dark. Macedonia was the keeper of light and the guard of ancient knowledge and civilization. Through her accumulated "knowledge of the ages" Macedonia gave Europe art, mathematics, biology, medicine, law, physics and philosophy. What has Europe done for Macedonia lately?

    My greatest hope in writing this article is to convince all Macedonians that we must believe in ourselves and rediscover the glory of our past, not as others tell it to us but "as it truly was".
    "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
    GOTSE DELCEV

    Comment

    • George S.
      Senior Member
      • Aug 2009
      • 10116

      Oh how the Mighty Have Fallen!

      by Risto Stefov
      [email protected]

      February 27, 2005


      I am referring to the latest Greek Orthodox Church fiasco. If you have been following the news lately you couldn't have missed the scathing reports coming out of Greece.

      Ordinarily, I don't like getting involved in internal Church matters, especially scandals in the Greek Church, but given that these matters have affected the lives of hundreds of thousands of Christian Orthodox Macedonians both inside and outside of Greece, I feel it is necessary that I say something.

      Our (Macedonian) relationship with the Greek Orthodox Church is very old and stormy. It began in the early part of the 19th century and intensified around 1850 after the appointment of the ecumenical Patriarch in Tsari Grad (Istanbul). Before the appointment the Patriarchy was another administrative function of the Ottoman Empire but with the creation of the Greek State in 1829 its interests began to shift.

      The Patriarchy in Tsari Grad was created to serve several functions in the Ottoman administration; banking, foreign services, translation and most importantly governing the non-Muslim subjects. Being an Islamic State, the Ottoman Empire had no civil or secular authority. Both civil and religious matters were governed by religious laws derived from interpretations of the Koran. Unfortunately, there was no such law for non-Muslims.

      In the Balkans, in Macedonia in particular, the majority of the non-Muslim population was Pravoslav (Orthodox) Christian. To overcome the rule of law for non-Muslims, the Ottomans allowed the Pravoslav Patriarchy to continue to function but under the direct authority of the Ottoman Sultan.

      With the creation of the Ecumenical Patriarchy, the Greek State, which had earlier adopted Christian Orthodoxy as its State religion, indirectly began to lay claims to all Pravoslav Churches, including those in Macedonia.

      Almost immediately all churches in Macedonia were infiltrated by the agents of the Patriarch who closely but unofficially cooperated with Athens. By the early 1870's Slavonic liturgy, which at the time was covertly and illegally conducted since the abolishment of the Macedonian Church in 1767, was replaced by liturgy conducted in Koine. Besides changing the language of liturgy, the Patriarchy began to exploit its parishes to a point of poverty. The Slavonic speakers complained to the Russian authorities, who at the time had appointed themselves guardians of the Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire. Pressure from Russia forced the Sultan to create another religious governing body, specifically for the Slavonic speakers, which later became known as the Exarchist Church. The Exarchy was created in 1875 at the extreme protest of the Patriarchy, which refused to recognize it. The Sultan created the Exarchy without hesitation because, in his view, the two churches would now compete against each other and not against the Turks.

      The Exarchist Church almost immediately took root in Bulgaria and was adopted as the State's religion in 1878, when Bulgaria gained its autonomy from the Ottomans.

      After the Berlin Congress of 1878, when Macedonia was given back to the Ottoman, both the Patriarchy and Exarchy simultaneously began to use their influence inside Macedonia. Initially their interests were to exploit the Macedonian parishes. But later as the political objectives of the Greek and Bulgarian States shifted so did the objectives of the two churches.

      When the Great Powers decided that Macedonia should be divided between Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia, in order to enlarge their territories and better their chances for economic survival, in their great wisdom, they decided that Macedonia should be divided along national lines. Being totally ignorant of what nationalities lived in Macedonia, the Great Powers left the division up to the competing states, Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia.

      Since Ottoman law only recognized Muslims and non-Muslims, there were no state statistics defining nationalities so the competing states, Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia initiated their own census taking.

      Since the concept of nationality was fairly new to the people in the Balkans, national sentiments were nonexistent. Being disallowed to interfere in the internal affairs of the Ottoman Empire, the competing states, Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia used their influence through their respective churches, initially to carry out census activities and later to create nationalities where none existed before.

      Since there were no national affiliations among the Ottoman subjects in Macedonia, the Greeks adopted the idea that Muslims were Turks and Orthodox Christians were Greeks simply because of their religious affiliation. The same idea was applied in the 1922-24 Greek-Turkish Asia Minor population exchanges where more than one million Christian Turks were evicted from their homes and transplanted in the "New Territories", Macedonia and Thessaly. Similarly nearly half a million Muslim Macedonians, in spite of their cries that they were not Turks, were uprooted from Macedonia and forcibly evicted to Turkey.

      The Bulgarians, on the other hand, adopted the idea that all Slavonic speakers are Bulgarians because they speak a dialect of the Bulgarian language. For that matter, so did the Serbians, Croatians, Montenegrins, Slovenians, Poles, Slovaks, Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Russians, etc. But the Bulgarians did not lay claim to them did they? Anyway, they quickly ran into problems when the Serbians began to make similar claims.

      The competing states ran into trouble and became the laughing stock of Europe as they published their census statistics each making claims to the same population. Village populations seemed to double and triple literally overnight.

      It is interesting to note that among the Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbians, Turks, Vlahs, Albanians and Jews that reportedly lived in Macedonia, not a single Macedonian was mentioned to exist in Macedonia. In spite of the fact that the Macedonian peoples organized an all Macedonian rebellion against the Ottomans, still there were no mentions among the competing state statistics of Macedonians living in Macedonia.

      When those kinds of statistics alone were not convincing enough for the Great Powers, the competing states, through their respective churches, implemented assimilation policies. Macedonians were coaxed, bribed and paid to register themselves as Greeks, Bulgarians or Serbians. Each church parish registered Macedonians as Greeks, Bulgarians or Serbians, depending on which competing Church controlled the parish. Macedonians, requiring official papers like passports and visas, were helped by the foreign sponsored parish priest or teacher who registered them not as Macedonians but as Greeks, Bulgarians, or Serbians. That is why so many Macedonians who now live in the Diaspora, whose families left Macedonia at the turn of the 19th century, have last names ending with "off", "os", "is" and "ou". Many families that left Greek occupied Macedonia before 1912 had names ending in "off". These people were Macedonians, parishioners of the Exarchist Church. The Exarchist Church registered them with Bulgarian sounding names in order to claim them as Bulgarians. The Greeks did the same.

      The competing Churches were not above laying claims to brothers born of the same mother and father: one being Bulgarian and another being Greek.

      When Macedonians found out what was happening, voluntary assimilation became difficult. In spite of claims to the contrary, a Macedonian national consciousness did exist which gave birth to the liberation movement. Krste Misirkov, a great Macedonian writer, warned the Macedonian people to resist assimilation because he could foresee that Macedonia was in danger of being partitioned.

      Failing to assimilate the Macedonian masses peacefully, the competing States introduced stricter policies of forced assimilation through sheer terror. All competing states, through their respective churches and clergy, clandestinely sponsored paid brigands to terrorize the population. One of the worst human beings to masquerade as a Greek bishop was Karavangelis who, in the name of Hellenism, personally picked the most evil brigands and personally paid them to torture, murder, decapitate and skin human beings. He considered himself educated and civilized and proudly displayed his trophies of human skulls and human skins in his own home.

      After the 1903 Macedonian failed Ilinden rebellion, the Greek Church began to closely cooperate with the Ottoman authorities, including the Ottoman army. Karavangelis, on many occasion, was seen and even photographed blessing the Turkish cannons before they opened fire on civilians in Macedonian villages, turning people and property to dust.

      After the 1912-1913 occupation and partition of Macedonia, Greece and Bulgaria exchanged populations purely on the basis of church allegiance. Parishioners, who in fact were Macedonians but belonged to the Exarchist Church, were uprooted and driven out of their homes purely on that basis. More than fifty thousand Macedonians were expelled from their lands in the Greek occupied territory simply because they were affiliated with the Exarchist church. The Bulgarians did the same.

      Foreign churches, especially the Greek Church have proven to be the strongest and staunchest opponents of Macedonism. Even today, the Greek and Bulgarian Churches refuse to recognize the Macedonian people as a nation. The Serbian Church, on the other hand, is still refusing to recognize a Macedonian church, even though they both co-existed under the Yugoslav federation for over forty-five years.

      The real shame is that a great number of Macedonians both in Greece and the Diaspora have reverence for the Greek Church, regularly attending mass, contributing morally and with hard earned dollars. Surely they do this because they believe in the Orthodox Church's sanctity!

      I am sorry to say that they, time and time again, have been deceived. If you forgave them their sins for what they did to the Macedonian people in the past, then I implore you to take a good hard look and judge them for what they have done to the sanctity of your faith. They are not worthy of your devotion!

      It is unbecoming for men of the faith at all levels, from Bishop to priest, to be accused of antiquity smuggling, trial-fixing, aiding drug trafficking suspects, embezzlement and the broadcast by private TV stations of wiretaps of sexually explicit telephone conversations involving senior clergy, trysts by bishops, church links to convicted drug smugglers and so on. These are the acts of hard core criminals!

      How can the Greek Church preach morality when it has none of its own?

      I am beginning to wonder if this is the same Greek Church which, for more than a century has fanatically and adamantly opposed Macedonism, made our lives a living hell!

      Is this the same Greek Church which has embodied Greek morality for centuries?

      Is this the defender of Hellenism and of Greek culture?

      It seems that the mighty have fallen and have lost their way! It is time to purge them from our lives!

      The following article was taken from the February 18, 2005 Globe and Mail.

      Greek church struggles amid tide of scandal

      Blitz of seamy allegations led Archbishop to beg forgiveness

      Friday, February 18, 2005

      Associated Press (Globe and Mail - Canada)

      Athens - Greece's embattled Orthodox Church leader begged the nation for forgiveness Friday after a blitz of allegations ranging from trial-fixing to purported sex escapades battered the church's reputation as guardian of Greek culture and honour.

      The apology by Archbishop Christodoulos - made as senior clerics opened an emergency conclave to impose reforms - showed the depth of the crisis for the church and its attempts to regain its footing even as the embarrassing scandals continue to unfold.

      Public outrage has reached such a level that some politicians and commentators have suggested stripping the Orthodox Church of its status as the official state religion - a once almost unthinkable proposal in a nation where church and political history are often intertwined.

      "I humbly ask for forgiveness from the people and the clerics who, in their majority, honour ... the cassock they wear," Archbishop Christodoulos said in his opening statement to the church's governing Holy Synod. He called the crisis "particularly grave."

      One bishop, Spyridon, described the scandals as a religious "tsunami."

      The crisis began early this month when a priest was charged with antiquity smuggling and placed under investigation in connection with an alleged trial-fixing ring that aided drug trafficking suspects and others.

      Accusations then started coming at a dizzying pace: a senior cleric suspended for suspected embezzlement and the broadcast by private TV stations of wiretaps of sexually explicit telephone conversations allegedly involving senior clergy.

      The church is also investigating possible trysts by bishops, including a 91-year-old cleric, after a photo published in an Athens daily allegedly showed him nude in bed with a young woman.

      Orthodox priests can marry, but bishops and other senior clergy take vows of celibacy.

      "Everyone is asking where it will end," said theologian Giorgos Moustakis. "It's a monster."

      The intrigue only deepened last week with allegations of possible church links to a convicted drug smuggler who later served as an informant for Greek authorities. The man, whose aliases included Apostolos Pavlos, or Apostle Paul, is also accused of helping influence the 2001 election of the patriarch of Jerusalem. He also reportedly sold armoured cars and other equipment to Greek law enforcement.

      The suspect, identified as Apostolos Vavilis, has dropped from sight. Greek authorities say they don't know his whereabouts.

      "We are witnessing a crisis in the church," Culture Minister Fani Palli-Petralia said Thursday after a meeting with the premier. "I believe the church will come out of this crisis stronger. This is a demand by all of us."

      The church is paying heed. On Saturday, the 102-member Holy Synod is expected to approve a series of measures proposed by the archbishop, including greater involvement of civil overseers in the church's financial dealings and "ethical misconduct."

      Seminary students may also lose their exemption from military service - an obligation for nearly every Greek man.

      "There is a lot that must be done to put our house in order," said Archbishop Christodoulos, who easily defeated a no-confidence motion Friday 67-1.

      But the church does not seem ready for sweeping leadership changes, which many in the public demand. The scandals are still limited compared with the Roman Catholic abuse scandals, but the sense of betrayal in Greece may cut even deeper.

      The Orthodox Church held a rarified position as the perceived caretakers of Greek identity during four centuries of Muslim Ottoman rule that ended in the early 19th century. More recently, opinion polls often placed it among the must trusted institutions and Christodoulos was as popular as a celebrity.

      That's changed. Greece's conservative government, supported by the church before winning general elections last March, has distanced itself from the archbishop, who has taken the brunt of public criticism.

      A poll published last week in Athens newspapers showed Archbishop Christodoulos' popularity has plummeted from 68 per cent in May to 43 per cent this month. The nationwide telephone poll by the VPRC company of 941 Greek adults did not include a margin of error.

      More than 97 per cent of the Greece's 11 million people are baptized Orthodox.

      "The current crisis the church is going through is probably the most serious in its modern history," wrote VPRC managing director, Yiannis Mavris, in the Kathimerini newspaper.
      "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
      GOTSE DELCEV

      Comment

      • George S.
        Senior Member
        • Aug 2009
        • 10116

        Greece a multiethinc nation(Risto Stefov)
        « Thread Started on Apr 13, 2010, 6:37am »

        Interesting arguments from a Maco-Historian





        Modern Greek beliefs don´t include Macedonians, Albanians,Vlachs and Turks as part of Modern Greece

        Risto Stefov



        It is indeed a strange phenomenon for Greece to be the only homogeneous country in an otherwise multi-ethnic heterogeneous Balkans! Is this true or has Greece developed amnesia about its past?

        Before we delve into the subject of 'a homogeneous Greece',let´s get a few things straight. What exactly is homogeneous? I mean in a demographic sense.

        A country is demographically homogeneous when its entire population is of the same culture, speaks the same language, practices the same religion and share similar customs and traditions.

        Let us now take a trip down memory lane, back to a point just before Greece became a country for the first time in1829 and see if Greece was homogeneous then.

        If I am not mistaken, outside of some high ranking Christian Church clergy and a very small minority of Christian educated, middle class Ottoman families, none spoke Greek before Greece was a country. In fact, the language spoken by the above mentioned people then was not even called Greek. I am talking about the Koine language, the ancient language of trade and commerce.

        Koine, which has its roots in ancient Attica,was popularized by Alexander the Great when he made it his international language of trade and commerce for his vast Macedonian Empire. Later Koine was adopted and preserved by the Orthodox Church as the language of liturgy in some parts of the multi-ethnic Byzantine Empire. After the establishment of Ottoman rule in the Balkans it resurfaced and found its way into the Ottoman administration, spoken by a rich multi-ethnic Christian educated middle class people based in Istanbul,known as the Phanariotes.

        More recently the ancient international Koine was adopted by the Greek State as the official language of Greece and was renamed 'Greek' or 'Dimotiki' as the Greeks like to call it. Today´s so-called Greek language or 'Elinika' as the Greeks call it is nothing more than a bastardized version of ancient Koine.

        So what language did the vast majority of the so-called 'Greek people' speak before 1821?

        If history serves me right, in 1821, just before Greece was liberated, its people did not speak Greek. In 1829 when Greece became a state, for the first time, it was a small country covering the region of Morea, modern day Peloponnesus (Greece proper). The majority of people living in Morea at the time spoke Albanian, Turkish, Vlach and Slav.Athens itself, the cradle of the ancient civilization, was nothing more than an Albanian village.

        So if 'Greece proper' was not linguistically 'pure Greek`why would anyone expect Epirus, Thessaly, Thrace, or Macedonia, regions that were never Greek, to be linguistically 'pure Greek'?

        The argument for 'a pure Greece' used by modern Greeks today is that even though Greece was not pure at its inception, it was purified after the population expulsions in 1913 and after the population exchanges with Turkey in the 1920´s.

        If Greece was not 'pure Greek' why would it release statistics in1928 claiming 98% of its population to be 'pure Greeks' and 2% of it to be Muslim Greeks?

        This is a strong argument if one trusts Greek statistics! Unfortunately I don´t!

        Many Greeks today believe that Greece was purified after it expelled a large number of people in 1913 during the second Balkan War.

        Many Greeks today also believe that the population imported from Asia Minor and other parts of Turkey was 'pure Greek'.

        The fact is the population expelled from Greece in 1913 was not expelled because of its ethnicity, but rather because those people refused to be assimilated into the Greek fold. They simply refused to become Greeks by force.

        The population remaining in Greece was labeled 'Greek' only because it agreed, mostly out of fear, to pledge loyalty to the Greek State.

        The population imported from Turkey in the 1920´s was not imported because it identified with Greece. It was imported because it was Christian. Christianity and Islam were the only criteria separating the so-called Greeks from Turks. The vast majority of theAsia Minor Christian settlers settled in Greek territories, culturally and linguistically identified more with the Turks than they did with the Greeks.That however did not stop the Greek State from turning them into Greeks.

        So who were the original so-called 'pure Greeks'? Was it the Slavs of Morea, the Albanians of Epirus, the Vlachs of Thessaly, the Turks of Thrace, or the Macedonians of Macedonia?



        You see I am having difficulty identifying these elusive 'pure Greeks'. If they were not Albanian, Vlach, Turk, or Macedonian who were they? What criteria can we use to separate the 'pure Greeks' from the Albanians, Vlachs, Turks and Macedonians living in the pre-Greek Ottoman territory of Modern Greece?

        Obviously not language, since only a very small minority of the total population of Greeces poke Koine, which was later renamed Greek.

        Religion? Greece at one time used religion alone to distinguish Greeks from Turks.

        Greece expelled Muslims to Turkey because they were thought to be Turks and imported Christians from Turkey because they were thought to be Greeks?

        This criterion unfortunately is also flawed. If Orthodox Christians were Greek then everyone in the Balkans who was Orthodox Christian qualified to be Greek!This included Bulgarians, Serbians, Albanians, Macedonians, Vlachs, Turks, etc.Are Bulgarians and Serbians Greek? They don´t think so!

        Obviously religion alone was not a good criterion to separate Greeks from the rest!

        So back to the original question, 'who were the pure Greeks before1821?'

        The ethnic composition of modern Greece today is made up ofassimilated Albanians (Arvanites), Vlachs (Vlahous), Turks (Turkous) and Macedonians (Makethones). There was no pre-19th century Greek ethnicity. TheGreek ethnicity was artificially created by some Phanariots with the assistanceof the Great Powers!

        The Phanariots were a multi-ethnic group of Koine speaking Christians belonging to the rich and educated Ottoman middle class. They were the high ranking Church clergy, the Ottoman bankers, the sea captains, the language interpreters and the traders who did business for the Ottoman Empire outside of Ottoman territories.

        When Greece became a nation for the first time in 1829, it faced an identity crisis because it could not cope with its multi-ethnic, multi-cultural demography. Greece struggled for years to find an identity until one was created for it by its British and French philhellene patrons.

        After adopting ancient Koine as the language of its nation, Greece fabricated a mythical past with a lineage stretching back to the Ancient Greeks and initiated a denationalization and assimilation process. Through intensive,sometimes violent propaganda campaigns Greece began to assimilate the various ethnicities making Greeks out of Albanians, Vlachs, Slavs, Turks and later out of Macedonians.

        As I mentioned earlier, the various people Greece expelled from its newly conquered territories were those who refused to be assimilated into the new Greek identity.

        The majority of Muslims Greece evicted during the population exchange with Turkey were ethnic Macedonians.

        The people Greece imported from Asia Minor, Istanbul and other places in Turkey were not Greek, they were Turkish Christians. A large number were prominent businesspeople who owned various businesses and estates in Turkey. Unfortunately when they were displaced they lost everything and became second class citizens in Greece. Even though Greece promised them homes, after nearly eighty years, some still live in Government owned shacks and shantytowns. These people too were forcibly assimilated and made into unwilling Greeks just like the rest of the indigenous ethnicities that lived in the territory of where Greece is today.


        Read more: http://illyria.proboards.com/index.c...#ixzz215RqMzvj
        "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
        GOTSE DELCEV

        Comment

        • George S.
          Senior Member
          • Aug 2009
          • 10116

          Risto Stefov´s historical revisionism of the Greek War of Independence in Macedonia
          Posted by Admin in Articles





          March 15, 2009

          Historical revisionism is sometimes beneficial. One has to look at new evidence and in its light reinterpret events and challenge previously held beliefs. Historical falsification goes a step further, in that one falsifies original evidence or fabricates “facts” or even acts on personal belief. Though some of the arguments in FYROM, such as the arguments about the Miladinov brothers recording for the first time “Macedonian” folk tales can be considered revisionist and have attracted scholarly debate, reprintings of old ethnological maps with altered labels for the placenames and ethnicities lie firmly in the realm of falsification.
          We have been accustomed to claims of Alexander the Great or the ancient Macedonians being not Greek but FYROM-Macedonian. A more recent online diatribe from Risto Stefov gives an account of the FYROM-Macedonian heroes of a 1821-22 uprising in Macedonia: The leaders of the uprising were Marko Bochvaro, Jovan Farmakis, Zafiraki, Anastas Karatasho, Angel Gacho, Dijamandi and the monks of Sveta Gora (http://www.maknews.com/html/articles...stefov144.html). If you think you do not recognise who these were, Risto Stefov means with these names Markos Botsaris, Ioannis Farmakis, Zafeirakis Theodosiou, Anastasios Karatasos, Angelis Gatsos, Diamantis Nikolaou and the monks of Mt Athos.

          His article “Macedonian Struggle for Independence Part 12: Turn of the 19th Century and the Negush Upris” (he means Naousa Uprising) reads like a comedy of errors in which all the Greek names (including placenames) have been changed into FYROM-Macedonian and the heroes of the Greek Independence have led an apparently FYROMian struggle against the Turks, judging from what Stefov writes. One has to use his imagination to try to identify the actual names of the Greek leaders. We are even being told that the leaders of the rebels took an army of Macedonians (he means FYROMians) with them to continue the fight in the Peloponnese when the FYROMian revolution in Macedonia collapsed. So the War of Greek independence, documented in history for nearly two centuries, in which many philhellenes, including Lord Byron died, has turned into a FYROMian uprising against the Turks for FYROMian independence. As if that was not enough of a historical falsification, Stefov refers to an earlier uprising of the Serbs around 1804-1807 in Belgrade and elsewhere, as FYROMian. The Serbian uprising led eventually to independence and the recognition of the new state of Serbia in 1817-1830. Perhaps the European powers made a mistake not to recognize FYROM instead. The European Powers must have also made a mistake to recognize a Greek Kingdom in the conference of London in 1832 and of course the Sultan repeated the same mistake in the Conference of Constantinople of 1832. They should have recognized FYROM, according to Stefov. Greeks of course, and seemingly also Serbs, do not exist for him. They can be turned into FYROMians by the clever trick of writing their names any way he likes.

          The Greeks also misled, according to Stefov, European intellectuals such as Percy Byshe Shelley, George Gordon Byron and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, artists such as Peter von Hess and Eugene Delacroix and the numerous philhellene volunteers who died for the freedom of Greece, to think it was the Greeks who had revolted, rather than the FYROMians. Or elsewhere he accuses the philhellenes for promoting the idea that it was the Greeks who had fought for independence, rather than the FYROMians and Albanians. And yet elsewhere, that the Greeks did not speak Greek but had to learn it from king Otto and his administration, when the Bavarian prince was appointed king of Greece in 1832.

          Among the sources currently freely available on the internet, Encyclopaedia Brittanica considers Markos Botsaris a hero of the Greek War of Independence: a Suliot who fled to Corfu in 1803 (http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/...arkos-Botsaris). Encyclopaedia Brittanica also refers to Botsaris as a friend of Lord Byron. Markos’s brother Kostas (Constantine) Botsaris, who fought at Karpenisi in a battle that led to the capture of Mustai Pasha and the destruction of his 4000 strong force, lived to become a general and senator in the Greek kingdom. He died in Athens on the 13th of November 1853. Markos’ son, Demetrios Botsaris, born in 1813, was three times minister of war during the reigns of Otto of Greece and George I of Greece. He died in Athens on the 17th of August 1870. His daughter, Katerina “Rosa” Botsaris, was in the service of Queen Amalia of Greece.

          Aside from contemporary accounts, the Suliotes were considered Greeks even by their enemies. Beli Pasha, son of Ali Pasha, sent letters to his father from April to December 1803 calling the Suliotes “Romans”, “Romioi” and “Romegans” (Romegous), that is, ethnic Greeks. Ahmed Moufit, great-grandson of Ali Pasha’s sister Siachnisa wrote angrily about how the Suliotes invited Ali Pasha’s attack in 1789 because they called themselves Christian Greeks and had become tools of Russia.

          Markos Botsaris in any case was an Epirotan. The Macedonian leaders of the revolution were all members of the Philike Etairia, and therefore were fighting by definition for the Greek cause.

          Did the Europeans recognize this was a Greek cause? Shelley writes in his preface to Hellas in 1821: “The modern Greek is the descendant of those glorious beings whom imagination almost refuses to figure to itself as belonging to our kind, and he inherits much of their sensibility, their rapidity of conception, their enthusiasm, and their courage… The flower of their youth returning to their country from the universities of Italy, Germany, and France, have communicated to their fellow-citizens the latest results of that social perfection of which their ancestors were the original source.”

          Byron who traveled to Greece twice and died in that war, had financed and led a force of Suliots. He wrote:

          “Fill high the bowl with Samian wine!

          On Suli’s rock, and Parga’s shore,

          Exists the remnant of a line

          Such as the Doric mothers bore;

          And there, perhaps, some seed is sown,

          The Heracleidan blood might own.”

          George Gordon Lord Byron, The Isles of Greece, 1821

          Byron in the same poem “dream’d that Greece might still be free”. The Macedonians (Greeks) were fighting for the freedom of Greece not for FYROM.

          Risto Stefov ought to appreciate that this kind of falsification of European history does not serve his aim to promote the image of FYROM. Stefov may rant as much as he likes about the greatness of the ancient and modern Macedonians, but it does not help when on inspection they turn out to be Greeks. He makes his own cause seem foolish. But it is not just that he himself and his uneducated followers seem foolish, rather it reflects upon his compatriots as a whole. Freedom of speech ought to come together with a certain degree of freedom of education and of social responsibility. FYROM needs to exist in the 21st century not just as an ever more bizarre invention in Risto Stefov´s mind. The men Stefov uses for his self-promoting propaganda sacrificed everything with the highest of ideals in their minds. It is an insult to Greeks and to any civilized person that their names are twisted about and their aims turned upside down, as if they had been victims of some indoctrinating campaign fighting for the enslavement of their people or whatever one is to think from Stefov´s un-history. If it were meant only as historical fiction, then Stefov should point this out to avoid misunderstandings. However, in view of his other writings, writing a piece of fiction was almost certainly not his intention. Stefov and his followers need to appreciate that to exist in modern Europe FYROM needs not falsified history but a respect for modern Europe and modern policies.


          Source: American Chronicle
          By Tymphaios
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          Όχι στα ‘μακεδονικά’ κρασιά από τη FYROM, λέει η Γερμανία
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          Want more of this? See these Posts:

          Hellenic Electronic Center (HEC) Responds to Risto Stefov
          Historical revisionism in the school books of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM)
          Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonia History Part 4
          Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian history
          Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian History Part III
          Tags: Ali Pasha, botsaris, britannica, christians, macedonia, stefov, Suliotes, turks, tymphaios
          This entry was posted on Monday, March 16th, 2009 at 2:12 am and is filed under Articles. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. Responses are currently closed, but you can trackback from your own site.
          "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
          GOTSE DELCEV

          Comment

          • George S.
            Senior Member
            • Aug 2009
            • 10116

            Risto Stefov´s historical revisionism of the Greek War of Independence in Macedonia
            Posted by Admin in Articles





            March 15, 2009

            Historical revisionism is sometimes beneficial. One has to look at new evidence and in its light reinterpret events and challenge previously held beliefs. Historical falsification goes a step further, in that one falsifies original evidence or fabricates “facts” or even acts on personal belief. Though some of the arguments in FYROM, such as the arguments about the Miladinov brothers recording for the first time “Macedonian” folk tales can be considered revisionist and have attracted scholarly debate, reprintings of old ethnological maps with altered labels for the placenames and ethnicities lie firmly in the realm of falsification.
            We have been accustomed to claims of Alexander the Great or the ancient Macedonians being not Greek but FYROM-Macedonian. A more recent online diatribe from Risto Stefov gives an account of the FYROM-Macedonian heroes of a 1821-22 uprising in Macedonia: The leaders of the uprising were Marko Bochvaro, Jovan Farmakis, Zafiraki, Anastas Karatasho, Angel Gacho, Dijamandi and the monks of Sveta Gora (http://www.maknews.com/html/articles...stefov144.html). If you think you do not recognise who these were, Risto Stefov means with these names Markos Botsaris, Ioannis Farmakis, Zafeirakis Theodosiou, Anastasios Karatasos, Angelis Gatsos, Diamantis Nikolaou and the monks of Mt Athos.

            His article “Macedonian Struggle for Independence Part 12: Turn of the 19th Century and the Negush Upris” (he means Naousa Uprising) reads like a comedy of errors in which all the Greek names (including placenames) have been changed into FYROM-Macedonian and the heroes of the Greek Independence have led an apparently FYROMian struggle against the Turks, judging from what Stefov writes. One has to use his imagination to try to identify the actual names of the Greek leaders. We are even being told that the leaders of the rebels took an army of Macedonians (he means FYROMians) with them to continue the fight in the Peloponnese when the FYROMian revolution in Macedonia collapsed. So the War of Greek independence, documented in history for nearly two centuries, in which many philhellenes, including Lord Byron died, has turned into a FYROMian uprising against the Turks for FYROMian independence. As if that was not enough of a historical falsification, Stefov refers to an earlier uprising of the Serbs around 1804-1807 in Belgrade and elsewhere, as FYROMian. The Serbian uprising led eventually to independence and the recognition of the new state of Serbia in 1817-1830. Perhaps the European powers made a mistake not to recognize FYROM instead. The European Powers must have also made a mistake to recognize a Greek Kingdom in the conference of London in 1832 and of course the Sultan repeated the same mistake in the Conference of Constantinople of 1832. They should have recognized FYROM, according to Stefov. Greeks of course, and seemingly also Serbs, do not exist for him. They can be turned into FYROMians by the clever trick of writing their names any way he likes.

            The Greeks also misled, according to Stefov, European intellectuals such as Percy Byshe Shelley, George Gordon Byron and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, artists such as Peter von Hess and Eugene Delacroix and the numerous philhellene volunteers who died for the freedom of Greece, to think it was the Greeks who had revolted, rather than the FYROMians. Or elsewhere he accuses the philhellenes for promoting the idea that it was the Greeks who had fought for independence, rather than the FYROMians and Albanians. And yet elsewhere, that the Greeks did not speak Greek but had to learn it from king Otto and his administration, when the Bavarian prince was appointed king of Greece in 1832.

            Among the sources currently freely available on the internet, Encyclopaedia Brittanica considers Markos Botsaris a hero of the Greek War of Independence: a Suliot who fled to Corfu in 1803 (http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/...arkos-Botsaris). Encyclopaedia Brittanica also refers to Botsaris as a friend of Lord Byron. Markos’s brother Kostas (Constantine) Botsaris, who fought at Karpenisi in a battle that led to the capture of Mustai Pasha and the destruction of his 4000 strong force, lived to become a general and senator in the Greek kingdom. He died in Athens on the 13th of November 1853. Markos’ son, Demetrios Botsaris, born in 1813, was three times minister of war during the reigns of Otto of Greece and George I of Greece. He died in Athens on the 17th of August 1870. His daughter, Katerina “Rosa” Botsaris, was in the service of Queen Amalia of Greece.

            Aside from contemporary accounts, the Suliotes were considered Greeks even by their enemies. Beli Pasha, son of Ali Pasha, sent letters to his father from April to December 1803 calling the Suliotes “Romans”, “Romioi” and “Romegans” (Romegous), that is, ethnic Greeks. Ahmed Moufit, great-grandson of Ali Pasha’s sister Siachnisa wrote angrily about how the Suliotes invited Ali Pasha’s attack in 1789 because they called themselves Christian Greeks and had become tools of Russia.

            Markos Botsaris in any case was an Epirotan. The Macedonian leaders of the revolution were all members of the Philike Etairia, and therefore were fighting by definition for the Greek cause.

            Did the Europeans recognize this was a Greek cause? Shelley writes in his preface to Hellas in 1821: “The modern Greek is the descendant of those glorious beings whom imagination almost refuses to figure to itself as belonging to our kind, and he inherits much of their sensibility, their rapidity of conception, their enthusiasm, and their courage… The flower of their youth returning to their country from the universities of Italy, Germany, and France, have communicated to their fellow-citizens the latest results of that social perfection of which their ancestors were the original source.”

            Byron who traveled to Greece twice and died in that war, had financed and led a force of Suliots. He wrote:

            “Fill high the bowl with Samian wine!

            On Suli’s rock, and Parga’s shore,

            Exists the remnant of a line

            Such as the Doric mothers bore;

            And there, perhaps, some seed is sown,

            The Heracleidan blood might own.”

            George Gordon Lord Byron, The Isles of Greece, 1821

            Byron in the same poem “dream’d that Greece might still be free”. The Macedonians (Greeks) were fighting for the freedom of Greece not for FYROM.

            Risto Stefov ought to appreciate that this kind of falsification of European history does not serve his aim to promote the image of FYROM. Stefov may rant as much as he likes about the greatness of the ancient and modern Macedonians, but it does not help when on inspection they turn out to be Greeks. He makes his own cause seem foolish. But it is not just that he himself and his uneducated followers seem foolish, rather it reflects upon his compatriots as a whole. Freedom of speech ought to come together with a certain degree of freedom of education and of social responsibility. FYROM needs to exist in the 21st century not just as an ever more bizarre invention in Risto Stefov´s mind. The men Stefov uses for his self-promoting propaganda sacrificed everything with the highest of ideals in their minds. It is an insult to Greeks and to any civilized person that their names are twisted about and their aims turned upside down, as if they had been victims of some indoctrinating campaign fighting for the enslavement of their people or whatever one is to think from Stefov´s un-history. If it were meant only as historical fiction, then Stefov should point this out to avoid misunderstandings. However, in view of his other writings, writing a piece of fiction was almost certainly not his intention. Stefov and his followers need to appreciate that to exist in modern Europe FYROM needs not falsified history but a respect for modern Europe and modern policies.


            Source: American Chronicle
            By Tymphaios
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            Στα βήματα του Μεγαλέξανδρου στο Αφγανιστάν
            Όχι στα ‘μακεδονικά’ κρασιά από τη FYROM, λέει η Γερμανία
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            Want more of this? See these Posts:

            Hellenic Electronic Center (HEC) Responds to Risto Stefov
            Historical revisionism in the school books of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM)
            Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonia History Part 4
            Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian history
            Risto Stefov and the falsification of Ancient Macedonian History Part III
            Tags: Ali Pasha, botsaris, britannica, christians, macedonia, stefov, Suliotes, turks, tymphaios
            This entry was posted on Monday, March 16th, 2009 at 2:12 am and is filed under Articles. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. Responses are currently closed, but you can trackback from your own site.
            "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
            GOTSE DELCEV

            Comment

            • George S.
              Senior Member
              • Aug 2009
              • 10116

              Redefining the Name Issue‏

              2:56 AM
              Reply ▼
              risto stefov
              To ;
              Redefining the Name Issue



              By Jason Miko

              July 19, 2012



              On July 7 in Dubrovnik, US Assistant Secretary of State Philip Gordon spoke at the Croatia Summit 2012. In his prepared remarks on Macedonia, Gordon began by stating “Macedonia’s name dispute with Greece continues to thwart its aspirations for NATO membership and the start of EU accession talks.” Notice the way Gordon defines the issue: “Macedonia’s name dispute with Greece….”



              Notice how Gordon labels it as a possessive issue for Macedonia – it is Macedonia’s dispute. But that is completely incorrect. Macedonia has no dispute. It is the other way around: Greece has a dispute with Macedonia’s name….and Macedonia’s identity of course, the root of the problem. Gordon should have said “Greece’s dispute with Macedonia’s name continues to thwart its aspirations for NATO membership and the start of EU accession talks.” (He could add “and identity” but that would be asking the US State Department to do too much.)



              Here’s my point – we need to redefine this issue and call it what it is: “Greece’s dispute with Macedonia’s name and identity is thwarting Macedonia’s ability to join NATO and the EU.” I would argue that it is always vital to add “identity” when speaking about the name issue.



              Gordon goes on: “We were disappointed that NATO was unable to welcome Macedonia at the Chicago Summit. But as NATO is a consensus organization, Macedonia and Greece must first resolve their bilateral disagreement before the Alliance can fulfill the membership offer extended at the Bucharest Summit.” On the first issue – that he was “disappointed” – frankly, I don’t believe him. I think he simply doesn’t care anymore. He is tired, like all unelected diplomats are, with this issue.



              An example from Europe: Just last week, the foreign ministers of Austria and Slovakia – like so many before them – wrote in the EU Observer that “We are aware that a name dispute is a central and highly sensitive - but bilateral issue - between two countries.”

              On this issue – that of this being a “bilateral disagreement/issue,” I must vehemently disagree. It is “bilateral” only in the sense that one party, Greece, objects to another party, Macedonia. The dispute is, in essence, unilateral. Here’s my second point: we need to call it that. It is a unilateral dispute which Greece has with Macedonia.



              And as a refresher course, what is the source of this disagreement/issue? I point back to UN Resolution 817 of April 7, 1993 which governs the entrance of Macedonia into the UN but under the fictitious “provisional and temporary reference.” In that resolution the UN notes that Macedonia has fulfilled all criteria for membership but also notes “Noting however that a difference has arisen over the name of the State, which needs to be resolved in the interest of the maintenance of peaceful and good-neighbourly relations in the region…”



              The UN – in its infinite lack of wisdom or moral backbone – simply states that a “difference has arisen.” But from where does this difference come? The UN refuses to say. It refuses to lay blame. This is one reason why the UN is worth so little. Because it cannot take a position. The UN asks the world: follow me, for I stand for nothing.



              Moving on. I went back and looked at previous US State Department statements and found a curious thing. In previous statements – in the past year – Gordon has made reference to “the ongoing dispute between Greece and Macedonia over the latter’s name” (April 14), and said, on November 15 of last year, “The name dispute with Greece continues to thwart Macedonia’s aspirations for NATO membership and the start of EU.” Even Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s most recent statements on the issue do not lay blame with Macedonia. Witness what she said at the Chicago NATO Summit: “We strongly support a resolution of the ongoing name dispute and urge the parties to reach an agreement so Macedonia can join the alliance as soon as possible.”



              At this point, I’m confused. Is Gordon postulating a new US position with his statement that Macedonia is at fault because Macedonia has a name dispute with Greece? If he does not mean that, then I would call upon the US State Department to clarify his statement. Quickly.



              But it is what Gordon said after the summit that really shocked me. In an interview with Al Jazeera Gordon said “And I think once it [the name issue] was agreed people would stop obsessing over precisely what the formal name of the country was and they would get on with it as in so many other cases around the world.”



              Frankly, I’m shocked. When I read it I could hardly believe what he said. “Obsessing over precisely what the formal name of the country was?” By deliberately using the loaded word “obsessing,” Gordon is attempting to belittle the Macedonians who hold their name and identity sacred. Another statement that needs to be clarified. I can tell you that the day that Americans stop “obsessing” over our name and identity will be the day that blood flows in the streets.





              The identity and the name of the people are intertwined, the two are one. That is precisely why the name issue is so important and why the name of the country must remain what the people has chosen: the Republic of Macedonia. It is high time we make sure the elected and unelected around the world know that as well. No negotiation.



              This article was originally published in the Macedonian newspaper Dnevnik on Thursday, July 19, 2012
              "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
              GOTSE DELCEV

              Comment

              • George S.
                Senior Member
                • Aug 2009
                • 10116

                On the Road of Time – Chapter 5



                By Petre Nakovski

                Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

                [email protected]

                July 29, 2012



                The road of time and tracing old memories took us to the village Ezerets, now called Petropoulaki. The name “Ezerets” is a very old name. This village got its name from another and much older village, which at one time existed higher up the foot of Mount Orle. Mount Orle, according to an old legend, got its name from the tall boulder on top of the mountain whose peak looks like an eagle’s head. According to another legend, the mountain got its name from the numerous white-headed eagles that once existed around this mountain, now almost extinct.



                It is said that the old village was built in the middle of a mountain lake, now dry. We visited the place and all we could find were remnants of thick walls, where stones were dug out, and broken ceramic tiles. Further up the mountain was a sand cliff on which hollowed out rows could be seen. It has been said that between the rows there was some sort of writing, not in Greek but in Cyrillic letters and that during the Metaxa dictatorship in 1936 people came from the south and carved out the letters with pickaxes.



                The new name now given to the village Ezerets was to honour some Greek man from the Island of Crete named Petropoulakis. As the story goes, this man leading a group of “palikaria” (strong men), mostly former prisoners, scoundrels and thieves, came to Kostur Region to free Macedonia from the Ottomans. In supposedly doing so Petropoulakis got himself killed, but it is unknown by whose doing. He was killed not at Ezerets but at Snicheni, a neighbouring village, which today is called Kastenafito because there are many chestnut trees growing there. It is unknown if any of his “palikaria” were killed and what happened to the sack of money after he died. But as the story goes, the frightened villagers from Snicheni secretly, during the night, took the “brave” dead man’s body and carried it over to the village Ezerets where it was later found. And that is the reason why Ezerets was named Petropoulaki.



                There is no museum in Ezerets to honour Petropoulakis and it is not clear where his grave is located. There are no celebrations held to remember Petropoulakis, the Greek hero from Crete, or his “palikaria”.



                Ezerets, once a thriving village with over a hundred houses and more than five hundred souls, is now empty. The ten or so people who survived the war moved on to Rupishta (now named Argos Orestikon). Ezerets comes alive during the spring and especially during the summer when the villagers, now living in cities, return to check on their houses, take their vacations in the cool clean air and clear mountain spring water, to clear the foliage around the tombstones and graves of their ancestors and loved ones and to light a candle. By doing so, they celebrate their endurance and survival.



                Everywhere we looked our eyes met with ruins, remnants of the Greek Civil War. Decaying houses on whose doors locks were hung, a long time ago. Locks hung by the owners who never returned from the road of the great lie. Owners who, forever, remained in the Eastern European countries... And the only evidence of their existence here are the falling houses, the locked gates, the rusted padlocks hanging on the gates, the dark and broken windows and the sagging roofs…



                Ezerets survived the fires and sackings brought on by the Ottomans, the Albanian raids, the island robberies, the Italian and German assaults but not the ravages of the Greek Civil War which pushed the village into desolation.



                For the people of Ezerets and for all those passing by, it seems like “the south” ends at the edge of Mount Odre whose peak lies at an altitude of 1525 metres above sea level. Beyond there the mountain slope is so sharp that it seems like the world comes to an end. When the south wind blows it carries with it air from the top of the mountain down the steep slope to the flat area of the land and with it, it brings a pleasant mountain tea aroma.



                Early in the morning on a clear day, one can see the entire Kostur valley, the lake and all the surrounding villages from the top of the mountain. To the right one can see the slumbering Mount Siniachka, with its treeless top covered in fog. Straight ahead beyond Mali-Madi, standing tall, one can see Vicho and further, further back in the fog, barely visible, are Pelister and Ivan Mountains. To the left are Kopanche, Sveti Ilia, Krusha and Gorisha Mountains and behind is Kotelska Kula with its highest peak at elevation 1758. On the south side of Kotelska Kula is a steep rocky slope and at the bottom rests the village Kotili (Macedonian Koteltsi).



                On the peak of the mountain we counted eight rows of trenches now shallow and overgrown with plants and grass. Around the trenches among the plants and grass we found rusted bullets and more empty shells than rock pebbles. On the peak of the mountain is a weathered old rock on which, carved by someone’s hand, is the date “July 16, 1947”. In the afternoon of that day the only two men remaining alive, from a Partisan detachment belonging to the fighters of the Democratic Army of Greece, were left there to defend that hill. When they ran out of ammunition, to avoid being captured by government soldiers, they jumped off the steep hill and landed in an abyss. Two men, one Greek the other Macedonian, met the same fate at the bottom of the abyss. We later found out that one of them was Vane Dorov Malkov from the village Sheshevo, Kostur Region, grandson to a revolutionary who died at Nozhot.



                The rock at Kotelska Kula is very steep, like a wall, and the abyss is very deep. How long does the fall from top to bottom last? What can we call and how can we measure the act of those two men? Someone’s hand scratched the day, month and year on the rock but the dust that rests on it is blown by the north wind and washed only by the rain… There is moss and sometimes a rare flower growing in the cracks. The entire space in front of the rock cliff is still marred by the remnants of trenches in which lush green grass and many mountain flowers now grow. I thought I should collect some flowers and create a wreath. I bent over, not to collect flowers but to bow before the dust and the shadows of those whose remains were left there forever… I stood up and looked all around and for a moment I heard a female voice, it was the voice of the eighty year old Partisan Mita. She began talking:



                “The mountains of Northern Pindus are huge. This is a region commonly known as Gramos. They have tall hills, some are bare, some are rocky, some have hundred year old pines and dark forests growing on them, some have natural springs of water running, chiseling channels through them. During the night when the sky is clear the heavens appear woven with rows of stars. The stars seem to be so close that you can knock them off and they will land in your hand. The early mornings are clear, moist with dew, cool and blanketed with white fog filling all the deep valleys and depressions. Then there are the dark clouds, black and fearsome, carrying cold and long lasting rain. They appear suddenly with strong and loud thunder with echoes carrying through the long and deep brooks, cracks and ravines. There are also the gentle white clouds which carry heat.



                The winds are sometimes so strong they can topple you over. The ageless trees bend and sway as waves of them hit them and push against them. Swirling winds make loud noises as they enter rocky chasms and crevices and brush against the southern rocky terrain; stripping and smoothing its edges. The northern side is overgrown with all kinds of trees and all the green foliage your heart desires. It is very hot during the day; the rocks heat up so much you can fry an egg. From the high hills the eye can see the entire Kostur valley and surrounding settlements. You can see Vicho and beyond that you can see Kaimakchalan and the higher hills of Mount Pelister. To the south you can see the summit of Mount Olympus. The winters here are very cold and a lot of snow falls on the mountains. There are many blizzards that pile the snow in high drifts creating treacherous conditions and making the region impenetrable. These mountains are best suited for spring conditions. It’s lovely up here during the spring. The fall is okay but at times it is hazy, damp, foggy and cold.



                It was decided that we were to face our opponent here, at Gramos. We were to ambush him right here, “said Mita, the old Partisan woman, who at the time was only eighteen years old, “from these stationary bunkers and trenches, which we were then occupying. This is where we became repeated targets for the enemy. It was here that we waited for the enemy with only our infantry weapons, several mountain cannons and with only five thousand cannon shells. Were they enough to crush the enemy? Yes, we were told by High Command and by the military leadership. The enemy, on the other hand, threw more cannon shells at us in the course of one twenty-four hour day, than we had in total, all put together. Not to mention the number of mortars and bombs dropped on us from the sky by their air force...



                Here behind the rocks and mountain peaks people were hard, stronger than the rocks. This is how we were and that was recognized and documented by the reports generated by the opposing generals. This is also well-documented in their memoirs and military notes. They said that the “nofiti” meaning us the Macedonians, are fighters with a strong spirit, great physical endurance and above all, very brave fighters.



                We defended ourselves and we were protected by the rocks, the mountain peaks, the forests… Our opponent knew where we hid our heads and every day he beat us with his cannons, mortars and most of all with his aerial bombs dropped from above by his air force. And in places where it was difficult to break through, with American permission, he used napalm bombs brought here from America. And when that did not work, Athens asked for permission to use a special kind of bomb, which had just arrived in Greece, but Washington did not allow it. These bombs were new to the world and if used they could have destroyed and burned everything. And after their use, there may not have been any life left. But the tanks, their shells could not reach all the way here to the front lines. The terrain was rough and steep and the goat paths were too narrow for them to travel on.



                Count the days from July 14 to August 22, 1948, how many days are there? That’s how many days and nights the battle lasted. That’s how many days and nights we lasted. I remember the first days of the battle, when the government brigades couldn’t break our defenses, when the aircraft were pounding us with some sort of special bombs. They had dropped bombs on us before but these particular bombs, brought here from America, were called napalm. They were terrible, everything burned from them, heaven and earth. We were also burning, but we learned how to protect ourselves, unfortunately, day by day there were fewer of us left and our space became smaller and smaller…



                I remember the evening of the sixtieth day when the order was given to withdraw to new positions. These were the last positions. Behind us was Albania. In the night we took a count of how many of us were left. From the 460 men and women fighters aged 16 to 22, which was the number of fighters in our battalion before the battle started, 95 were left alive 60 of which were wounded. Who can you patch up first and who can you carry to the hospital? Some died in our hands…



                Many years have passed since then. Many of the fighters who survived by now have also passed on. Participants of this episode cannot talk about their lost youth without tears in their eyes. They try to escape it but deep down in their consciousness and in their memories, the images are stored of that world, which they, like an incurable wound, have to carry with them all their lives...” concluded old Mita.


                I asked myself “Were the young men and women born between the years 1920 to 1930, the backbone of Vicho and Gramos, brave?”



                Standing on top of the hill behind which the deep Kotelska Kula abyss lies, I attempted to imagine, to form a picture of the two men who plunged to their death. But for me that picture was vague, it was far from the reality of war which then was part of their lives. A war which left some on the timeless side, others maimed and crippled for life and yet others forced into exile forever. A large number of whom, to this day, remain expatriated in foreign lands and among foreign people…



                My attempts to imagine, to form a picture of what it was like when the fires of Gramos were burning and how the young men and women felt when bullets, steel shells and bombs were dropping on them from the English and American aircraft, were pale in comparison...



                From here and beyond, standing tall, were the mountains Bel Kamen, Gorna Arena, Dolna Arena, Charno, Krastavets, Aliabitsa, Gramos and other mountain peaks where, from July 14th to August 22nd, 1848, many young Greek and Macedonian men and women, from both sides of the battle zones, lost their lives.



                Yesterday we visited that part of the old hell. The entire time silence was our only companion. The only sound we heard was the swishing wind passing between the leaves and thick trunks of the pine and beechwood trees, scarred by the cannon and mortar shells a long time ago. There are tons of pieces of iron littering the soil, now overgrown with thick green grass. It is unknown which number more around the bunker and trench remnants, the pebbles and small stones or the bullets, empty shells and shrapnel.



                Lying on the rocky hill, overgrown with ferns, under whose shadow wild strawberries grow, I found a large piece of an aerial bomb and half a mortar shell. I put the pieces of iron in my backpack and took them with me as souvenirs. When I placed the backpack over my shoulder and felt its weight I began to wonder: “How much lead and iron fell on the young men and women during those seventy days and nights when they were defending these mountains? How many of them died, how many survived and how many were pulled out of there maimed and mutilated for life?



                In those days, these mountains, hills, rocks and hill tops were symbols of unprecedented devotion and bravery. Now, after much time has passed, a question comes to mind: “What was the purpose of the eight thousand or so Partisans, soldiers of the Democratic Army of Greece, entering the trenches and bunkers with only infantry weapons? Did they think they could resist the government army of eighty thousand well-armed soldiers with all kinds of modern weapons?”



                Macedonian and Greek young men and women died here defending these dry hills, rocks and mountain tops. They lost their lives to the cannon shells, mortars, napalm and other bombs brought to Greece on ships from America. Were they satisfied with the weapons and ammunition delivered to them on mules, horses, donkeys and on the fragile backs of the Macedonian women from the Kostur and Prespa Region villages?



                These women were living witnesses who every night, in columns of 300 to 500, loaded beasts of burden, travelled the narrow paths from Rulia to Breznitsa, Smrdesh, Lobanitsa, Krchishta, Novoseleni, Shak, Revani and Kalevishta to deliver ammunition to the storage depots at Pilikati, Janoveni, Slimnitsa, Omotsko and Tuhuli or directly to the combat zones. Those were women aged 16 to 60. How long is the road from Prespa to Gramos? It was as long as the night lasted, from sunrise to sundown. Daytime was reserved for the flying aircraft. Nothing could travel and survive under the shadow of the metal hawks…



                We travelled the same path, not on foot but by car. The then narrow goat paths have now been widened and paved with asphalt. They passed through the villages which today do not exist and testify that there were churches and some tombstones in the desecrated cemeteries. Today there are no houses, not even remnants of houses. If the Madziri (Turkish Christian colonists) villages in Kostur Region were built with chiselled stones, then those are the stones taken by military trucks, during the fifties and sixties, from the houses in the villages Smrdesh, Lobanitsa, Kosinets, Krchishta, Vmbel, Dmbeni, Dolno Papratsko, Novoseleni, Kalevishta…



                Their houses are beautiful. The foundations and walls of their new houses were built with the stones of our houses, churches and tombstones, markers of our ancestors. Those of our people who remained say, and I repeat: “If our people did not leave and cross over the border, their houses would have been larger and more beautiful for certain.”



                Today is Sunday and the church bell at Sveti Nikola Church in Ezerets is ringing, calling us to prayer. I noticed that the bell rang longer than is usual. The last six tolls were longer and quieter than the previous ones and there were longer echoes in the distance.



                “For whom does the bell toll?” I asked. No one opened their mouth to give me an answer. I persisted trying to get an answer but the people from Ezerets, as if conspiring, would not speak.



                After worship we gathered at Pop (Reverend) Sterio’s house. During a lengthy conversation about the village and its past, I asked the reverend: “Father, for whom did the church bell toll softly and at length?”



                “For the souls…” he said quietly and, with a shaky voice, he told us about the event about which only the old people spoke and only in secret.



                “March 17, 1905, it was a Friday when a group of Greek “palikaria” entered the village. They said they were searching for Macedonian revolutionary leaders but they were acting strangely. They went from house to house ransacking people’s cellars and barns. But it wasn’t revolutionaries they were after, they were looking for gold. When they came up empty handed they selected six men from the village and took them to Sveti Ilia Church located just outside of the village. There they tortured the men for a long time and in the end they cut the vertebrae and tendons at the back of their necks and left them there alive to bleed to death. They would not allow the villagers to help the men so they died in agony. The villagers then buried the men during the night and since then no one outside of the people of Ezerets knows the whereabouts of their eternal resting place.”



                Pop Sterio placed his finger on his lips. By that gesture we understood that we couldn’t talk about it. This historic episode could only be remembered in silence.



                “Anyone in the village can tell you what their names were, but no one will speak about where they were buried. We can’t tell because we know someone will come and desecrate their eternal resting place. One hundred years have passed and no one has muddied their dreams. But now I will tell you their names and where they are resting,” said Pop Sterio.



                Slowly, quietly, in silence, walking as if in a funeral procession, we got there... Pop Sterio crossed himself and we too made the sign of the cross, all in silence. We kept quiet staring at Pop Sterio’s cane as he pointed with it to the eternal resting places. He said: “Here lies Sterio Sidovski, whose name I carry. He was thirty-five years old when he died and left behind four children, Ziso, Kosta, Ritsa and Tana. Next to him lies Sterio Fotovichin, a young unmarried man. On that side is Petro Nikolov. He did not have any children. Next to him is Sterio Liochkovski. There is Stavre Stavrovski and next to him is Gele Shomovski...”


                We prayed for their eternal peace and went back to Pop Sterio’s house. In our conversation, in which we embroidered the distant past, I told Pop Sterio that we had visited the village Osheni (Iton in Greek) and noticed that they had a high school there. I wanted to say something more but Pop Sterio abruptly interrupted and said:



                “And what do you think if they had not collected the children, there wouldn’t have been a high school in Ezerets? There would have been one, even larger than that in Osheni, but someone thought it was not important to have a high school here.”



                There was no occasion about which Pop Sterio did not express his opinion. He even expressed doubts about the existence of the Republic of Macedonia.



                “But how will that tiny country live and survive in poverty?” he asked with a concerned tone of voice while shaking his head, expressing doubt.



                “My dear Reverend Father,” I said to him quietly, “she is now like a tiny, lonely and poor bear cub…”



                “What?!” he raised his voice sounding surprised. “You say a tiny bear cub? A bear cub which one day will grow up to be a bear?!...”



                “Well, what can you do Reverend Father, bear cubs do grow into big bears…” I replied.



                We left Ezerets at noon. The Sveti Nikola Church bell was still audible as we drove past the last turn before crossing the bridge. It seemed like the bell was telling us something… …there is no death or disappearance of a person as long as the memory of them lasts…


                Other articles by Risto Stefov:









                Free electronic books by Risto Stefov available at:







                Our Name is Macedonia


                "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                GOTSE DELCEV

                Comment

                • George S.
                  Senior Member
                  • Aug 2009
                  • 10116

                  On the Road of Time – Chapter 5



                  By Petre Nakovski

                  Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

                  [email protected]

                  July 29, 2012



                  The road of time and tracing old memories took us to the village Ezerets, now called Petropoulaki. The name “Ezerets” is a very old name. This village got its name from another and much older village, which at one time existed higher up the foot of Mount Orle. Mount Orle, according to an old legend, got its name from the tall boulder on top of the mountain whose peak looks like an eagle’s head. According to another legend, the mountain got its name from the numerous white-headed eagles that once existed around this mountain, now almost extinct.



                  It is said that the old village was built in the middle of a mountain lake, now dry. We visited the place and all we could find were remnants of thick walls, where stones were dug out, and broken ceramic tiles. Further up the mountain was a sand cliff on which hollowed out rows could be seen. It has been said that between the rows there was some sort of writing, not in Greek but in Cyrillic letters and that during the Metaxa dictatorship in 1936 people came from the south and carved out the letters with pickaxes.



                  The new name now given to the village Ezerets was to honour some Greek man from the Island of Crete named Petropoulakis. As the story goes, this man leading a group of “palikaria” (strong men), mostly former prisoners, scoundrels and thieves, came to Kostur Region to free Macedonia from the Ottomans. In supposedly doing so Petropoulakis got himself killed, but it is unknown by whose doing. He was killed not at Ezerets but at Snicheni, a neighbouring village, which today is called Kastenafito because there are many chestnut trees growing there. It is unknown if any of his “palikaria” were killed and what happened to the sack of money after he died. But as the story goes, the frightened villagers from Snicheni secretly, during the night, took the “brave” dead man’s body and carried it over to the village Ezerets where it was later found. And that is the reason why Ezerets was named Petropoulaki.



                  There is no museum in Ezerets to honour Petropoulakis and it is not clear where his grave is located. There are no celebrations held to remember Petropoulakis, the Greek hero from Crete, or his “palikaria”.



                  Ezerets, once a thriving village with over a hundred houses and more than five hundred souls, is now empty. The ten or so people who survived the war moved on to Rupishta (now named Argos Orestikon). Ezerets comes alive during the spring and especially during the summer when the villagers, now living in cities, return to check on their houses, take their vacations in the cool clean air and clear mountain spring water, to clear the foliage around the tombstones and graves of their ancestors and loved ones and to light a candle. By doing so, they celebrate their endurance and survival.



                  Everywhere we looked our eyes met with ruins, remnants of the Greek Civil War. Decaying houses on whose doors locks were hung, a long time ago. Locks hung by the owners who never returned from the road of the great lie. Owners who, forever, remained in the Eastern European countries... And the only evidence of their existence here are the falling houses, the locked gates, the rusted padlocks hanging on the gates, the dark and broken windows and the sagging roofs…



                  Ezerets survived the fires and sackings brought on by the Ottomans, the Albanian raids, the island robberies, the Italian and German assaults but not the ravages of the Greek Civil War which pushed the village into desolation.



                  For the people of Ezerets and for all those passing by, it seems like “the south” ends at the edge of Mount Odre whose peak lies at an altitude of 1525 metres above sea level. Beyond there the mountain slope is so sharp that it seems like the world comes to an end. When the south wind blows it carries with it air from the top of the mountain down the steep slope to the flat area of the land and with it, it brings a pleasant mountain tea aroma.



                  Early in the morning on a clear day, one can see the entire Kostur valley, the lake and all the surrounding villages from the top of the mountain. To the right one can see the slumbering Mount Siniachka, with its treeless top covered in fog. Straight ahead beyond Mali-Madi, standing tall, one can see Vicho and further, further back in the fog, barely visible, are Pelister and Ivan Mountains. To the left are Kopanche, Sveti Ilia, Krusha and Gorisha Mountains and behind is Kotelska Kula with its highest peak at elevation 1758. On the south side of Kotelska Kula is a steep rocky slope and at the bottom rests the village Kotili (Macedonian Koteltsi).



                  On the peak of the mountain we counted eight rows of trenches now shallow and overgrown with plants and grass. Around the trenches among the plants and grass we found rusted bullets and more empty shells than rock pebbles. On the peak of the mountain is a weathered old rock on which, carved by someone’s hand, is the date “July 16, 1947”. In the afternoon of that day the only two men remaining alive, from a Partisan detachment belonging to the fighters of the Democratic Army of Greece, were left there to defend that hill. When they ran out of ammunition, to avoid being captured by government soldiers, they jumped off the steep hill and landed in an abyss. Two men, one Greek the other Macedonian, met the same fate at the bottom of the abyss. We later found out that one of them was Vane Dorov Malkov from the village Sheshevo, Kostur Region, grandson to a revolutionary who died at Nozhot.



                  The rock at Kotelska Kula is very steep, like a wall, and the abyss is very deep. How long does the fall from top to bottom last? What can we call and how can we measure the act of those two men? Someone’s hand scratched the day, month and year on the rock but the dust that rests on it is blown by the north wind and washed only by the rain… There is moss and sometimes a rare flower growing in the cracks. The entire space in front of the rock cliff is still marred by the remnants of trenches in which lush green grass and many mountain flowers now grow. I thought I should collect some flowers and create a wreath. I bent over, not to collect flowers but to bow before the dust and the shadows of those whose remains were left there forever… I stood up and looked all around and for a moment I heard a female voice, it was the voice of the eighty year old Partisan Mita. She began talking:



                  “The mountains of Northern Pindus are huge. This is a region commonly known as Gramos. They have tall hills, some are bare, some are rocky, some have hundred year old pines and dark forests growing on them, some have natural springs of water running, chiseling channels through them. During the night when the sky is clear the heavens appear woven with rows of stars. The stars seem to be so close that you can knock them off and they will land in your hand. The early mornings are clear, moist with dew, cool and blanketed with white fog filling all the deep valleys and depressions. Then there are the dark clouds, black and fearsome, carrying cold and long lasting rain. They appear suddenly with strong and loud thunder with echoes carrying through the long and deep brooks, cracks and ravines. There are also the gentle white clouds which carry heat.



                  The winds are sometimes so strong they can topple you over. The ageless trees bend and sway as waves of them hit them and push against them. Swirling winds make loud noises as they enter rocky chasms and crevices and brush against the southern rocky terrain; stripping and smoothing its edges. The northern side is overgrown with all kinds of trees and all the green foliage your heart desires. It is very hot during the day; the rocks heat up so much you can fry an egg. From the high hills the eye can see the entire Kostur valley and surrounding settlements. You can see Vicho and beyond that you can see Kaimakchalan and the higher hills of Mount Pelister. To the south you can see the summit of Mount Olympus. The winters here are very cold and a lot of snow falls on the mountains. There are many blizzards that pile the snow in high drifts creating treacherous conditions and making the region impenetrable. These mountains are best suited for spring conditions. It’s lovely up here during the spring. The fall is okay but at times it is hazy, damp, foggy and cold.



                  It was decided that we were to face our opponent here, at Gramos. We were to ambush him right here, “said Mita, the old Partisan woman, who at the time was only eighteen years old, “from these stationary bunkers and trenches, which we were then occupying. This is where we became repeated targets for the enemy. It was here that we waited for the enemy with only our infantry weapons, several mountain cannons and with only five thousand cannon shells. Were they enough to crush the enemy? Yes, we were told by High Command and by the military leadership. The enemy, on the other hand, threw more cannon shells at us in the course of one twenty-four hour day, than we had in total, all put together. Not to mention the number of mortars and bombs dropped on us from the sky by their air force...



                  Here behind the rocks and mountain peaks people were hard, stronger than the rocks. This is how we were and that was recognized and documented by the reports generated by the opposing generals. This is also well-documented in their memoirs and military notes. They said that the “nofiti” meaning us the Macedonians, are fighters with a strong spirit, great physical endurance and above all, very brave fighters.



                  We defended ourselves and we were protected by the rocks, the mountain peaks, the forests… Our opponent knew where we hid our heads and every day he beat us with his cannons, mortars and most of all with his aerial bombs dropped from above by his air force. And in places where it was difficult to break through, with American permission, he used napalm bombs brought here from America. And when that did not work, Athens asked for permission to use a special kind of bomb, which had just arrived in Greece, but Washington did not allow it. These bombs were new to the world and if used they could have destroyed and burned everything. And after their use, there may not have been any life left. But the tanks, their shells could not reach all the way here to the front lines. The terrain was rough and steep and the goat paths were too narrow for them to travel on.



                  Count the days from July 14 to August 22, 1948, how many days are there? That’s how many days and nights the battle lasted. That’s how many days and nights we lasted. I remember the first days of the battle, when the government brigades couldn’t break our defenses, when the aircraft were pounding us with some sort of special bombs. They had dropped bombs on us before but these particular bombs, brought here from America, were called napalm. They were terrible, everything burned from them, heaven and earth. We were also burning, but we learned how to protect ourselves, unfortunately, day by day there were fewer of us left and our space became smaller and smaller…



                  I remember the evening of the sixtieth day when the order was given to withdraw to new positions. These were the last positions. Behind us was Albania. In the night we took a count of how many of us were left. From the 460 men and women fighters aged 16 to 22, which was the number of fighters in our battalion before the battle started, 95 were left alive 60 of which were wounded. Who can you patch up first and who can you carry to the hospital? Some died in our hands…



                  Many years have passed since then. Many of the fighters who survived by now have also passed on. Participants of this episode cannot talk about their lost youth without tears in their eyes. They try to escape it but deep down in their consciousness and in their memories, the images are stored of that world, which they, like an incurable wound, have to carry with them all their lives...” concluded old Mita.


                  I asked myself “Were the young men and women born between the years 1920 to 1930, the backbone of Vicho and Gramos, brave?”



                  Standing on top of the hill behind which the deep Kotelska Kula abyss lies, I attempted to imagine, to form a picture of the two men who plunged to their death. But for me that picture was vague, it was far from the reality of war which then was part of their lives. A war which left some on the timeless side, others maimed and crippled for life and yet others forced into exile forever. A large number of whom, to this day, remain expatriated in foreign lands and among foreign people…



                  My attempts to imagine, to form a picture of what it was like when the fires of Gramos were burning and how the young men and women felt when bullets, steel shells and bombs were dropping on them from the English and American aircraft, were pale in comparison...



                  From here and beyond, standing tall, were the mountains Bel Kamen, Gorna Arena, Dolna Arena, Charno, Krastavets, Aliabitsa, Gramos and other mountain peaks where, from July 14th to August 22nd, 1848, many young Greek and Macedonian men and women, from both sides of the battle zones, lost their lives.



                  Yesterday we visited that part of the old hell. The entire time silence was our only companion. The only sound we heard was the swishing wind passing between the leaves and thick trunks of the pine and beechwood trees, scarred by the cannon and mortar shells a long time ago. There are tons of pieces of iron littering the soil, now overgrown with thick green grass. It is unknown which number more around the bunker and trench remnants, the pebbles and small stones or the bullets, empty shells and shrapnel.



                  Lying on the rocky hill, overgrown with ferns, under whose shadow wild strawberries grow, I found a large piece of an aerial bomb and half a mortar shell. I put the pieces of iron in my backpack and took them with me as souvenirs. When I placed the backpack over my shoulder and felt its weight I began to wonder: “How much lead and iron fell on the young men and women during those seventy days and nights when they were defending these mountains? How many of them died, how many survived and how many were pulled out of there maimed and mutilated for life?



                  In those days, these mountains, hills, rocks and hill tops were symbols of unprecedented devotion and bravery. Now, after much time has passed, a question comes to mind: “What was the purpose of the eight thousand or so Partisans, soldiers of the Democratic Army of Greece, entering the trenches and bunkers with only infantry weapons? Did they think they could resist the government army of eighty thousand well-armed soldiers with all kinds of modern weapons?”



                  Macedonian and Greek young men and women died here defending these dry hills, rocks and mountain tops. They lost their lives to the cannon shells, mortars, napalm and other bombs brought to Greece on ships from America. Were they satisfied with the weapons and ammunition delivered to them on mules, horses, donkeys and on the fragile backs of the Macedonian women from the Kostur and Prespa Region villages?



                  These women were living witnesses who every night, in columns of 300 to 500, loaded beasts of burden, travelled the narrow paths from Rulia to Breznitsa, Smrdesh, Lobanitsa, Krchishta, Novoseleni, Shak, Revani and Kalevishta to deliver ammunition to the storage depots at Pilikati, Janoveni, Slimnitsa, Omotsko and Tuhuli or directly to the combat zones. Those were women aged 16 to 60. How long is the road from Prespa to Gramos? It was as long as the night lasted, from sunrise to sundown. Daytime was reserved for the flying aircraft. Nothing could travel and survive under the shadow of the metal hawks…



                  We travelled the same path, not on foot but by car. The then narrow goat paths have now been widened and paved with asphalt. They passed through the villages which today do not exist and testify that there were churches and some tombstones in the desecrated cemeteries. Today there are no houses, not even remnants of houses. If the Madziri (Turkish Christian colonists) villages in Kostur Region were built with chiselled stones, then those are the stones taken by military trucks, during the fifties and sixties, from the houses in the villages Smrdesh, Lobanitsa, Kosinets, Krchishta, Vmbel, Dmbeni, Dolno Papratsko, Novoseleni, Kalevishta…



                  Their houses are beautiful. The foundations and walls of their new houses were built with the stones of our houses, churches and tombstones, markers of our ancestors. Those of our people who remained say, and I repeat: “If our people did not leave and cross over the border, their houses would have been larger and more beautiful for certain.”



                  Today is Sunday and the church bell at Sveti Nikola Church in Ezerets is ringing, calling us to prayer. I noticed that the bell rang longer than is usual. The last six tolls were longer and quieter than the previous ones and there were longer echoes in the distance.



                  “For whom does the bell toll?” I asked. No one opened their mouth to give me an answer. I persisted trying to get an answer but the people from Ezerets, as if conspiring, would not speak.



                  After worship we gathered at Pop (Reverend) Sterio’s house. During a lengthy conversation about the village and its past, I asked the reverend: “Father, for whom did the church bell toll softly and at length?”



                  “For the souls…” he said quietly and, with a shaky voice, he told us about the event about which only the old people spoke and only in secret.



                  “March 17, 1905, it was a Friday when a group of Greek “palikaria” entered the village. They said they were searching for Macedonian revolutionary leaders but they were acting strangely. They went from house to house ransacking people’s cellars and barns. But it wasn’t revolutionaries they were after, they were looking for gold. When they came up empty handed they selected six men from the village and took them to Sveti Ilia Church located just outside of the village. There they tortured the men for a long time and in the end they cut the vertebrae and tendons at the back of their necks and left them there alive to bleed to death. They would not allow the villagers to help the men so they died in agony. The villagers then buried the men during the night and since then no one outside of the people of Ezerets knows the whereabouts of their eternal resting place.”



                  Pop Sterio placed his finger on his lips. By that gesture we understood that we couldn’t talk about it. This historic episode could only be remembered in silence.



                  “Anyone in the village can tell you what their names were, but no one will speak about where they were buried. We can’t tell because we know someone will come and desecrate their eternal resting place. One hundred years have passed and no one has muddied their dreams. But now I will tell you their names and where they are resting,” said Pop Sterio.



                  Slowly, quietly, in silence, walking as if in a funeral procession, we got there... Pop Sterio crossed himself and we too made the sign of the cross, all in silence. We kept quiet staring at Pop Sterio’s cane as he pointed with it to the eternal resting places. He said: “Here lies Sterio Sidovski, whose name I carry. He was thirty-five years old when he died and left behind four children, Ziso, Kosta, Ritsa and Tana. Next to him lies Sterio Fotovichin, a young unmarried man. On that side is Petro Nikolov. He did not have any children. Next to him is Sterio Liochkovski. There is Stavre Stavrovski and next to him is Gele Shomovski...”


                  We prayed for their eternal peace and went back to Pop Sterio’s house. In our conversation, in which we embroidered the distant past, I told Pop Sterio that we had visited the village Osheni (Iton in Greek) and noticed that they had a high school there. I wanted to say something more but Pop Sterio abruptly interrupted and said:



                  “And what do you think if they had not collected the children, there wouldn’t have been a high school in Ezerets? There would have been one, even larger than that in Osheni, but someone thought it was not important to have a high school here.”



                  There was no occasion about which Pop Sterio did not express his opinion. He even expressed doubts about the existence of the Republic of Macedonia.



                  “But how will that tiny country live and survive in poverty?” he asked with a concerned tone of voice while shaking his head, expressing doubt.



                  “My dear Reverend Father,” I said to him quietly, “she is now like a tiny, lonely and poor bear cub…”



                  “What?!” he raised his voice sounding surprised. “You say a tiny bear cub? A bear cub which one day will grow up to be a bear?!...”



                  “Well, what can you do Reverend Father, bear cubs do grow into big bears…” I replied.



                  We left Ezerets at noon. The Sveti Nikola Church bell was still audible as we drove past the last turn before crossing the bridge. It seemed like the bell was telling us something… …there is no death or disappearance of a person as long as the memory of them lasts…


                  Other articles by Risto Stefov:









                  Free electronic books by Risto Stefov available at:







                  Our Name is Macedonia


                  "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                  GOTSE DELCEV

                  Comment

                  • George S.
                    Senior Member
                    • Aug 2009
                    • 10116

                    Macedonia: Time to deliver justice to the victims of war crimes
                    2 September 2011, 11:16AM





                    Amnesty International is calling on the Macedonian authorities to reverse immediately a parliamentary decision which will have the effect of denying justice, truth and reparation to victims of the 2001 armed conflict in the former Yugoslav Republic.

                    The parliament of the republic decided on 19 July 2011 to apply the 2002 Amnesty Law to all cases returned to Macedonia for prosecution from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).

                    The decision will terminate the investigation and prosecution of four war crime cases, “NLA leadership”, “Mavrovo Road Workers”, “Lipkovo Water Reserve” and “Neprošteno”, returned to Macedonia for prosecution in 2008.

                    “The parliament’s decision is clearly inconsistent with international law and will leave the victims and their relatives without access to justice,” said Sian Jones. Amnesty International’s researcher on the Western Balkans.

                    “Macedonia has to comply with its international obligations. Its authorities must thoroughly and impartially investigate all cases returned from the ICTY and ensure that all those allegedly responsible for violations of international humanitarian law are brought to justice. The survivors and victims must also be provided with full reparation.”

                    Since 2001 no adequate measures have been taken to investigate the cases of six ethnic Albanians believed to be the victims of enforced disappearances by the Macedonian Ministry of Interior police during the internal armed conflict.

                    Nor have any effective measures been taken to investigate the abduction of 12 ethnic Macedonians and one Bulgarian national, all of whom are believed to have been abducted by ethnic Albanian armed groups during the armed conflict.

                    “The relatives of all those who were disappeared or abducted deserve to know the fate of their loved ones”, said Sian Jones.

                    Amnesty International understands that the parliamentary decision was part of a post-election agreement between the two ruling parties, the nationalist VMRO-DPMNE and the Democratic Union for Integration, Macedonia’s largest ethnic Albanian party.

                    “The prosecution of violations of international humanitarian law cannot be subject to political interference,” Sian Jones said.

                    “The parliament appears to have created a climate of impunity for persons suspected of violations of international humanitarian law, including members of the government itself.”

                    Amnesty International has written to the Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski urging him without delay to ensure the prosecution of all cases as required by the ICTY.

                    Amnesty International understands that the parliamentary decision will be considered by the Constitutional Court.

                    The organisation notes that the Macedonian Constitution provides for respect for human rights in accordance with international law, and that international treaties have primacy over domestic legislation.
                    "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                    GOTSE DELCEV

                    Comment

                    • George S.
                      Senior Member
                      • Aug 2009
                      • 10116

                      Would the United States ever entertain the idea of changing its name? Why then, is it asking Macedonia to do so?



                      Apparently, for the "privilege" of joining NATO. Of course, at the NATO summit in May, Macedonia wasn't even on the agenda.

                      It should have been painfully obvious that Macedonia wouldn't be invited to join NATO until it solves the so-called "name dispute" with Greece. In 2008, every member-state wanted to extend an invitation to Macedonia, but Greece was permitted to use its veto power to prevent it. To make it "official", point 26 of the Chicago Summit Declaration states,

                      "We reiterate the agreement at our 2008 Bucharest Summit, as we did at subsequent Summits, to extend an invitation to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to join the Alliance as soon as a mutually acceptable solution to the name issue has been reached within the framework of the UN, and strongly urge intensified efforts towards that end."

                      What's worse, that Macedonia continues to negotiate its own name and identity in order to "play with the big boys" or that NATO and the European Union are allowing Greece to hold the rest of the NATO and EU member-states hostage? Of course, Macedonia has also been shamelessly begging for entry into the European Union but, with Greece as a longtime member, that won't happen.

                      Why is Macedonia so desperate to join two organizations that offer no obvious benefits?

                      Not only are NATO and the EU allowing Greece to dictate their membership based on its own racist and xenophobic policies, but the European Union also bailed Greece out after it blatantly lied about its economic situation, which has subsequently wreaked havoc with global markets.

                      The EU also allows Greece to violate its minorities' rights and ignore European Court of Human Rights rulings against it without fear of retribution. All of this while Greece proclaims, and is celebrated as the "birthplace of democracy".

                      As if it was proving how far it could go, Greek citizens voted in 21 members of the neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn in the country's May elections.

                      Macedonia's desperation to join NATO and the EU can only be described as pathetic. Macedonia is one of the highest per-capita contributors to NATO missions, even though it is not a member. The Macedonian government decided years ago to sacrifice its own citizens for the sake of joining an organization that doesn't have the guts to stand up to Greece and extend it an invitation. How sad that NATO can't even stand up to its weakest member.

                      After the NATO Summit in Chicago, Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski expressed disgust at the lack of an invitation, criticized the West and ultimately blamed Greece. Makes sense, but he forgot to include Macedonia's involvement in this mess. By negotiating its own name, Macedonia is telling the world that it is willing to change it. The simple, and only, solution is that Macedonia should immediately end the name negotiations and never should have started them in the first place.

                      Greece claims that it objects to the Republic of Macedonia's name because it creates "confusion” with the province of Macedonia, that it annexed after the partition of Macedonia's entire territory in 1913. However, former Greek Prime Minister Constantine Mitsotakis admitted in 1995 that Greece initiated the nonsensical name dispute to continue to deny the existence of its large, indigenous Macedonian minority.

                      Ironically, Greece now claims that “Macedonia is Greek”, but it was not until 1988, when Greece realized that independence for the Republic of Macedonia was imminent, that it renamed “Northern Greece” to “Macedonia.” Prior to this, Greece’s policy was that Macedonia did not exist.

                      Despite the intense Greek propaganda, over 130 countries have recognized Macedonia, including four of the five permanent UN Security Council members. So this begs the question, why are countries that have already recognized Macedonia asking it to compromise with Greece and change its name? The answer, again, is because Macedonia is continuing to negotiate its own name.

                      If Macedonia is just going through the motions to appear diplomatic, as some politicians have suggested, it has obviously been a huge failure. Instead of showing its flexibility in trying to find a "solution", it has frustrated the United States and other western countries because this dispute has been going on for 21 years, with no end in sight. Of course, it's common sense to see that there is no solution when one country is being asked to change its name to appease another country's racist notion that it has no right to exist. It also doesn't excuse the United States demanding that a country change its name. Is this how the US sees itself as "spreading democracy and human rights" throughout the world?

                      As the Our Name is Macedonia campaign (which demands that Macedonia end the name negotiations) states "Would any other country negotiate its own name?". To clearly show how ridiculous the name dispute is, it also asks "Should the US state of Georgia demand that the Republic of Georgia change its name?"

                      If this issue wasn't so serious, it would be laughable.

                      Bill Nicholov, President
                      Macedonian Human Rights Movement International

                      ###



                      Macedonian Human Rights Movement International (MHRMI) has been active on human and national rights issues for Macedonians and other oppressed peoples since 1986. For more information: www.mhrmi.org, twitter.com/mhrmi, facebook.com/mhrmi, [email protected], 1-416-850-7125.
                      "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                      GOTSE DELCEV

                      Comment

                      • George S.
                        Senior Member
                        • Aug 2009
                        • 10116

                        Government reaches agreement over export of Macedonian wine to China



                        Skopje, 16 May 2012 (MIA) - The largest wine distributor in China will sign an agreement with nine Macedonian wineries for export of Macedonian wine to China.

                        Vice Premier for Economic Affairs Vladimir Pesevski told MIA that the leadership of the Chinese distribution company, which imports wine from the entire world, expressed satisfaction from the quality of Macedonian wines at Tuesday's presentation and tasting in Chengdu.

                        "Macedonian wines were presented during the business forum in Chengdu, including a large number of Chinese wine distributors, with one of the largest ones, which has over 600 distribution centers in the country, expressing satisfaction from the quality. We referred to the signing of an agreement with nine wineries for export of Macedonian wines to China", said Pesevski.

                        He added the export would represent the Government's assistance to the wine industry, grape producers, and the Macedonian economy in general.

                        The Chengdu business forum included meetings with numerous companies from the fields of energy, construction, real estate, and transportation systems.

                        The Macedonian Government delegation, led by Vice Premier Vladimir Pesevski, also included Minister for Attraction of Foreign Investments Vele Samak, and Director of Agency for Foreign Investments and Export Promotion Visar Fida. The Chengdu business forum was organized by the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade (CCPIT).

                        The Government team, led by Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, attended Wednesday a business forum in the city of Qingdao, a 5-million city in eastern China, renowned for its swift economic development of an average ten percent per year.

                        The business forum was attended by representatives of over 100 companies from the Qingdao region.

                        PM Gruevski urged Chinese businessmen to invest in Macedonia, adding that both countries are committed to promotion of investments in infrastructure, agriculture, education and tourism.

                        "There are a number of ongoing investment projects for improvement of the physical infrastructure, such as modernization of the energy sector, where Chinese companies can play a significant role", said Gruevski.

                        He referred to benefits offered to investors, such as low taxes, tax exemptions, state support for investments in technological-industrial development zones, and subsidies for construction costs or training of staff.

                        Qingdao Deputy-Mayor Liu Mingjun voiced belief over the establishment of enhanced relations between Qingdao companies and Macedonia.

                        "Macedonia is a Balkan country renowned for its history, hospitality and natural richness. Macedonia and Qingdao can cooperate in the fields of agriculture, infrastructure, education and tourism", said Mingjun.

                        Vice Premier Pesevski referred to specific projects in the spheres of energy, mining and tourism, Minister Samak highlighted the macroeconomic indicators that guarantee a favorable environment for doing business, whereas foreign investments agency director Fida focused on the options for investments in the automotive and pharmaceutical industries, as well as investment opportunities in agriculture.

                        Macedonia's investment opportunities will be presented on Thursday at a business forum in Shanghai, followed by a meeting with representatives of Huawei, a leading global information and communications technology.

                        The Macedonian delegation will wrap up the visit to China with Friday's presentation of investment opportunities in Macedonia at a business forum in Hong Kong. In addition, Gruevski will meet with Donald Tsang, Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

                        PM Gruevski met Tuesday with Chinese counterpart Wen Jiabao, reaffirming the high level of favourable political ties established between the two countries, which are being developed in the spirit of friendship, mutual understanding and trust. Talks focused on three projects, which have been presented in the past couple of days by PM Gruevski to Chinese companies and chambers of commerce. They include a major energy project, one in relation to construction of roads and a construction of an industrial park intended only for Chinese companies in Macedonia. In addition to these projects, several smaller ones were also presented that might result in future cooperation between Macedonia and Chinese firms.

                        Relations between Macedonia and China are developing in the spirit of friendship, mutual understanding and respect of sovereignty, territorial integrity and equality of the two countries. Countries established diplomatic relations on 12 October 1993, with the countries' governments establishing cooperation in the sphere of economy, education, culture, agriculture and technical assistance
                        "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                        GOTSE DELCEV

                        Comment

                        • George S.
                          Senior Member
                          • Aug 2009
                          • 10116

                          MoFA sends protest note to Greek ambassador over stickers



                          Skopje, 26 June 2012 (MIA) - The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) handed over Tuesday a note of protest to Greece's ambassador to Macedonia, Alexandra Papadopoulou in relation to the case involving stickers put on new vehicle registration plates owned by Macedonian citizens when entering Greece, urging this "illegitimate practice" to stop.



                          The protest note says that the new vehicle registration plates are in compliance with EU and international standards and that Greece's move is not in line with the obligations stipulated by the Interim Accord, MoFA sources say.



                          This conduct by Greek border organs, they add, is against the 1995 Practical Measures Memorandum referring to the implementation of the Interim Agreement, which serve to facilitate the movement of people and goods. In accordance with the Memorandum "upon entry of a private vehicle into the Republic of Greece, Greek organs can place a self - adhesive sticker, not bigger than the distinguishing signs used in international transport (oval stickers in line with international standards) on the back or front windshield." The Memorandum, MoFA says, does not envisage measures considering registration plates. The ministry also reacts over the use of the acronym FYROM on stickers handed out by Greek customs officials, which is also against the Interim Agreement.



                          At the same time, MoFA denies today's statement by the Greek ambassador that Macedonian authorities have failed to react over this practice, stressing that active measures are being taken to solve the problem.



                          The ministry says that after reactions from citizens and media reports, country's consulate in Thessaloniki in a letter dated June 22 asked for an explanation from Greek customs authorities over the disputable use of stickers. Greece, in a response received yesterday, states that the attaching of stickers on vehicles by Macedonian citizens having registration plates with MK sign has been and is still being used based on a directive by the Ministry of Finances and in accordance with the countries' agreement in 1995 i.e. on a free space on the back windshield.

                          MoFA informs that further developments will be monitored and that adequate measures will be taken.



                          Greek border authorities have been placing a sticker reading "Recognised by Greece as FYROM" written in Greek and English over the new Macedonian registration plates to cover the MK sign on them.
                          "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                          GOTSE DELCEV

                          Comment

                          • George S.
                            Senior Member
                            • Aug 2009
                            • 10116

                            In Greece, anti-immigrant Golden Dawn party rides wave of xenophobia



                            By Daniel Dale
                            Staff Reporter

                            Published on Friday June 29, 2012





                            ATHENS—He doesn’t walk alone. Not to his convenience store in the morning. Not to his apartment at night. Not anymore. When Tipu Sultan Mirza Mohamed moves, three or four fellow immigrants from Bangladesh move with him.



                            The Bangladeshis of Athens now travel in packs because the thugs travel in packs. In the last month, supporters of Golden Dawn, the virulently anti-immigrant far-right party whose logo is a modified swastika, have beaten, among many others, an Egyptian fisherman sleeping on his roof, two Algerians sleeping near a beach, a Pakistani man and Bangladeshi man walking in a subway station, and an Albanian standing on the street.



                            None of this — nor an assault this month by a Golden Dawn MP on a Communist female MP on live television — has appeared to do anything to dampen the party’s popularity. After Golden Dawn earned 6.97 per cent of the vote in the May federal election, up from 0.23 per cent in 2009, some leftists dismissively argued that this was a one-time protest statement. But Golden Dawn got 6.92 per cent in the election on June 17.



                            The party, which uses slogans like “rid this land of filth,” was a fringe movement from its founding in 1980 until three years ago. Then came the economic crisis that sent unemployment skyrocketing to 23 per cent and forced Greece to submit to other European countries’ humbling austerity demands. Next, under ideal breeding conditions for ultranationalism and fascism, came the wave of xenophobia and violence that has Mohamed and his compatriots living in fear.



                            “Nobody here safe now,” Mohamed, 42, said in halting English, the day after the election in his store in the poor immigrant neighbourhood of Omonia. “Nobody. When I come here in 2004, I go alone to the square in the night, nobody stop me. Now in the day I’m afraid to go alone. They come to me, they ask, ‘Why you come here? When you go back to your home? Why don’t you leave?’ I don’t know why they ask this. We are in Europe. Europe is human rights. Where go human rights? Where? If I can’t walk on the road, where go human rights?”



                            He doesn’t look like a brown shirt. In fact, he wears a blue-collared shirt that says PepsiCo above the breast pocket. The 40-year-old man, who says he can’t give his name because of his job, is a well-coiffed Pepsi salesman in stylish jeans. He is also an enthusiastic supporter of Golden Dawn.



                            The attacks on immigrants? “I’m not sure if what the media says is 100 per cent true, but even if it is, this has an impact on the immigrants. They’re more afraid. So things are more calm, and there is less violence against Greeks. If the police isn’t doing its job, someone else has to.”

                            Slapping another politician repeatedly on TV? “What people took from that was that Golden Dawn will do the same thing to the entire political system.”



                            Golden Dawn’s vehement stand against the country’s bailout agreements — its 55-year-old leader, Nikos Michaloliakos, calls them “slavery” — appeals to the same anger against austerity and old-guard politicians that has propelled the sudden rise of a new leftist party, Syriza. Like many extremist parties, Golden Dawn is especially popular with young men. Half of the country’s under-25 population is unemployed; Golden Dawn offers poor youths with few prospects an easy scapegoat for their financial troubles, a social institution in which they can feel important, and a salve for their wounded national pride.



                            “Local guys can’t go to the square because of the immigrants. They’re scared,” said Stavros Tsouis, 18, a house painter and Golden Dawn supporter in the Athens suburb of Markopoulo, which has also seen an immigrant influx. “If other parties cannot get rid of them, there is no other way. It (violence) is not a proper way, of course, but . . . ” He trailed off. “I’m thinking of my 7-year-old brother and his future.”



                            The Pepsi salesman sat under a cafe tent last Wednesday in the Athens neighbourhood of Agios Panteleimonas. The neighbourhood, known as such for the grand Orthodox church of the same name, has become a hotbed of anti-immigrant sentiment and Golden Dawn support.



                            The church’s priest provides food and guidance to hundreds of the poor illegal immigrants who live in the dingy apartment buildings nearby. In apparent retaliation, Golden Dawn loyalists wrote a party slogan — “Foreigners out of Greece. Greece belongs to the Greeks” — in chalk in front of the church steps. They have also locked the gate to the playground on the church grounds to prevent immigrant children from using it.



                            A local senior, who also wouldn’t give her name, said Golden Dawn members have endeared themselves to neighbourhood Greeks by volunteering to accompany the elderly on their errands. Before then, she said, they were regularly robbed by South Asians.



                            A major spike in immigrant crime has aided Golden Dawn’s rise. The problem of immigrant crime, in turn, has been fuelled by both the economic crisis and Greece’s dysfunctional immigration system.



                            An EU agreement allows countries to send illegal immigrants back to the first European country they set foot in — which is Greece more than 50 per cent of the time, because it offers a land crossing through Turkey. Greek political leaders, joined by human rights groups, have complained bitterly about their disproportionate burden. They have also failed to unilaterally solve the problems they have the power to address.



                            Greece, a country of 11 million, grants refugee status to almost nobody: 11 of 15,928 claimants in 2009. It also provides almost no support to new arrivals, many of whom live in squalid conditions, and takes years to process refugee claims; there is a backlog of more than 30,000. Without documents, Human Rights Watch has reported, immigrants “spend a great deal of time unemployed or in exploitative work situations,” have little contact with Greeks, and “often live in dire poverty with inadequate food, health care and shelter.”



                            The vast majority of Greece’s million-plus immigrants were Albanians until four years ago, when the Turkish crossing overtook the boat routes to Italy and Spain as the most popular gateway to Europe. Tens of thousands of unskilled, non-Greek-speaking Africans, South Asians and Arabs have since made their way to Athens. Just as the economy collapsed, swaths of the city that had seen few non-white residents for centuries became ghettos for dark-skinned Muslims. Few of the new arrivals have experienced anything but misery.



                            Hali Sip, a lanky 26-year-old former youth soccer player from Senegal, is one of dozens of Africans who try to sell knock-off clothing, luggage, sunglasses, watches and trinkets on the sidewalk outside the Athens University of Economics and Business. His visible inventory consists of four bags. As of last Tuesday, he had not had a customer in a week. To pay the rent, he said, he also collects discarded bottles to return for a wretched €1 per kilogram.



                            He came to Greece in pursuit of “the European dream”: “To become somebody, to become a man, somebody who is respected. “ He would now return to Senegal if he could afford it.

                            “Dying in Africa is better than dying here,” he said. “Because we fled death there, and we came here, and there’s death here, too. It’s better to die back there with dignity.”



                            Hundreds of Africans used to hawk their wares outside another university down the block from the business school. In May, a month before the election, the chaotic improvised market, which had undercut and infuriated established shopkeepers, was shut down by riot police. Bored-looking officers with shields and helmets now patrol the empty street three hours a day. Asked last Tuesday if the crackdown was political, one of them said, “Obviously political.”



                            The former socialist government launched a United Nations-aided immigration reform effort in 2010. But the socialists, too, have since attempted to capitalize on anti-immigrant resentment — issuing warnings about foreign prostitutes, approving a 12.5-kilometre fence on the Turkish border and campaigning on a pledge to build 30 new detention centres. New Democracy, the centre-right party that won, talked even tougher, pledging to repeal a 2010 law that allows the children of illegal immigrants to obtain citizenship. And Golden Dawn now has 18 seats in parliament.



                            Greek election: Conservatives win election, vow to keep Greece in the eurozone


                            The party promised to plant landmines along the border with Turkey, deport all illegal immigrants, and conduct raids on hospitals and kindergartens to forcibly evict immigrant children. Though it denies that it is a neo-Nazi party — the Nazis occupied Greece during World War II — its members make Nazi salutes at rallies, Mein Kampf has been displayed at its headquarters, and its leader, Michaloliakos, denies the Holocaust.



                            “Golden Dawn is not another political party. This is an openly neo-Nazi party, a fascist party, and in the long term it will have grave consequences on Greece, on its society, and on its image abroad. Democracy is based on tolerance for the other,” said Sotiris Methenitis, the centre-right mayor of Markopoulo, who issued an unusual pre-election plea “begging” constituents to vote for anyone else.



                            “In Greek mythology, the most important god, Zeus, was the protector of the foreign. Greece has a long history of paying particular attention to the significance of the foreign person coming here. He has to be treated with respect. This has been a feature of modern Greece. Up to very recently.”



                            Sip’s group of African peddlers keeps wooden sticks and jagged chunks of tile at the ready, tucked in beside the university gate, in case racists show up looking for trouble. Shopkeeper Mohamed watches his back and thinks about returning to Bangladesh. Neither thinks Golden Dawn is going away. Neither does Golden Dawn.



                            “The time for fear has come for those who betrayed this homeland,” Michaloliakos said to conclude his post-election speech in May. “We are coming! That’s all I have to say.”
                            "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                            GOTSE DELCEV

                            Comment

                            • George S.
                              Senior Member
                              • Aug 2009
                              • 10116

                              Janissary Traianos Dellas/Nedelkov may enter Greek Parliament



                              Thursday, 01 March 2012



                              According to information coming out of Athens, there will be another ethnic Macedonian that is likely to enter Greek Parliament. It's famous football player Traianos Dellas, whose original last name is Nedelkov and is well known for his hatred towards Macedonia despite both of his parents being ethnic Macedonians. 'Dellas' grew up speaking Macedonian, but today similarly to former PM Karamanlis is the biggest "Greek" of all.



                              However, Dellas would not be the only ethnic Macedonian MP in Athens. Another Macedonian MP in Greek Parliament is Aggelos Tolkas, who just few days ago was attacked at a Restaurant in Negush (Naoussa) for voting 'yes' for Greece's austerity measures. The mob attacked mostly his food, according to local reports Tolkas had his meal stolen.



                              Tolkas' family hails from Veshtica (Agelohori) where the main language spoken is Macedonian. He too, just like his family speaks Macedonian. During the election campaign, when needing votes, Tolkas was known to visit Macedonian villages in the Negush region and mingle with locals who in turn saw him as "their own".



                              Tolkas was very clever and spoke Macedonian only when needed, i.e. when he needed votes for Parliament. He never was involved or helped ethnic Macedonians who waged battles in and outside of Greek Parliament for more rights. His re-election is now very much in doubt. Greeks saw him as a sell out, while the Macedonians were very disappointed with his attitude towards them once he was elected.



                              Although Tolkas was of no help to the Macedonians, he was no match for another ethnic Macedonian Stelious Papathemelis who was one of the most famous jannisary against the Macedonians in Greece.



                              Papathemelis was born in the village of Visoka, near Solun. In 1928 Athens ironically changed the name of the village by giving it another Macedonian name (Osa).



                              Papathemelis was a Minister in multiple PASOK Governments. His most famous statement is "If Skopjans feel they are Macedonians, then they are Greeks, only Greeks are Macedonians". <-- This came from an ethnic Macedonian in Greece.



                              Papathemelos was replaced by another ethnic Macedonian, Yorgos Tanos who was born in the village of Javoreni (Platani). More Macedonians from the Voden and Lerin (Florina) region were involved in Greek politics - Traianos Petkanis born in Ovcarani and Pavlos Altinis from Gorno Vrbeni, however none managed to climb higher on the ladder.



                              The Mayor of Lerin (Florina) today, Yiannis Voskopoulos is by far the most interesting case of all. He is first cousin of none other but Pavle Filipov Voskopoulos who is the leading Macedonian activist in Greece and member of Vinozhito.



                              Pavle, of course has stated publicly on many occasions that he is an ethnic Macedonian, has even gotten few minutes of air time on Greek national TV. Yiannis on the other hand speaks fluent Macedonian (just like his cousin) and has stated publicly that he is a Greek and there is no such thing as Macedonians.



                              Talk about a man without a soul!?



                              Lastly, footballer Traianos Dellas/Nedelkov, another ethnic Macedonian who is well known to the Macedonian public after controversial remarks at a press conference during UEFA Cup match between AS Roma and FC Vardar.



                              When asked about his origins by a Macedonian journalist (in Macedonian), Dellas/Nedelkov didn't wait for a translation, but answered that he was Greek and is aware of only 'Greek Macedonia'.



                              Traianos has been offered an MP seat with the LAOS party, so we may have another Macedonian Janissary in Greek Parliament. It seems that everyone, Dellas included will end up where they need to end up. //Mile Velkovski, contributor - Jorgos Papadakis
                              "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                              GOTSE DELCEV

                              Comment

                              • George S.
                                Senior Member
                                • Aug 2009
                                • 10116

                                Address by the President of the Greek Republic Karolos Papoulias to President of the Republic of Bulgaria Mr. Rosen Plevneliev during a formal dinner at the Presidential Palace



                                04/07/2012



                                President of the Republic of Bulgaria,



                                I am delighted to welcome you to Athens, and members of the Bulgarian delegation accompanying you on your first visit to my country.



                                Your visit gives us the opportunity to reaffirm, once again, the excellent level of our bilateral relations and discuss a series of critical European, regional and international issues.



                                It is my firm belief that a close and sincere cooperation between our two countries contributes significantly to stability, security and development in Southeast Europe.

                                Greece and Bulgaria have developed excellent and multifaceted cooperation in all fields. The holding of the first Supreme Council of Cooperation between Greece and Bulgaria in July 2010, in Sofia marked the beginning of the strategic cooperation between the two countries. We look forward now to the second edition of the Supreme Council hope that the preparations for the conduct will begin soon.



                                Bulgaria is an important trading partner for Greece. Despite the current difficult economic situation, which the Greek people trying to make great sacrifices to overcome, progress has been made in bilateral economic and trade relations are reasonable. I note with satisfaction that in 2011, the volume of our bilateral trade increased by 18% and reached 2.4 billion, compared to 2.028 billion euros in 2010. The upward trend recorded in the volume of bilateral trade can and should be continued and strengthened.

                                Particularly pleased to note the steady growth of tourism between our countries which, beyond the purely economic dimension, contributes decisively to the further consolidation of contacts between our citizens.



                                Equally satisfying is the way of our cooperation in the field of culture. I consider it important to make every effort to ensure that the current adverse financial situation does not hamper the further development of cultural relations.



                                Our two countries have embarked on a mutually beneficial cooperation in the energy sector. Greece considers particularly important to promote our cooperation in major energy projects, such as gas transmission and interconnection of energy networks.



                                H implementation of gas pipeline Interconnector Greece Bulgaria (IGB) and the construction of gas pipeline South Stream can bring multiple benefits to both countries. In addition, we wish to promote cooperation between institutions of both countries in the field of Renewable Energy.

                                Regarding the construction of the Burgas - Alexandroupolis, I would like to stress that Greece maintains a close interest in its implementation. It is a strategic choice, a task that with political will could be completed quickly and to strengthen its strategic energy position of our two countries.



                                Mr. President,



                                I would like to highlight the active participation and constructive cooperation initiatives and to regional cooperation: the Southeast European Cooperation Process, the Regional Cooperation Council and the Trilateral Cooperation Initiative, we have developed with neighboring Romania.



                                The Cooperation between Greece, Bulgaria and Romania, to be strengthened, a useful platform for exchanging views on regional and European issues of common interest. At this point I would like to stress that Greece has demonstrated over time the practice of solidarity towards Bulgaria in seeking you to join Schengen.



                                Since 2003 the summit in Thessaloniki, Greece has supported and continues to actively and consistently supported the European course and the final integration of the Western Balkans into the European Union.



                                With the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, our position remains constructive and stable. The monopolization of the term Macedonia and its derivatives in the name of the state, ethnicity and language does not reflect the reality of the region. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia has accepted the obligation to negotiate to find a mutually acceptable definitive name. Consistent with the Security Council resolution, the name will not only international or for partial use. It is a name with a geographical qualifier for all uses. The Skopje insist ideology of Makedonism, so will keep the door closed and NATO accession process to the EU frozen.



                                Mr. President,



                                A few days ago, at a critical period of European developments, Cyprus assumed the Presidency of the European Union. I would like to wish you success in Cyprus Presidency. I am sure that Cyprus, with its experience, will achieve significant and tangible results on the critical issues facing the European Union.



                                Greece, for its part, will continue to support the negotiating process for a viable and functional solution that is fully compatible with acquis. A solution that will respect the basic democratic principles, human rights and the rule of law. Without permanent derogations. Without the army of occupation. Without jobs and guarantors.



                                The assumption of the presidency provides an opportunity for Turkey to reach a new base in Cyprus. To recognize the Cyprus Republic and apply the same signed by the Ankara protocol on customs union. It is a practical step towards the normalization of EU-Turkish relations.



                                Mr. President,



                                In conclusion, I want to say that Greece and Bulgaria have common concerns and common vision for the countries and peoples of our region. Our constant aim must be to ensure peace, stability, development and social cohesion for the benefit of us all. To this end we will work with all our might.



                                With these thoughts and the belief that your visit to Greece is very useful and productive, I raise my glass and wish you health and happiness to you personally, like all progress and prosperity in the neighboring and friendly people of Bulgaria.
                                "Ido not want an uprising of people that would leave me at the first failure, I want revolution with citizens able to bear all the temptations to a prolonged struggle, what, because of the fierce political conditions, will be our guide or cattle to the slaughterhouse"
                                GOTSE DELCEV

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